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wolfgang von skeptik
01-28-2008, 01:42 AM
Full title: The Subjugation of the U.S. Working Class: Statistics, Analysis, Narrative

(As promised a week ago to Eattherich and Kid of the Black Hole, and as an upraised-fist Red Salute -- decades-overdue -- to B.H. in grateful acknowledgment of lessons only now fully learned)

Part One

Probably the one point upon which we socialists are sure to agree is that in the United States of America, We the People of the Working Class are being methodically stripped of our rights and livelihoods. Not only are we increasingly oppressed; it is ever more apparent our oppressors intend to reduce us to a degree of subjugation unknown in the Western World since the time of the Czars of Russia.

Most of us recognize that one of the mechanisms of our oppression is the fact there is no meaningful difference between the Republican and Democratic parties. Thus we are effectively disenfranchised: each party represents the Ruling Class and the Ruling Class only -- and each party governs accordingly.

The Republicans are ever more openly tyrannical. The Democrats -- though they hide their intentions behind media smokescreens of Big Lies and disinformation -- are no less despotic. And this is nothing new. From 1964 on, the ultimate message of every national election -- including the Congressional elections in the years the Democrats lost the presidency -- has been that the Democratic Party will clandestinely inflict on us the same tyrannies to which the Republican Party is overtly pledged.

For example, in 1964 the warmonger Johnson won the presidency by presenting himself as a personification of the quest for world peace. Then, only 11 days after his inauguration, Johnson revealed his true colors in what has become a trademark Democratic act of betrayal: he ordered full-scale war against the Vietnamese people.

Since then, the one unvarying truth of U.S. politics is that the Democrats are deceivers and betrayers -- fraudsters who mobilize us in the name of “change” and energize us with chants of “yes we can,” then knife us in our collective backs with post-election edicts of “no you can’t.”

Worse, the Democrats afflict us with the wrenching anguish of shattered hopes -- as if their secret intent is to repeatedly cripple us with demoralizing proof of our own powerlessness.

Indeed it seems the sole purpose of the Democratic Party today is telling the biggest Big Lie of all -- fabricating an illusion of choice and thereby maintaining the ever-more-glaring falsehood of U.S. liberty.

Yet as obvious as this indictment may be, we are seldom allowed the opportunity to bolster it with irrefutable evidence.

However in the cold, undisputable reality of numbers -- most of it data still published in the Statistical Abstract of the United States and all of it footnoted by links within each section below -- is absolute proof of the extent to which we have been disenfranchised and defrauded by the two-party system.

That said, let me caution that this effort is preliminary in every sense of the word -- a first attempt, severely foreshortened by available time, to muster available evidence to cut through Big Lies in Democratic and U.S. propaganda. Within the limits of time and ability, I have done my very best to ascertain these numbers are quoted correctly -- that is, not marred by dyslexic transpositions or arthritic-finger typos -- though any errors nevertheless remain my own, and I therefore apologize for them in advance.

Mostly though I welcome any assistance, corrections or criticism in what I hope will be an ongoing project: yet another expression of our desperate need in the United States for a true Party of the Working Class.

***

At the time affirmative action was created by the Civil Rights Act of 1964, males were the primary breadwinners in all U.S. racial groups. Affirmative action was thus clearly intended to benefit African-American males. All to that effect, the measure's enactment was accompanied by a great outpouring of self-congratulation and propagandistic boasting: now in the workplace as well as at the lunch counter, black men were to be “free at last.”

But the Statistical Abstract of the United States, the nation’s ultimate authority on socioeconomic data, discloses the extent to which this is another Big Lie -- especially a Democratic Party Big Lie.

Almost from its beginning, affirmative action was deftly manipulated to produce an outcome radically different from the program's stated intent. In fact, affirmation action is facilitating the victimization of black males by permanently ousting them from the workplace -- chiefly to the benefit of white women.

Here are the damning statistics, presented in narrative form for ease of comprehension:

In 1960, 80.1 percent of the adult black-male population (for this purpose defined as age 16 and above), was part of the workforce -- that is, the people with jobs (including military service) or available for work.

By 2005, only 67.3 percent of the nation’s adult black males were part of the workforce. This is a 45-year decline of 12.8 percent.

In 1960, 36.0 percent of the nation’s adult white female population was part of the workforce.

By 2005, the participation of this demographic group in the workforce had grown to 58.9 percent. In other words, 58.9 percent of all adult white females (again for these purposes age 16 and above) were either working or seeking work -- a 45-year increase of 22.9 percent.

African-American females have also benefited from affirmative action, but not to the dramatic extent white females have. In 1960, 47.2 percent of the adult black female population were part of the workforce. By 2005, 61.6 percent were part of the workforce -- an increase of 14.4 percent.

The employment of white males meanwhile is also shrinking: 82.6 percent of the adult white male population in 1960, 74.1 percent of this demographic group in 2005, a reduction of 8.5 percent.

