blindpig
11-07-2015, 09:53 AM
98th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution
colonelcassad
November 7 2:06
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By the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution is appropriate to give a snippet of the article of Stalin in 1924, where he points very lucidly explains what was the October Revolution and why she won in a decaying state, and why people go just for the Bolsheviks.
On the way to October .
External and internal environment of the October Revolution
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Three circumstances of an external nature determined the comparative ease with which the failed proletarian revolution in Russia to break the fetters of imperialism and overthrow, so the power of the bourgeoisie.
Firstly, the fact that the October Revolution began in a period of desperate struggle between the two major imperialist groups, the Anglo-French and the Austro-German, when these groups are being engaged in a deadly struggle among themselves, had neither the time nor the means to devote serious attention to combating the October Revolution. This circumstance was of tremendous importance for the October Revolution, because it gave her the opportunity to use violent clashes inside the imperialism to strengthen and organize their forces.
Secondly, the fact that the [b]October Revolution began during the imperialist war, when exhausted by war and thirsting world toiling masses the very logic of things were announced to [c.358] proletarian revolution as the only way out of the war. This circumstance was of extreme importance for the October Revolution, because it gave her hands a powerful weapon of peace, facilitated her ability to connect the Soviet revolution with the ending of the hated war, and created it, in view of this, the massive sympathy in the West, among the workers, and in the East, among the oppressed peoples.
Third, the existence of a powerful working-class movement in Europe and the fact that the maturing of the revolutionary crisis in the West and the East, established a long imperialist war. This circumstance was for the Russian Revolution invaluable because it provided her faithful allies outside Russia in its struggle against world imperialism.
But in addition to circumstances of an external nature, the October Revolution was a whole series of internal favorable conditions which facilitated its victory.
The most important of these conditions is necessary consider the following.
Firstly, the October Revolution was for an active support of the vast majority of the working class of Russia. Secondly, it had undoubted support of the poor peasants and the majority of the soldiers, who were thirsting for peace and land.
Third, she had led, as guiding force, a proven party as the Bolshevik Party, strong not only their experience and years generated discipline and vast connections with the laboring masses.
Fourth. The October Revolution was confronted by such comparatively easy to overcome enemies, more or less weak Russian bourgeoisie, utterly demoralized by peasant "revolts" landlord class and completely bankrupt during the war, the compromising parties (the party of the Mensheviks and SRs).
Fifth, it had before disposal the vast expanses of the young state, which could maneuver freely, retreat when circumstances so required, to rest, to gather strength and so forth.
In the sixth, the October Revolution could count in its struggle against counter-revolution on the availability of sufficient food, fuel and raw materials in country.
The combination of these external and internal circumstances created that peculiar situation which determined the comparative ease of the victory of the October Revolution.
This does not mean, of course, that the October Revolution had its drawbacks in terms of external and internal environment. Take, for example, a minus, as the famous solitude of the October Revolution, the absence near it, and next door to her Soviet country on which it could rely on? There is no doubt that the future of the revolution, for example, in Germany, would be in this respect in a better position, because it is next door to a major force in their Soviet country like our Soviet Union. I'm not talking about that red October Revolution as the absence of a proletarian majority in the country.
But these disadvantages underscore the great importance of the uniqueness of internal and external conditions of the October Revolution, as mentioned above.
This uniqueness can not be forgotten for a single moment. About It should be remembered especially when analyzing the German events in the autumn of 1923. About him above all must remember Trotsky indiscriminately conducting an analogy between the October Revolution and the revolution in Germany and unrestrained bichuyuschy German Communist Party for its actual and alleged mistakes.
"Russia, - says Lenin - in particular, historically extremely original situation in 1917 was easy to start socialist revolution, whereas to continue it and carry it to the end Russia will be harder than the European countries. I am still in the beginning of 1918, I had to point out this fact, and two years experience after it is confirmed the correctness of such considerations.
such specific conditions as
1) the possibility of linking up the Soviet revolution with the ending, thanks to him, the imperialist war incredibly exhausted the workers and peasants
2) the ability to use a certain time in a deadly struggle between two world-powerful groups of imperialist predators, what group could not unite against the Soviet enemy;
3) the possibility of enduring a comparatively lengthy civil war thanks in part to the country's huge bargaining and poor means of communication;
4) the existence of such a profound bourgeois democratic revolutionary movement among the peasantry that the party of the proletariat took the revolutionary demands of the peasant party (the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, sharply hostile, for the most part, Bolshevism) and implement them immediately thanks to the conquest of political power by the proletariat; - These specific conditions in Western Europe are now there, and the repetition of such or similar conditions are not too easy. That is why, by the way - in addition to a number of other reasons - to start a socialist revolution in Western Europe harder than us ". These words of Lenin should not be forgotten.
