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View Full Version : US has “Plan B” to keep combat troops in Iraq after August



chlamor
02-25-2010, 08:03 AM
Top general reveals
US has “Plan B” to keep combat troops in Iraq after August
By Patrick Martin
25 February 2010

In an apparent effort to prepare US and Iraqi public opinion for a change in policy, the top US commander in Baghdad announced Monday that he had briefed the Pentagon on plans to keep combat troops in Iraq after an upcoming August 31 deadline for their withdrawal.

Under terms of a Status of Forces Agreement negotiated between the Bush administration and the Iraqi government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, and subsequently embraced by the Obama administration, all US combat troops are to be out of Iraq by the end of August, leaving 50,000 training and support troops, who are to be removed by the end of 2011.

Speaking to reporters at the Pentagon, Army Gen. Raymond Odierno said that the drawdown of US troops from Iraq was ahead of schedule, with 96,000 soldiers currently there compared to the 115,000 troops initially planned. But he said uncertainty surrounding the March 7 parliamentary elections and the post-election process of forming a government could lead to a delay in withdrawals, currently set at about 10,000 soldiers per month.

“I have contingency plans that I’ve briefed to the chain of command this week that we could execute if we run into problems,” Gen. Odierno said. “We’re prepared to execute those.” He said that events in the spring would determine whether the pace of withdrawals could be sustained, particularly any outbreak of violence in the aftermath of the elections.

Earlier in his Washington trip, Odierno had charged that Iran was directly intervening in the Iraqi elections through supporters like Ali Faisal al-Lami, head of a special election panel, and his ally Ahmad Chalabi, who have spearheaded the exclusion of secular and Sunni Arab candidates from the vote. One of the largest Sunni parties has announced its boycott of the election because its top leaders were barred from running.

It is unlikely that any of the main party groupings will win a majority of seats in parliament on March 7. The outlook is for a protracted period of political infighting between rival Shi’ite, Sunni and Kurdish-based parties, leading ultimately to the formation of a more-or-less stable coalition government. This process took six months after the last election, so a repetition would coincide almost exactly with the period of the drawdown of US combat troops.

In a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations last week, Christopher Hill, US ambassador to Iraq, said, “How long this is going to take, this government formation, that is really the rub,” adding, “There’s a good reason why people are worried.”

The immediate target of these statements was in Iraq, where Washington has exerted enormous pressure on the Maliki regime over the exclusion of the Sunni candidates. The concern of the Pentagon and the Obama administration is that the flagrantly sectarian character of the election rulings could provoke a new outbreak of violent resistance to the US occupiers and the puppet government in Baghdad.

This concern was echoed in the pages of the New York Times Wednesday in an op-ed column by Thomas Ricks, the former Pentagon correspondent for the Washington Post who has written two books about the US military performance in Iraq. He noted that a major factor in the US “surge” in Iraq carried out in 2007-2008 was that “Gen. David Petraeus…effectively put the Sunni insurgency on the American payroll.” Now, a new outbreak of civil war or a military coup in Baghdad was feared, he said.

Ricks noted that the withdrawal plan had originally been drafted with the assumption that Iraqi elections would be held in late 2009 or January 2010, leaving eight months after the vote to organize the removal of combat troops. The election was pushed back several months by internal Iraqi political conflicts, but the withdrawal timetable remains unaltered.

Ricks noted, in passing, that the government’s current withdrawal plan provides for a “ ‘residual force’ of unspecificed size” to remain in Iraq indefinitely.

He concluded: “President Obama may find himself later this year considering whether once again to break his campaign promises about ending the war, and to offer to keep tens of thousands of troops in Iraq for several more years. Surprisingly, that probably is the best course for him, and for Iraqi leaders, to pursue.”

A similar concern was expressed February 23 by Stratfor Global Intelligence, which has close ties to the US national-security apparatus. It cited “mounting concerns over whether the already-delayed rapid drawdown of US troops now slated to begin in mid-May is realistic.”

Stratfor noted that Odierno’s appearance at the Pentagon was carefully choreographed by the Obama administration. Odierno “came to Washington publicize the plan: He did not do this without direction, authorization and coordination with the White House.”