To summarize: from 1960 through 2005, participation of adult black males in the U.S. workforce was reduced by 12.8 percent, while participation of white males was reduced by 8.2 percent. Meanwhile during the same period white female participation was increased 22.9 percent while black female participation was raised by 14.4 percent.

The 22.9 percent addition of white females to the workforce represents a disproportionately larger number of jobs than the addition of 14.4 percent more black females. In 1960 there were 20.1 million white females in the workforce; by 2005, 58.9 million. By comparison, in 1960 there were 3.1 million black females in the workforce; in 2005 there were 9 million

These trends have been statistically evident at least since the Carter years. If the Democrats are the “party of racial quality,” why are they not protesting this wholesale betrayal of affirmative action?

Indeed, if the Democrats are as claimed, why did the Clinton Administration -- in response to angry complaints by African-Americans and strident demands for censorship by closet-racist white feminists -- alter the Abstract's presentation of statistics?

(I remember the associated controversy rather vividly: during the ‘90s it produced an outpouring of “we’re-not-racist” diatribes by various white feminist ideologues, this as someone in the House of Clinton -- my guess would be Hillary herself -- finally moved to suppress the evidence to the contrary.)

In any case, and obviously to hide the magnitude of the betrayal -- that is, the extent to which white women had stolen a program intended to help black men -- the categorizations of the workforce by race and gender were carefully separated in the Abstract editions from 1997 through 2000.

Because of this separation, the extent to which white women were benefiting from affirmative action was hidden: the public was allowed to see merely that the overall percentage by which males participated in the workforce was declining as the female percentage increased -- not how this was affecting the individual races. The Bush Administration changed the format back to its original -- white male/white female; black male/black female -- perhaps the one honest thing the Bush Administration has ever done.

Sources: Statistical Abstract of the United States; section, “Labor Force, Employment and Earnings”; table: “Labor Force and Participation Rates by Race, Sex and Age” (all editions from 1960 through 2007, spot checks of 1967, 1977, 1987, 2007 editions):

http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/

***

The probable reason the Ruling Class is making room for so many more white women in its workplace is reflected in statistics and supportive narrative that demonstrate the extent to which white females are the least likely of all demographic groups to belong to unions and are the most likely to resist unionization.

This is so true it has become axiomatic among labor activists of both genders that white women -- particularly white women who identify with the bourgeoisie -- are by far the most difficult women to organize. It is also axiomatic that such white women are the most likely to betray solidarity by giving their support to decertification and other forms of union-busting -- though for obvious reasons this bitter reality is acknowledged only privately and behind closed doors. Nevertheless the statistical confirmation is undeniable: in the year 2005, only 10.5 percent of the white female workforce belonged to unions.

By comparison, that same year 15.6 percent of the black men belonged to unions -- which surely gives the Ruling Class a powerful motive for decreasing the percentage of African-American workforce males it actually allows to get jobs.

Again in 2006, 13.7 percent of the black women and 12.8 percent of the white men belonged to unions.

All these numbers come from federal Department of Labor sources in the 2008 Statistical Abstract of the United States, “Labor Force, Employment and Earnings,” Table 643: “Union Members by Selected Characteristics.” This data is linked here:

http://www.census.gov/prod/2007pubs/08a ... /labor.pdf (http://www.census.gov/prod/2007pubs/08abstract/labor.pdf)

Analysis of the same tabular data across the span of 25 years reveals how the Ruling Class war against unionism is not only lowering the pay of the entire Working Class but also dramatically widening the pay-gaps between whites and minorities as well as between men and women.

In 1983, 27.2 percent of the African-American workforce was unionized, as was 19.3 percent of the white workforce. The black-white pay gap -- the difference in weekly earnings based on median incomes -- was $58 ($319 per week for whites, $261 per week for blacks).

In 1996, with black union membership reduced to 18.9 percent and white membership reduced to 14.0 percent of the workforce, the pay-gap had slightly more than doubled to $119 ($506 per week for whites, $387 for blacks).

By 2006 -- the last year for which complete figures are available -- black union membership had been reduced to 14.5 percent of the workforce while white union membership shrank even further to 11.7 percent. The black-white pay gap had meanwhile widened further to $136 ($690 per week for whites, $554 per week for blacks).

The male-female pay differential has likewise expanded, though not nearly so dramatically as the black-white gap. The same tabular data -- 1883, 1996 and 2006 -- shows a 1983 difference of $126, this based on the same median weekly income figures ($378 for men, $252 for women).

By 1996 the gap had widened to $139 ($557 for men, $418 for women). By 2006 it was $143 ($743 for men, $600 for women).

Converting these numbers into percentages gives damning evidence of the extent to which the war on unions is in fact a war on African-Americans. Between 1983 and 2006, the black-white pay gap increased 135 percent ($163-$58=$78/$58=1.34482).

By comparison, the male-female pay gap expanded only 14 percent ($143-$126=$17/$126=.13492) during the same 25-year period.