Some features of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October In order to understand the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October, it is necessary to understand themselves, at least, some very important features of this tactic. This is all the more necessary since in numerous pamphlets on the tactics of the Bolsheviks are often bypassed these features. What are these features?
The first feature.
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Listen to Trotsky, one might think that in the history of the preparation for October, there were only two periods, during the investigation and during the uprising, and that the Moreover, it is from the evil one. What is the April demonstration of 1917? "The April demonstration, which went" Levey "what was believed to be reconnaissance sortie to test the mood of the masses and the relationship between them and the Soviet majority". And what is the July demonstration of 1917? According to Trotsky, "is essentially the matter at this time was reduced to a new broader exploration on new and higher stage of the movement." Needless to say, the June demonstration of 1917, organized at the request of our party, especially to be named, on the proposal of Trotsky, "intelligence." It follows, therefore, that the Bolsheviks had already in March 1917 had ready a political army of workers and peasants, and if they did not start it going for the uprising in April or in June or in July, and were engaged in a "reconnaissance" it is because, and only because of "intelligence" is not given then the favorable "testimony." Needless to say, this is a simplified representation of the political tactics of our Party is nothing but a confusion of ordinary military tactics with the revolutionary tactics of the Bolsheviks. In fact, all these demonstrations were primarily the result of the spontaneous pressure of the masses, the result of tearing the street indignation of the masses against the war. In fact, the role of the party was then in the design and management of spontaneous arising of the masses through the revolutionary slogans of the Bolsheviks.
In fact, the Bolsheviks were not, and could not be in March 1917 ready a political army. The Bolsheviks only create such an army (and made it finally to October 1917) in the course of the struggle and conflicts of classes from April to October 1917, we created it and, after the April demonstration, and in June and July demonstrations, and through the elections to the district and citywide council, and in the struggle against Kornilov, and after the conquest of the Soviets. A political army is not that the military army. If the military command begins a war with an army ready to hand, the Party has to create its army in the course of the struggle itself, during clashes classes of as the masses themselves become convinced on their own experience of the correctness of the Party slogans, the correctness of its policy .
Of course, every such demonstration gave yet known lighting hidden from the eyes of the relations of forces, known to intelligence, but intelligence is not the motive for the demonstration, and its natural result.
In analyzing the events preceding the uprising in October and comparing them with the events of April - July Lenin He says:
"The thing is it's not like before April 20-21, June 9, July 3, for then there was spontaneous excitement which we, as a party, or are not caught (April 20) or held back and shape into a peaceful demonstration ( June 9 and July 3). For we knew then that the Soviets were not yet ours, that the peasants still trusted the liberdanovsko-Chernov and not the Bolshevik course (uprising), that consequently the majority of the people behind us can not be, that consequently the uprising prematurely. " It is clear that only one "intelligence" does not go far.
Obviously, it was not in the "exploration", and that:
1) the party for the whole period of preparation for October consistently relied in its struggle on the spontaneous upsurge of the mass revolutionary movement;
2 ) relying on the spontaneous upsurge, it reserves the undivided leadership of the movement;
3) this leadership of the movement facilitated her case form the mass political army for the October uprising;
4) such a policy could not lead to the entire preparation for October proceeding under the leadership of one party , the Bolshevik party;
5) this preparation for October, in turn, led to the fact that as a result of the October uprising power was in the hands of one party, the Bolshevik Party.
Thus, the undivided leadership of one party, the Communist Party, as the main point of preparation for October - is a characteristic feature of the October Revolution, is the first feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October. It scarcely needs proof that without this feature of Bolshevik tactics the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the conditions of imperialism would have been impossible. This compares favorably with the October revolution from the revolution of 1871 in France, where the leadership of the revolution divided between the two parties, neither of which can not be called Communist Party.