The report added that regional rather than purely Iraqi issues were at stake: “The Iraq withdrawal is about more than just extricating itself from Iraq. It is also about lightening the burden on US ground combat forces at a time when some 30,000 additional troops are being sent to Afghanistan.” And besides Afghanistan, “as the confrontation with Iran over its nuclear program appears to be reaching a decision point, Iran may decide to use its assets in Iraq to retaliate against the United States.”

The strategy of American imperialism in the broader region has been based for several years on drawing down the US force in Iraq to make troops available both for escalation of the war in Afghanistan—which Obama ultimately authorized in December—and for some unspecified actions against Iran, which, as Stratfor points out, is “reaching a decision point.”

The White House and Pentagon are concerned that as the conflicts intensify among the Iraqi stooges it installed in power in Baghdad, the timetable for a simultaneous drawdown from Iraq and buildup in Afghanistan could be disrupted, putting at risk the larger enterprise of establishing American domination throughout the region.

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/feb2010/iraq-f25.shtml

blindpig
02-25-2010, 08:11 AM
was always plan 'A'.

I swear, the baldfaced duplicity of the ruling class has become rampant, reckless.

Dhalgren
02-25-2010, 09:45 AM
see fit. We dogs are simply to fight over the scraps. Aren't Liberals great! Ain't that Obama a real Progressive?! This should signal the end of the Democratic party, but it won't...a massive ad campaign is in the offing, you can just feel it...

chlamor
02-26-2010, 07:09 AM
US Using Iraqi Political Discord to Justify Continuance of Occupation
Dahr Jamail

February 25, 2010

As Iraqi national elections on March 7 approach, violence and political discord in the country have escalated dramatically.

On February 22, Gen. Ray Odierno, the top US commander in Iraq, announced that the US was preparing contingency plans to delay the withdrawal of all combat forces from Iraq if violence or political instability increases after the national elections scheduled for March 7.

There are approximately 96,000 US military personnel in Iraq. Under President Obama's current plan, which is a continuation of George W. Bush's policy in Iraq, the stated intention is to cut the number of US troops in Iraq to 50,000 by August 31.

The US government plans to keep at least 50,000 troops in Iraq indefinitely, as a so-called training force for Iraqi security forces.

On February 22 alone, the same day General Odierno made his comments, at least 44 Iraqis and one US soldier were killed as attacks raged across Iraq. In one of the attacks, a female suicide bomber killed 22 people and wounded 33 others in an attack at the home of a police commissioner in Balad Ruz. In another, three mortar rounds struck the so-called Green Zone in Baghdad, wounding at least six people.

The attacks have drawn comparisons by Iraqi analysts to rampant attacks that occurred during the sectarian bloodshed that ravaged Iraq between 2006-2007.

On February 19, just days before Odierno made his comment about the possibility of ongoing violence slowing a US withdrawal, US Brig. Gen. Kevin Mangum warned that violence in Iraq could worsen as a result of the upcoming elections.

The elections have been seen as a pivotal point for the Obama administration, with the expectation that they would bring more political stability to Iraq, further enabling a US withdrawal.

Instead, thus far, they are having the opposite effect, as General Mangum suggested might happen.

"Will there be sectarian strife after the election?" asked Mangum. "That's our biggest concern at this point."

Mangum, one of the senior military commanders in Iraq, warned that the period after Iraq's national vote may well be more dangerous than election day itself. Mangum's comments show that the military could already expect Odierno's contingency plans of slowing the withdrawal to be a reality.

Meanwhile, Iraq's political process appears to already be in a state of breakdown largely fomented by current and formerly US-backed players.

Months of delays and growing calls for boycotts, along with actual boycotts of the election from candidates and groups recently banned from participating are fueling political discord that threatens to prevent any party from successfully forming a government in the wake of the elections.

One of Iraq's most prominent Sunni Parliamentarian's, Saleh al-Mutlaq of Iraq's National Dialogue Front, recently decided to pull his party out of the elections and boycott the vote, after being banned by the Accountability and Justice Committee for accusations of having affiliations with Iraq's dissolved Baath Party.

Mutlaq is protesting what he along with many Shia politicians call a "dirty tricks" campaign that he believes is masterminded by Iran that aims to secure power for a Shia government. Many analysts see his move as a reflection of the Sunni boycott of the 2005 Parliamentary elections that led to a large portion of Iraq's population being disenfranchised by the vote, and was viewed as a major contributor to the sectarian violence that followed.