Sources: Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2008 and 1996, “Labor Force, Employment and Earnings”; tables entitled “Union Members by Selected Characteristics,” 1983 and 1996 (combined) and 2006. The link is here:

http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/

***

A similar pattern is evident in healthcare statistics, including the fact that the war on the poor -- euthanasia by denial of health care -- is disproportionately a war on African-Americans.

Not surprisingly, these figures are a bit more difficult to obtain: in service to its Big Business masters, the U.S. government has long tried to conceal the real and growing destitution of the Working Class population. Not until 1980 did Statistical Abstract begin disclosing the percentages of people who lack health insurance -- a practice promptly discontinued by the Reagan Administration. Reporting the percentages was restored in 1985. From 1985 on -- though never in any of the years before -- the percentages were also broken down by race and gender.

In 1976, the first year for which any such figure is available, 10.2 percent of the total population lacked health insurance.

By 1985, the total uninsured population had grown to 13.3 percent; 12.4 percent of the white population lacked insurance, as did 9.3 percent of the black population.

In 1995 the uninsured population had expanded again: 15.4 percent of the total population lacked insurance; 14.2 percent of the white population was uninsured while 21.0 percent of the black population had no health insurance.

But after the Bush Administration took office, the federal government data on uninsured people begin to conflict with data from other sources.

According to the Bush Statistical Abstract, in 2005 15.3 percent of the population was uninsured; the percentage of the uninsured white population had risen to 14.4, while the uninsured portion of the black population had allegedly (and inexplicably) dropped to 19.0 percent. The 2005 figures are in the 2008 edition of the Abstract and are claimed to be the latest available.

By contrast, the Kaiser Family Foundation -- generally considered the most reliable source of health-care statistics in the nation -- says that in 2006, 17.9 percent of the total non-elderly population was uninsured. (The “non-elderly” definition is to prevent Medicare -- for which virtually all elderly citizen are eligible -- from artificially inflating the percentages of people with insurance.)

The Kaiser figure is unquestionably the more accurate one: it reflects continuation of the trend, evident more than 20 years ago, of an economy deliberately designed to deny healthcare to increasing numbers of Working Class people.

Kaiser’s numbers also show how devastating the denial is to African-Americans. Again in 2006, 21.8 percent of non-elderly blacks were denied health insurance -- nearly twice the 12.8 percent of the white population that was without such insurance.

Because healthcare in the U.S. is a privilege accorded only by wealth (and not the civil right it is everywhere else in the developed world), the only way a Working Class person can achieve guaranteed access to healthcare is via a unionized workplace.

Hence the huge decline in unionism -- a decline particularly hurtful to black males -- is also a radical decline in the percentage of the Working Class population allowed health insurance.

Comparative statistics show this clearly.

In 1985, when 18 percent of the workforce was unionized, 13 percent of the population lacked health insurance. In 1995, after the unionized percentage of the workforce was reduced to 14.9 percent, 15.4 percent of the population was without health insurance. By 2004, with the percentage of unionized workers further reduced to 12.5, 17.9 percent of the population lacked health insurance.

The harsh impact of de-unionization on African-Americans is also statistically evident.

In 1985, 24.3 percent of the black workforce was represented by unions, and 9.3 of the black population lacked health insurance. By 2004, with black unionism reduced to 16.7 percent of the workforce, fully 21.8 percent of the black population had no health insurance.

References:

Statistical Abstract of the relevant years, 1980, 1987, 1996, 2006; “Health and Nutrition“: table, 1980, “Public and Private Health Care Coverage by Family Income and Age, 1976”; tables “Health Insurance Data by Selected Characteristics,” all other years cited. “Labor Force, Employment and Earnings, ” tables, “Union Members, by Selected Characteristics,” all years cited:

http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/

The Uninsured/A Primer/ Key Facts about Americans without Health Insurance, Table 1 (Page 30), Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured, Kaiser family Foundation, 2007:

http://www.kff.org/uninsured/upload/7451-03.pdf

Reproductive choice in the U.S. is also determined by wealth, and here too -- despite loud and braying pronouncements to the contrary -- the Democrats have proved as hostile to "choice" as the Republicans, with the burden of Democratic hostility to reproductive rights falling entirely on the Working Class.

The Democrats' gradually escalating war on Working-Class access to birth control began in 1977, when Carter banned all federally funded abortions -- not just another classic Democratic betrayal, but undying proof that (behind his carefully cultivated pre-election camouflage of pseudo-liberalism), Carter is as fanatically vicious an advocate of theocracy as any other Christian fundamentalist.

In subsequent years, the birth control available to women without health insurance has been increasingly limited to abstinence only, which at the very least proves Democrat collaboration in the Republican project of transforming the U.S. into a biblical dictatorship.