The second feature.
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preparation for October thus proceeded under the leadership of one party, the Bolshevik Party. But the party was carried out this guide on what line it held? Management is passed along the line of isolating the compromising parties, as the most dangerous groupings in the period of isolation of the revolution, the line of isolating the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.
What is the fundamental strategic rule of Leninism?
It is in recognition of the fact that:
.
1) the most dangerous social support of the enemies of the revolution in during the approaching revolutionary outbreak are compromising parties;
2) to overthrow the enemy (tsarism or the bourgeoisie) is not possible without isolation of the parties;
3) main boom during the preparation of the revolution must be, in view of this, aimed at isolating these parties, peel them of the broad masses of working people .
During the struggle with the tsarist government, in preparation for the bourgeois-democratic revolution (1905-1916) the most dangerous social support of tsarism was the liberal-monarchist party, the Cadet Party. Why is that? Because it was the compromising party, the party of the agreement between the tsarist government and the majority of the people, ie, the peasantry as a whole. Naturally, the party directed its main blows against the Cadets, for not isolating the Cadets could not count on the breaking of the peasantry and tsarism, without providing this rupture - was impossible to count on the victory of the revolution. Many people did not realize this feature of Bolshevik strategy and accused the Bolsheviks of excessive "Cadet-eating", claiming that the fight against the Cadets "overshadow" the Bolsheviks fighting the main enemy - tsarism.
But these accusations, being deprived of the soil, exposes a direct misunderstanding Bolshevik strategy requires isolation of the compromising party in order to facilitate, to hasten the victory over the principal enemy.
It scarcely needs proof that without this strategy the hegemony of the proletariat in the bourgeois-democratic revolution would be impossible. In the period of preparation for October the center of gravity of the conflicting forces shifted to another plane. Do not become king. The Cadet Party out of power has become a conciliatory force the ruling, the dominant force of imperialism. The struggle was not between the tsarist government and the people, and between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. In this period, the most dangerous social support of imperialism is the petty-bourgeois democratic parties, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionary Party. Why is that? Because these parties were then the compromising parties, the parties of compromise between imperialism and the laboring masses. Naturally, the main attacks against the Bolsheviks sent whereas these parties, because without the isolation of these parties can not be expected to break the working masses against imperialism, without ensuring that the gap could not count on a victory of the Soviet revolution. Many people did not realize this feature of Bolshevik tactics and accused the Bolsheviks of "excessive hatred" to the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, and "forgetting" their main goal. But the whole period of preparation for October eloquently that only such tactics could provide Bolshevik victory of the October Revolution.
The characteristic feature of this period is further revolutionizing the laboring masses of the peasantry, their disillusionment with the SRs and Mensheviks, their departure from these parties, their turn towards direct rallying around the proletariat as the only consistently revolutionary force, capable of leading the country to the world. The history of this period is the history of fighting the SRs and Mensheviks, on the one hand, and the Bolsheviks, on the other hand, over the toiling masses of the peasantry, for the possession of these masses. The outcome of this struggle was decided by the coalition period, the Kerensky period, the refusal of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks confiscation of the landlords' land, the fight of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks to continue the war, the June offensive at the front, the death penalty for soldiers, the Kornilov revolt. And they decided the fate solely in favor of the Bolshevik strategy. For without insulation SRs and Mensheviks was impossible to overthrow the government of the imperialists, without the overthrow of this government as it was impossible to escape from the war. The policy of isolating the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks proved to be the only correct policy. Thus, the isolation of the parties of the Mensheviks and SRs, as the main line in directing the preparations for October - this is the second feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks.
It scarcely needs proof that without this feature of Bolshevik tactics alliance between the working class and the toiling masses peasants have hung in the air. Characteristically, this feature of Bolshevik tactics Trotsky nothing, or almost nothing, says in his "Lessons of October".
The third feature.
The party leadership the preparations for October took place, so the line of isolating the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks, the line of separation from them the broad masses of workers and peasants. But this isolation effected by the Party in particular, in what form, under what slogan? It was carried out in the form of the revolutionary mass movement for the power of the Soviets, under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!", Through the struggle to convert the Soviets from organs for mobilizing the masses into organs of the uprising, the authorities, in the apparatus of the new proletarian state.