Mutlaq's accusations gain credibility where Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is concerned.

The US government and corporate media prefer to focus on Iran's "meddling" in Iraq; yet, the key players responsible for most of the political discord in Iraq are US-installed and -backed men who have always had clear links to Tehran.

Maliki is a case in point.

Maliki was an Iraqi in exile in Tehran from 1982-1990, and then remained in Syria before returning to Iraq after the US invasion of 2003. Maliki worked as a political officer for the Dawa Party while in Syria, developing close ties with Hezbollah and Iran.

The Dawa party backed the Iranian Revolution, as well as backing Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini during the Iran-Iraq War. The group continues to receive financial support from Tehran. Maliki is the secretary general of the Dawa Party.

In April 2006, then US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice and her UK counterpart, Jack Straw, flew to Baghdad in order to replace then Iraqi Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jafaari with Nouri al-Maliki. There was no democratic process involved in the decision.

Another US-backed Iraqi ex-patriot with ties to Iran is Ahmed Chalabi.

Recently the US Ambassador to Iraq, Christopher Hill, along with General Odierno, referred to Chalabi as Tehran's leading agent in Iraq. Chalabi, who leads Iraq's Justice and Accountability Committee that has been banning certain candidates from the upcoming vote, was said to be "clearly influenced by Iran" last week by General Odierno.

Chalabi played a major role in providing the Bush administration with information it wanted in order to justify invading Iraq. He is responsible for having Mutlaq, along with hundreds of other candidates, eliminated from the election on the mostly fraudulent grounds that they are or were loyalists of Saddam Hussein's Baath party.

Along with Sunni leaders, his targets also include secular nationalists, and the two most important candidates who have been banned are leading members of cross-sectarian alliances, which raises fears that Iraq could be drifting toward a Shiite autocracy.

Another leading Sunni political party, the Iraqi Islamic Party, blames the US for opening the door to "Iranian influence" in Iraq, as well as for the National Dialogue Front's (NDF) decision to boycott the March polls.

"We in the Iraqi Islamic Party are surprised to read statements from the US regarding the negative Iranian interference in internal Iraqi affairs," the party said in a February 22 statement, expressing its "sorrow" over the NDF's decision to boycott.

"We ask: Who made Iraqi land an open theatre for regional and international interference? Who is legally and ethically responsible for the violations of Iraq?," said the group's statement.

Threats and accusations are being hurled by the Iraqi government as well as the opposition.

On February 20, As-Sabah news reported that Maliki has claimed external money is being introduced to Iraq in order to change the result of the upcoming elections.

On February 21, the Al-Jarida newspaper reported that Mutlaq gave this as a reason for his decision to boycott the elections: "Following the statements made yesterday by the commander of the American troops in Iraq, General Ray Odierno, and those of US Ambassador to Baghdad Christopher Hill, I believe that the Justice and Accountability Committee is run by foreign sides, namely Al-Quds force in Tehran. Therefore, the Dialogue Front has announced its boycotting of the elections."

The Quds Force is a special unit of Iran's Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution. The Quds has been described as a group whose primary mission is to organize, train, equip and fund foreign Islamic revolutionary movements, and they report directly to Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

As a result of all of this, international observers of the upcoming elections in Iraq have lowered their expectations for the poll. Few diplomats in Baghdad now talk of "free and fair elections." Instead, the new publicly stated goal is to have a "credible election"; yet, even that seems doubtful at this point.

On February 23, the Al-Arab newspaper carried an opinion piece by Fadel al-Rubaie. "Political observers are assuring that the post-elections stage will be much more dangerous than the current one (pre-elections) because the conflict will erupt between the different powers and on more than one front," wrote Rubaie before he went on to discuss much of the aforementioned political machinations between the candidates and parties.

For these reasons, as well as other volatile issues like Kurdish control of Kirkuk in the north and the issue of federalism in Iraq, Rubaie's conclusion is ominous: "For all those reasons, it would be delusional to say that the magical solution to Iraq's predicament resides in the elections, since quite the contrary, these elections could open the gates of hell."

http://www.uruknet.info/index.php?p=m63650&hd=&size=1&l=e

Dhalgren
02-26-2010, 07:29 AM
Just where the US military needs to be...