The Clintons have shown themselves to be especially vicious toward the Working Class. Sophisticated political operatives that they are, it is impossible their 1994 “universal health insurance” debacle was anything less than deliberate sabotage -- sabotage from which Hillary is now reaping huge profits:

As First Lady, Clinton’s high-profile bid to usher in universal healthcare was an exercise in jump-starting her own political career. The plan was doomed to fail by her elitist refusal to collaborate with individuals already working on the issue, in order to corner the fanfare. Even more key was her unwillingness to launch the necessary fight with the healthcare profiteers. In the end, the woeful HMO system was only strengthened, and today the medical industry is donating more to her than to any other presidential contender.

From: Freedom Socialist, Vol. 28, No. 5, October-November 2007: Lois Danks, “Hillary Clinton: two X-chromosomes do not a feminist candidate make!”:

http://www.socialism.com/fsarticles/vol ... inton.html (http://www.socialism.com/fsarticles/vol28no5/28513RWclinton.html)

Meanwhile the Democrats’ votes for the union-busting, downsizing and outsourcing mandated by the World Trade Organization (WTO), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) and all other such treaties continue to throw millions of Working Class Americans out of work and into inescapable poverty -- knowingly vicious imposition of endless wretchedness that of course includes denial of health insurance.

Which means, among other things, still more denial of any effective birth control method save abstinence.

Votes for so-called “free trade” are therefore as much “anti-choice” as any vote to ban birth control and abortion outright -- an especially ugly truth now underscored by the skyrocketing U.S. birth rate.

From: Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 16 January 2008, Mike Stobbe (Associated Press Medical Writer), “Against the trend, U.S. births way up”:

http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/ ... source=rss (http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/1110ap_baby_boomlet.html?source=rss)

(Unfortunately this is only complete or nearly complete version of the Associated Press report I could find -- “unfortunately” because daily newspaper links typically die in a couple of weeks or a month, so it will eventually need to be replaced by a link to a more enduring variant of the story.)

Loren Bliss
19-27 January 2008

(Continued in Part Two)

_________
Edit: corrected per the Kid, with thanks.

Kid of the Black Hole
01-28-2008, 02:18 AM
Hey Wolf, I'd almost forgotten you'd promised to deliver this but you were true to your word that it'd be up by Sunday :)

I'm going to dig into this more tomorrow, but I think I found one minor typo so far:


By 1996 the gap had widened to $139 ($557 for men, $418 for women). By 1906 it was $143 ($743 for men, $600 for women).

The bolded 1906 should be 2006

Excellent work here

wolfgang von skeptik
01-28-2008, 02:30 AM
The Subjugation of the U.S. Working Class: Statistics, Analysis, Narrative

(As promised a week ago to Eattherich and Kid of the Black Hole, and as an upraised-fist Red Salute -- decades-overdue -- to B.H. in grateful acknowledgment of lessons only now fully learned)

Part Two

To provide some perspective for those who were not in the workplace during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, here is a summation of my own encounters with white feminist anti-unionism:

First though let me stress that, far as I can tell -- this based not only on personal observation but long acquaintances with a few union officials and additional confirmation by diverse statistics -- women of whatever race who identify themselves as Working Class tend to be fiercely PRO-union.

By contrast, white women who identify themselves as “professional” or “upper-middle class” (or label themselves by whatever other euphemism for “bourgeois” happens to be in style), are typically just as venomously anti-union as any hard-right Republican.

Indeed the more savagely these women are exploited in the workplace, the more their hatred of unions seems to intensify -- a phenomenon well known to labor organizers and one I have several times witnessed firsthand.

Nevertheless these same women are most often self-proclaimed “lifelong Democrats” -- the very constituency now predictably flocking to Hillary Clinton -- as mindlessly fanatical in their devotion to the Democratic Party as they are in vindictive denial of its function as a facilitator of oppression.

My encounters with the anti-unionism of such women -- anti-unionism invariably rationalized as expressions of feminism -- were all in the context of my journalism career, which spanned the era newspaper journalism itself was undergoing a wrenching involuntary transformation.

Newspaper reporting was originally a somewhat disreputable and notoriously free-thinking occupation dominated by the sons and daughters of the Working Class, many of us Marxists or at least socialists, often leaning far left as much by instinct as ideology.

But during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s -- entirely through conquest by corporate monopolies -- journalistic working conditions and the work of journalism itself were being forcibly changed into their intellectual, aesthetic and even metaphysical opposites.

Thus newsrooms formerly noted for their iconoclastic solidarity were methodically terrorized into typically cringing corporate offices, no different from any other Big Business endeavor -- complete with all the fear and paranoia generated by the vicious brown-nosing, back-stabbing and tale-tattling that characterize the bourgeois or non-union workplace.

In class-struggle terms, the sons and daughters of the white Working Class were being ousted to make room for the daughters and sons of the white bourgeoisie.*

A colleague of mine -- formerly a bold and enterprising reporter -- describes the results vividly:

“One of the main reasons I went into journalism was because I didn’t want to work in an insurance office. But now (since the monopoly took over) it’s the insurance office from hell. We’re not allowed to write anything significant. We’re all on story quotas for Chrissake -- we’re reduced to production-line workers, just pounding out copy to fill the spaces between the advertisements -- and you don’t dare complain because somebody will invariably rat you out. So I just shut the fuck up and keep my head down and do my job…The only thing I care about any more is hanging on ‘til I can retire.”