Why did the Bolsheviks seized it for the Soviets, both the basic organizational arm, able to facilitate the isolation of the Mensheviks and SRs that can move forward the cause of proletarian revolution and destined to lead the millions of working people to the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat?
What are the Soviets?
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"tips, - said Lenin in September 1917 - the essence new state apparatus, which, firstly, an armed force of workers and peasants, and this force is not divorced from the people, as was the old standing army, but is closely connected with it; in military terms, this force is incomparably more powerful than the former; as revolutionaries it is irreplaceable by anything else. Secondly, this apparatus provides a bond with the masses, with the majority of the people, so intimate, so indissoluble, so easily verifiable and renewable, that nothing like this in the old state apparatus is not in sight. Thirdly, this apparatus, by virtue of election and the composition of its turnover on the will of the people without any bureaucratic formalities, is far more democratic than any previous apparatus. Fourthly, it provides a close contact with a variety of professions, thereby facilitating the various reforms of the deepest nature without bureaucracy. Fifthly, it gives a form of organization of the vanguard, that is, the most conscious, most energetic and most progressive section of the oppressed classes, the workers and peasants, thus constitutes an apparatus by which [c.387] vanguard of the oppressed classes can elevate, train, educate, and lead the entire vast mass of these classes, is still standing completely outside of political life, it is history. Sixthly, it makes it possible to combine the advantages of parliamentarism with the advantages of immediate and direct democracy, ie, joining in the face of the elected representatives of the people and the legislative function and the implementation of laws. Compared with bourgeois parliamentarism is a step forward in the development of democracy, which has a world-historical significance ...
If the folk art of the revolutionary classes rise to the Soviets, the proletarian revolution in Russia would have a hopeless cause, because the old machine the proletariat will undoubtedly retain power could not, and the new device immediately can not be created "That is why the Bolsheviks seized upon the Soviets as for the basic organizational unit, which is able to facilitate the organization of the October Revolution and the creation of a new powerful apparatus of the proletarian state.
The slogan" All power to the Soviets! "in terms of its internal development passed two stages: the first (up to the July defeat of the Bolsheviks, while dual power) and the second (after the defeat of the Kornilov revolt).
In the first stage this slogan meant breaking unit of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries with the Cadets, the formation of the Soviet government of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries (because the Soviets were then SR-Menshevik), the right of free agitation for the opposition (ie, for the Bolsheviks), and the free struggle of parties within the Soviets in the hope that through such a struggle the Bolsheviks would succeed in capturing the Soviets and changing the composition of the Soviet government in order to peaceful development of the revolution. This plan does not mean, of course, the dictatorship of the proletariat. But it undoubtedly facilitated the preparation of the necessary conditions for ensuring the dictatorship; for he, having come to power the Mensheviks and SRs, and forcing them to carry out in practice their anti-revolutionary platform, it hastened the exposure of the true nature of these parties, hastened their isolation, their divorce from the masses. The July defeat of the Bolsheviks interrupted, however, this development by giving preponderance of generals and Cadet counter-revolution and threw the Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks into the arms of the latter. This situation forced the Party temporarily to withdraw the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" In order to put it back in a new upsurge of the revolution.
The defeat of the Kornilov revolt opened the second stage. The slogan "All power to the Soviets!" Once again stood on the queue. But now this slogan is not meant that in the first stage. Its content has changed radically. Now this slogan meant a complete rupture with imperialism and the transfer of power to the Bolsheviks, for the most part were already Bolshevik. Now this slogan meant the revolution's direct approach towards the dictatorship of the proletariat through the insurrection.
Moreover, this slogan now meant the organization and state registration of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The inestimable significance of the tactics of transforming the Soviets into organs of state power lay in the fact that it tore millions of working people by imperialism, debunks the party of the Mensheviks and SRs, as an instrument of imperialism, and misled the masses , so to speak, direct connections to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, the policy of transforming the Soviets into organs of state power, as the most important condition for isolating the compromising parties and the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat - this is the third feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October.
The fourth feature.
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The picture would be incomplete if we did not deal with the question of how and why the Bolsheviks were able to transform their Party slogans into slogans for the vast masses, the revolution moves forward, how and why they succeeded in enforcing their policies not only the vanguard, and not only the majority of the working class, but also the majority of the people. The fact is that for the victory of the revolution, if the revolution is truly popular, exciting vast masses - alone are not enough correctness of the Party slogans. For the victory of the revolution needed another necessary condition, namely, that the masses themselves have learned from their own experience the correctness of these slogans. Only then will the Party's slogans are slogans of the masses themselves. Only then will the revolution really become a people's revolution. One feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October is that she was able to correctly identify the paths and turns which naturally lead the masses to the slogans of the party, for itself, so to speak, the threshold of revolution, helping them, so feel, to test, recognize from their own experience the correctness of these slogans. In other words, one of the peculiarities of Bolshevik tactics is that it does not confuse leadership of the Party with the leadership of the masses that it clearly sees the difference between the leadership of the first kind and the direction of the second kind, it is, therefore, science is not only about the leadership of the party, but also the leadership of the vast masses of the working people.
A good example of the manifestation of this feature of Bolshevik tactics is the experience with the convening and dispersing the Constituent Assembly. It is known that the Bolsheviks advanced the slogan of Soviets as early as April 1917. It is known that the Constituent Assembly was a bourgeois parliament that is fundamentally contrary to the foundations of the Soviet Republic. How could it happen that the Bolsheviks, going to the Republic of Soviets, at the same time demanded that the Provisional Government the immediate convocation of a Constituent Assembly? How could it happen that the Bolsheviks not only took part in the elections, but themselves convened the Constituent Assembly? How could it happen that the Bolsheviks admitted a month before the uprising, in the transition from the old to the new, the possibility of a temporary combination of the Republic of the Soviets and the Constituent Assembly?
A "wrong" that is because:
1) the idea of a Constituent Assembly was one of the most popular ideas among the broad the mass of the population;
2) the slogan of the immediate convocation of a Constituent Assembly facilitated the exposure of the counter-revolutionary nature of the Provisional Government;
3) to discredit in the eyes of the masses the idea of a Constituent Assembly, neo6hodimo was to bring the masses to the walls of the Constituent Assembly with their demands for land, about the world, about the power of the Soviets , pitting their way to the real and live Constituent Assembly;
4) the only way it was possible to facilitate the masses to become convinced through their own experience in the counter-revolutionary nature of the Constituent Assembly and the necessity of its acceleration;
5) all this naturally presupposed the possibility of a temporary combination of the Republic of Soviets with the Constituent Assembly as a means of eradication of the Constituent Assembly;
6) such a combination, if it materialized, provided all power to the Soviets, could only signify the subordination of the Constituent Assembly to the Soviets, its conversion into an appendage of the Soviets, its painless extinction.
It scarcely needs proof, Without such a policy the Bolsheviks dispersal of the Constituent Assembly would not pass so smoothly, and the subsequent actions of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks under the slogan "All power to the Constituent Assembly!" is not failed to with a bang.
"We participated - says Lenin - in the elections to the Russian bourgeois parliament, the Constituent Assembly, in September-November 1917. Verne was our tactics or not? .. I do not have we, the Russian Bolsheviks, in September-November 1917, more than any Western Communists to consider that parliamentarism was politically obsolete Russian. Of course, we had, for there is, in fact, the case for a long time or recently there bourgeois parliaments, and how ready (ideologically, politically and practically) to accept the Soviet system and to disperse (or prevent acceleration) of the bourgeois-democratic parliament . That in Russia in September-November 1917, the working class towns, soldiers and peasants were due to a number of special conditions, exceptionally well prepared to accept the Soviet system and to disperse the most democratic bourgeois parliament, is an absolutely incontestable and fully established historical fact. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks did not boycott the Constituent Assembly, but took part in the elections both before and after the proletariat conquered political power. "
Why did they not boycott the Constituent Assembly? Therefore, Lenin says:
"Even a few weeks before the victory of the Soviet Republic, even after such a victory, participation in a bourgeois-democratic parliament, not only does not harm the revolutionary proletariat, and facilitates him the opportunity to prove to the backward masses why such parliaments deserve overclocking easier the success of their dispersal, facilitates "politically obsolete" bourgeois parliamentarism. "
It is characteristic that Trotsky does not understand this feature of Bolshevik tactics and snorts at the" theory "of combining the Constituent Assembly with the Soviets as the Hilferdingism.