Feminists were typically the shock troops of this Big Business onslaught -- which thanks to the taboos of political correctness and the feminist-movement’s own penchant for suppressing the darker aspects of its history has remained one of the major untold stories of the 20th Century.

In two instances of which I know personally, and dozens more of which I heard, feminists betrayed American Newspaper Guild locals (the Guild is the AFL/CIO union) and negotiated directly with employers, eventually resulting in representational elections that invariably decertified the bargaining units. According to a Guild official with whom I spoke in the early-1990s, at least 75 percent of that era’s decertifications were similarly imposed. “Feminism,” he said, “was the worst thing that ever happened to the Guild.”

For the feminists, the reward for anti-union treachery included “compensatory promotion” -- instant elevation of woefully unseasoned female reporters into editorships that hitherto had been achieved only after years, even decades of hard work and experience.

For the bosses, the triumph was even greater: the banishment of the old-style editors and the reduction of labor costs accordingly.

Often starting their careers as copy boys or copy girls and always having come up through the ranks, the old-style editors typically retained an unflinching loyalty to the Guild despite their definitively anti-worker obligations to higher management. Not infrequently such editors even functioned as Guild moles, reinforcing newsroom solidarity by secretly informing union officials whenever upper management plotted new or renewed oppressions.

But the feminists who replaced these editors had no such ties: archetypically bourgeois and characteristically vindictive, they were loyal only to themselves -- an amorality the Ruling Class could manipulate to whatever purpose it chose.

The class warfare that accompanied such battles was often disguised as generational conflict, but to any Marxist its class-origin was obvious.

For example, the older women on news staffs -- of the same Working Class origins as their male counterparts, themselves veterans of copy-girl-to-reporter, reporter-to-desk-editor struggle -- were Guild loyalists who from the very beginning recognized the feminists as bourgeois union-busters and resented their disruptions accordingly, sometimes with genuine fury.

As one of these older women -- that is, a woman of my own age -- said to me over Bloody Marys one night, the anti-union feminists were now showing their true identities: “country-club girls with all the usual sorority-house treachery.”

Significantly, the same pattern was evident in an unsuccessful organizing effort of which I was part: the older women had come up the proverbial ladder from Working-Class backgrounds, and all supported unionization -- this despite the fact a few were nominal Republicans.

The younger women -- all of them the products of journalism schools, all self-proclaimed feminists and Democrats -- regarded unions as anathema: “why should I have to pay dues just so some stinky-armpit gangster can hire a lawyer and get out of jail every time he beats his wife or rapes a little girl?” While years have no doubt diminished my exact recollection of the quote, its venom is accurately portrayed -- a specifically female variant of the anti-Working-Class hatred that consumes the entire Democratic Party as the enduring consequence of Vietnam: the bourgeois draft-dodger’s toxic hatred for the workers who fought the war or even served in wartime.

Indeed the analogy is infinitely revealing -- and just as infinitely damning: from the perspective of the bourgeoisie, the union organizer and the serving soldier are each a mortal threat; each is seen as jeopardizing the material comforts and/or safety without which the bourgeoisie cannot live and which it therefore values more than life itself.

Perhaps even more than most castes, the bourgeoisie is terrified by the workplace relevance of a truth Leon Trotsky famously uttered. To paraphrase: “You may not be interested in class-struggle. But class-struggle is surely interested in you.”

__________________
*The gender reversal and racial dominance implicit in this sentence is statistically real, as is the unprecedented degree of pre-feminist newsroom gender equality implicit in the entire section: no theoretically "male" occupation was ever more welcoming to qualified women. Again turning to Statistical Abstract of the United States, in 1972, 41.1 percent of the nation's "editors and reporters" were female; 4.3 percent (males and females combined) were black. By 1979, 42.3 percent were female and 5.5 percent (both genders combined) were black. By 1988, 51.1 percent were female, but the percentage of blacks working as editors and reporters had been reduced -- no doubt in response to black support for newsroom unionism -- to only 4 percent, the lowest figure since the data was recorded. The 2006 data separates "editors" from "news analysts, reporters and correspondents"; the latter category was 53.4 percent female and 5.7 percent black, while "editors" were 53.7 percent female and 5.1 percent black. Sources: "Labor Force Employment & Earnings," 1980 (Table 697); 1990 (Table 645); 2006 (Table 598).

http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/

***

The racist truths and anti-union, anti-Working-Class bias revealed by these numbers, reports and recollections are underscored by the commentaries of feminists themselves.

Significantly, each of the five essays excerpted below either denounces or attempts to justify the U.S. feminist movement’s contempt for the Working Class, especially Working Class women. Not surprisingly, it is a contempt that explicitly includes union members and unions and is therefore (as the Part One data so vividly demonstrates), implicitly vicious toward African-Americans. Feminist opposition to economic democracy -- and corollary but less obvious opposition to all forms of economic justice for Working-Class women of all races -- is also implicit (and sometimes explicit) in all of the following. More to the point, this is but a Google-search sampling: there is a great deal more material just like it available online and in libraries..

Because the Democratic Party routinely proclaims itself the party of U.S. feminism -- because it is arguable white feminists have been THE dominant faction in the Democratic Party for at least three decades -- feminist attitudes toward the Working Class and organized labor in particular are strongly indicative of the party’s true ideology as well. It is an ideology repeatedly confirmed by Democratic support for anti-Working Class measures ranging from the various treaties expanding the Global Sweatshop Economy, to the re-imposition of indentured servitude via “bankruptcy reform“; from HR1955’s proposed criminalization of labor activism and all other forms of (formerly legal) protest, to the increasingly notorious euthanasia-by-poverty imposed by Medicare Part D, the Prescription Drug Lord Benefit.

Indeed the Drug Lord Benefit is especially instructive. The Democrats voted for it, then promised in 2006 to improve it. Finally -- in a pattern we should all by now recognize as not only typical but characteristic -- the Democrats betrayed us yet again: once in office, they didn’t even try to change Medicare Part D.

Now it is obvious Part D will never be reformed. The voting record linked here tells us that in 2006 the Democrats were Big Lying as usual -- that from 2003 onward, they had no intention of changing Part D:

http://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/r ... vote=00262 (http://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_lists/roll_call_vote_cfm.cfm?congress=108&session=1&vote=00262)

Note especially the yes-for-euthanasia votes of the Senate’s most stridently self-proclaimed feminists: Boxer, Cantwell, Feinstein, Mikulski, Murray, Stabenow. As if -- in desperate fear senior citizens’ vivid memories of radically better times will prove dangerously subversive -- they want us all in our graves as quickly as possible.

Thus it is clear no matter which faction of the Plutocrat Party rules the U.S. -- Democrats or Republicans -- the Drug Lord Benefit will continue euthanizing elderly and disabled people by denying us life-sustaining drugs even as it lines the pockets of the pharmaceutical barons and the Sultans of Sick with ever more corpse-wrought gold.

The material linked below is therefore particularly useful in understanding the Democratic Party’s breathtakingly sadistic yes-we-can (no-you-can’t) hypocrisy toward the Working Class. The party (1) identifies itself as the party of feminism and (2) proves by its voting record it is every bit as anti-Working-Class -- and thus predictably anti-union/anti-health-care/anti-black -- as its Republican fraternal twin, which thereby (3) exposes as the biggest Big Lie in history the party’s claim to represent “working families” in some now-entirely-fictional battle against capital -- a battle that (if it was ever fought at all) ended in 1945 with the death of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

***

The Marxist-feminist Jennifer Cotter describes some of the present-day expressions of U.S. feminism’s infinite contempt for the Working Class:

In a recent interview for Stacy Gillis et al's [/iThird Wave Feminism[i], Elaine Showalter's comments make the class interests of the contemporary "renewing" of feminist values even more stark. She argues that feminism "cannot pretend anymore that no women have power" (61-62). "Feminism," Showalter remarks, "has operated for several decades on an ethics of powerlessness" when, instead, for a feminism of the 21st century, "we need to investigate an ethics of power" (Gilles et al 61). Feminism as a critique of social inequality and economic injustice and the material relations that produce them, and as a mode of organizing to transform these relations, according to Showalter and a growing number of feminists, is over. It has become "out of date" in the face of women's achievements in leadership, government, and business. By focusing its critique on the way in which the existing social relations continue to oppress and exploit women, so this argument goes, feminism has gotten in the way of "making alliances" for real change. It is therefore time to "let go of feminism" (61-62). For Showalter, although "academics, social workers, and welfare mothers" may have "good ideas" they have no "real leverage" for making change and thus, she concludes, "I would invite some rich women to these discussions" (62). The (post-) feminism of today, she claims, needs to concern itself with "women who are powerful economically and politically as well as women who make things happen" (63).