He does not understand that the assumption of such a combination under the slogan of the uprising and the probable victory of the Soviets associated with the convening of the Constituent Assembly is the only revolutionary tactics, which has nothing in common with the Hilferding tactics of converting the Soviets into an appendage of the Constituent Assembly that an error of some comrades in this question gives him grounds for disparaging the absolutely correct position taken by Lenin and the party of the "combined state "under certain circumstances. He does not understand that without the kind of Bolshevik policy taken in connection with the Constituent Assembly, they failed to win over the millions of people, not having won these same masses, they were unable to turn the October uprising into a deep people's revolution.
It is interesting that Trotsky even snorts at the words "people", "revolutionary democracy," etc., occurring in articles by Bolsheviks, considering them inappropriate for a Marxist.
Trotsky has evidently forgotten that Lenin, that unquestionable Marxist, even In September 1917, a month before the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, wrote about "the need for the immediate transfer of all power to the revolutionary democracy headed by the revolutionary proletariat"). Trotsky has evidently forgotten that Lenin, that unquestionable Marxist, quoting the well-known letter of Marx to Kugelmann (April 1871) that the demolition of the bureaucratic-military state machine is the preliminary condition for every real people's revolution on the continent, writes in black and white the following lines:
"Particular attention should be extremely profound remark of Marx, that the destruction of the bureaucratic-military state machine is" a precondition for every real people's revolution. " This notion of a "people's" revolution seems strange coming from Marx and the Russian Plekhanov and the Mensheviks, those followers of Struve who wish to be considered Marxists, might possibly declare such an expression to Marx's "slip of the tongue." They have reduced Marxism to such a state of wretchedly liberal distortion that beyond the antithesis between bourgeois and proletarian revolution for them does not exist, and this opposition is meant by them utterly deathly ...
In Europe, in 1871 the continent in one country the proletariat did not constitute the majority of people. "People "Revolution, is drawn into the movement of the majority really, could be such only if it embraced both the proletariat and the peasantry. Both classes then constituted the "people." Both classes are united by the fact that the "bureaucratic-military state machine" oppresses, crushes, exploits them. To break this machine, to break it up - this is a valid concern, "the people", the majority of his workers and the majority of the peasants, this is the "precondition" a free union of poor peasants and the proletarians, whereas without such an alliance democracy is unstable and socialist transformation is impossible, "These words of Lenin should not be forgotten .
Thus, the ability to convince the masses through their own experience of the correctness of the Party slogans by supplying these masses to the revolutionary positions, as an essential condition for the conquest of the side of the party of millions of workers - such is the fourth feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October. I think that what has been said is sufficient to understand the characteristic features of these tactics.
Http://grachev62.narod.ru/stalin/t6/t6_2 0.htm - zinc
http://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/128 8460 .html with a failed proletarian revolution in Russia to break the fetters of imperialism and overthrow, so the power of the bourgeoisie.
http://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/2465445.html
Google Translator
colonelcassad
November 7 2:06
http://cs310726.vk.me/v310726452/4757/NsI5sD9DKwE.jpg
By the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution is appropriate to give a snippet of the article of Stalin in 1924, where he points very lucidly explains what was the October Revolution and why she won in a decaying state, and why people go just for the Bolsheviks.
On the way to October .
External and internal environment of the October Revolution
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Three circumstances of an external nature determined the comparative ease with which the failed proletarian revolution in Russia to break the fetters of imperialism and overthrow, so the power of the bourgeoisie.
Firstly, the fact that the October Revolution began in a period of desperate struggle between the two major imperialist groups, the Anglo-French and the Austro-German, when these groups are being engaged in a deadly struggle among themselves, had neither the time nor the means to devote serious attention to combating the October Revolution. This circumstance was of tremendous importance for the October Revolution, because it gave her the opportunity to use violent clashes inside the imperialism to strengthen and organize their forces.
Secondly, the fact that the [b]October Revolution began during the imperialist war, when exhausted by war and thirsting world toiling masses the very logic of things were announced to [c.358] proletarian revolution as the only way out of the war. This circumstance was of extreme importance for the October Revolution, because it gave her hands a powerful weapon of peace, facilitated her ability to connect the Soviet revolution with the ending of the hated war, and created it, in view of this, the massive sympathy in the West, among the workers, and in the East, among the oppressed peoples.