It is, of course, not surprising to see Showalter, who has established herself as a "academic celebrity" in the pages of Vogue by defining the class privilege of some women to wear haute couture clothing as a feminist act, now define feminism as a means of intervening in the obstacles that stand in the way of the class interests of wealthy and powerful women ("The Professor Wore Prada"). Showalter's comments are notable, however, because they mark the degree to which many contemporary feminists have abandoned the principles of social transformation and materialist analysis of the oppression and exploitation of women that situates it as an effect of social relations and have increasingly moved toward the notion that women's material conditions of life are of their own making. Showalter's implication is that women—for example so called "welfare mothers"—are not oppressed and exploited by structurally unequal economic and social relations but by cultural values of "powerlessness"—what has been chastised in right-wing blogs such as Free Republic and American RealPolitik as a "culture of victimhood." In fact, Showalter's very use of the term "welfare mother" is an index of the degree to which many contemporary feminists—in the name of a "re-newed" feminism—have moved to the political and economic project of the right. For instance, Showalter's argument that it is "rich and powerful women" who will make all the difference for a 21st century feminism is identical to the strategies of the Bush administration and its tax laws, which give tax breaks to the wealthiest segments of the population. Like Showalter's view that it is wealthy and powerful women that will benefit the most exploited and oppressed segments of the female population, the defense of corporate welfare is, of course, that such tax breaks, by giving the most wealthy and powerful economic rewards, will "trickle down" in jobs, resources, health care provisions, etc. for working men and women who do not otherwise have access to wealth. What historical evidence has shown however, is that such "trickle down" measures have actually resulted in a massive transfer of wealth to the wealthiest segments of society—a transfer that has contributed to a situation in which, compared to 30 years ago, the income of the top 1% of the U.S. has grown from 133 times the bottom 20% to 189 times the bottom fifth ("Ever Higher" The Economist, 19 December 2004).

From The Red Critique, Winter/Spring 2007, “The ‘Crisis’ in Feminism and Labor in Transition” (emphasis added):

http://redcritique.org/WinterSpring2007 ... sition.htm (http://redcritique.org/WinterSpring2007/thecrisisinfeminismandlaborintransition.htm)

Despite its too-turgid prose and its academic style -- genuinely repugnant after weeks of reading Trotsky (who though he wrote in Russian is the best English-language political writer I have ever encountered) -- Cotter’s essay is the most important piece linked here.

Note too that -- given the white population’s ignorant, bigoted and incorrect assumption most welfare recipients are African-American (in truth they‘re white by nearly three to one) -- feminist Showalter’s employment of the term “welfare mother” is tantamount to race-baiting, no less toxic than belittling a black person as a nigger.

***

Feminists who ignore class-struggle continue to attack unions, this time not for sweaty-armpit gangsterism -- presumably modern deodorants have combined with the popularity of The Sopranos to alleviate that concern -- but for unionism’s alleged indifference to women’s issues.

The Australian feminist Justine Kamprad -- a self-proclaimed factory-worker and union member -- spits on solidarity to publicize her grievances:

To really understand the role of women in the work force, unionists must first understand that women are oppressed as a sex and that the unequal relations between men and women in society cannot be ignored while dealing with the problems women workers face in paid work. Women must deal with issues of reproductive freedom, child-care, care for the elderly, domestic tasks and so much more.

From Green Left, 1 November 2000, “and ain't i a woman?: Women, unions and discrimination” (sic).

http://www.greenleft.org.au/2000/426/22486

Writing as a union loyalist, I would argue most emphatically that the proper place to voice such criticism is in a union meeting -- not in a public journal from which the Ruling Class can instantly convert it into anti-union propaganda. Thus Kamprad reveals her true colors, serving the forces of oppression even as she self-righteously pretends to do the opposite.

***

Then there’s this from an academic feminist’s denunciation of a successful organizing effort among Working Class women in Canada:

The lack of understanding of gender relations in the workplace left the organizers overly confident that union representation would lead to “justice and equality for all,” as promised in a leaflet distributed at the plant on May 16. They advertised traditional union policies and practices —e.g., clearly defined rules and procedures, seniority rights, and job evaluation— as solutions to favouritism and unfairness, but were unaware of the ways these commonly used bargaining strategies tend to reinforce discriminatory managerial practices such as job segregation by gender and low pay for “women’s work.” Thus, the promise of “fair rates for various job classes” touted in a leaflet distributed on May 28 did not apply to the packager position. Because the benchmark in this union/industry was “men’s work,” the considerable skill, effort, and responsibility entailed in the packager job, and its centrality to the firm’s business, were largely invisible. The staff representative responsible for negotiations described the job as “simple...not a complex job as far as the auto industry goes,” an interpretation that suggests that union representation will do little to challenge the particularly low pay of the majority of the women in this workplace. Pay equity was not an issue in the campaign nor was it mentioned in the first collective agreement.

From “Connecting Women with Unions What Are the Issues?,” by Anne Forrest, Industrial Relations, 2001, Vol. 56 Nr. 4:

http://www.erudit.org/revue/ri/2001/v56/n4/000101ar.pdf

Were Forrest critiquing a failed representational effort, her comments would be relevant, perhaps even vital. But in the given context they are both an attack on unions and on the political consciousness of the Working Class, the latter condemned, albeit subtly, for its (incipiently Marxist) belief that economic relationships trump considerations of gender.

***

And finally there is this two-way slap in the face, which (1) proves that even in our strongest unions, the national drive toward the infinitely vicious misogynism of Abrahamic theocracy threatens to trump solidarity 24/7/365 even as it (2) shows that at least some of the feminist distrust of unions is probably justified but (3) demonstrates by its misleading, “gotcha” nature (note below the contrary but carefully downplayed report from The Lansing State Journal) that feminist anti-unionism is as nastily alive today as it was when I encountered it during the epic Guild struggles of the ‘70s, ‘80s and ‘90s:

In response to an outcry from anti-abortion union members, the United Auto Workers dropped their request for elective abortion coverage in contract negotiations with Detroit's automakers. The UAW had asked for coverage of birth control and voluntary or elective abortions in their health care benefits during their confidential contract negotiations with DaimlerChrysler AG's Chrysler Group, Ford Motors, Visteon, General Motors, and Delphi. The Detroit Free Press reports that the UAW had quietly asked for elective abortion coverage in the past, and President Ron Gettelfinger was angry that both union and company sources had leaked the proposal to the news for the first time. When the proposal was leaked, anti-abortion worker groups and individuals contacted the UAW and the automakers to voice their opposition and they circulated petitions among workers, The Free Press continued.

The Lansing State Journal reports that the provision adding health care coverage of contraceptive medication and devices remains in the final contract that workers are currently voting on. According to Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA), women of reproductive age throughout the US continue to pay more out-of-pocket health care costs than men because of reproductive health expenses not covered by insurance plans.

Media Resources: Detroit Free Press 9/25/03; Lansing State Journal 9/24/03; Kaiser Daily Reproductive Health Report 9/26/03

From Feminist Daily Newswire, Feminist Majority Foundation, 29 September 2003:

http://www.feminist.org/news/newsbyte/p ... sp?id=8070 (http://www.feminist.org/news/newsbyte/printnews.asp?id=8070)

***

It was NOT ever thus. All the feminist-activists I knew personally -- including a few of the bold cadrewomen who birthmothered the entire feminist renaissance of the 1960s -- were Marxists. More than one told me they had embraced feminism in the belief women would be the easier gender to organize into a force for revolutionary change. Indeed it is a tribute to the socialist vision at the core of the early feminist movement that many feminists anticipated the danger of bourgeois co-optation at least as early as 1972:

(T)he women's movement is currently divided. In most places it is broken into small groups which are hard to find, hard to join, and hard to understand politically. At the same time, conservative but organizationally clever entrepreneurs are attaching themselves to the movement, and are beginning to determine the politics of large numbers of people. If our movement is to survive, let alone flourish, it is time to begin to organize for power. We need to turn consciousness into action, choose priorities for our struggles, and win. To do this we need a strategy. (Emphasis added.)

[…]

In America, our culture so reflects the ideas of those in power that it is often difficult to identify who the enemy is. The opposition seems to be all encompassing and everywhere, hard to pinpoint in origins or basics. The ruling class, so reinforced, often appears as a monolith of control. However, as feminists and as socialists we are able to analyze the basic structures of society and how these are used to oppress women. This focus on power provides a framework for analyzing how power relations can be altered.

[…]

We fear that the women's liberation movement may die. How can we survive struggling for five, ten or more years without organizations larger than ourselves to carry on? More conservative efforts will be able to claim our victories and attract women and resources unless we offer our own organizational alternative. They will set the tone and the agenda for the movement and it will no longer be ours.

From Socialist Feminism: a Strategy for the Women’s Movement. This is a 1972 document preserved in Duke University’s archives. It’s full text is available here:

http://odyssey.lib.duke.edu/wlm/socialist/


The poignancy of this manifesto -- its tone all too reminiscent of some final dispatch from a Red outpost seconds before it was over-run by fascists -- literally brought tears to my eyes.

Reading it -- which I strongly recommend we all do (its sadly anonymous authors were much better writers than Cotter) -- also reminded me of conversations with a long-lost but once infinitely dear friend, the midwife of women’s liberation in a rural Pacific Northwestern college town.

The two of us often met to converse over pitchers of Heidelberg in a ratty saloon that had originally served gnarly prospectors bound for the Yukon gold rush. Today the place is gone, a long-banished oasis nearly forgotten even in local legend, and in the time of which I am writing it was already in its final geriatric afflictions, barely sustained by a small but clockwork-regular clientele of ancient Wobblies and aging Lincoln Battalion veterans, these fading ghosts of other failed revolutions momentarily reanimated by newcomer Back-to-the-Land Movement communards and people like myself and the woman on the other side of the narrow plank top-table in the darkest rearmost booth, the two of us leaning toward each other and talking in almost-whispers, the amber beerlight intensifying the copper color of her close-cropped hair.

A mutual acquaintance once laughingly observed of our meetings, “whenever you two get together you always look like revolutionary conspirators in some Russian novel,” but there was unintentional truth in his facetiousness. For it was during one of those conversations my friend’s chestnut-brown eyes suddenly clouded with rage as she spoke words I have never forgotten: “Under capitalism every one of us, woman or man, is exactly like a beaten wife -- bleeding to death and screaming with pain but terrified to rise up against the motherfucker who’s killing her.”

You summed up capitalism more succinctly than anyone before or since, tovarishcha, and I wish you the very best wherever you may be.

Loren Bliss
19-27 January 2008

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Edit: typo