Third, the existence of a powerful working-class movement in Europe and the fact that the maturing of the revolutionary crisis in the West and the East, established a long imperialist war. This circumstance was for the Russian Revolution invaluable because it provided her faithful allies outside Russia in its struggle against world imperialism.
But in addition to circumstances of an external nature, the October Revolution was a whole series of internal favorable conditions which facilitated its victory.
The most important of these conditions is necessary consider the following.
Firstly, the October Revolution was for an active support of the vast majority of the working class of Russia. Secondly, it had undoubted support of the poor peasants and the majority of the soldiers, who were thirsting for peace and land.
Third, she had led, as guiding force, a proven party as the Bolshevik Party, strong not only their experience and years generated discipline and vast connections with the laboring masses.
Fourth. The October Revolution was confronted by such comparatively easy to overcome enemies, more or less weak Russian bourgeoisie, utterly demoralized by peasant "revolts" landlord class and completely bankrupt during the war, the compromising parties (the party of the Mensheviks and SRs).
Fifth, it had before disposal the vast expanses of the young state, which could maneuver freely, retreat when circumstances so required, to rest, to gather strength and so forth.
In the sixth, the October Revolution could count in its struggle against counter-revolution on the availability of sufficient food, fuel and raw materials in country.
The combination of these external and internal circumstances created that peculiar situation which determined the comparative ease of the victory of the October Revolution.
This does not mean, of course, that the October Revolution had its drawbacks in terms of external and internal environment. Take, for example, a minus, as the famous solitude of the October Revolution, the absence near it, and next door to her Soviet country on which it could rely on? There is no doubt that the future of the revolution, for example, in Germany, would be in this respect in a better position, because it is next door to a major force in their Soviet country like our Soviet Union. I'm not talking about that red October Revolution as the absence of a proletarian majority in the country.
But these disadvantages underscore the great importance of the uniqueness of internal and external conditions of the October Revolution, as mentioned above.
This uniqueness can not be forgotten for a single moment. About It should be remembered especially when analyzing the German events in the autumn of 1923. About him above all must remember Trotsky indiscriminately conducting an analogy between the October Revolution and the revolution in Germany and unrestrained bichuyuschy German Communist Party for its actual and alleged mistakes.
"Russia, - says Lenin - in particular, historically extremely original situation in 1917 was easy to start socialist revolution, whereas to continue it and carry it to the end Russia will be harder than the European countries. I am still in the beginning of 1918, I had to point out this fact, and two years experience after it is confirmed the correctness of such considerations.
such specific conditions as
1) the possibility of linking up the Soviet revolution with the ending, thanks to him, the imperialist war incredibly exhausted the workers and peasants
2) the ability to use a certain time in a deadly struggle between two world-powerful groups of imperialist predators, what group could not unite against the Soviet enemy;
3) the possibility of enduring a comparatively lengthy civil war thanks in part to the country's huge bargaining and poor means of communication;
4) the existence of such a profound bourgeois democratic revolutionary movement among the peasantry that the party of the proletariat took the revolutionary demands of the peasant party (the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, sharply hostile, for the most part, Bolshevism) and implement them immediately thanks to the conquest of political power by the proletariat; - These specific conditions in Western Europe are now there, and the repetition of such or similar conditions are not too easy. That is why, by the way - in addition to a number of other reasons - to start a socialist revolution in Western Europe harder than us ". These words of Lenin should not be forgotten.
Some features of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October In order to understand the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October, it is necessary to understand themselves, at least, some very important features of this tactic. This is all the more necessary since in numerous pamphlets on the tactics of the Bolsheviks are often bypassed these features. What are these features?
The first feature.
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Listen to Trotsky, one might think that in the history of the preparation for October, there were only two periods, during the investigation and during the uprising, and that the Moreover, it is from the evil one. What is the April demonstration of 1917? "The April demonstration, which went" Levey "what was believed to be reconnaissance sortie to test the mood of the masses and the relationship between them and the Soviet majority". And what is the July demonstration of 1917? According to Trotsky, "is essentially the matter at this time was reduced to a new broader exploration on new and higher stage of the movement." Needless to say, the June demonstration of 1917, organized at the request of our party, especially to be named, on the proposal of Trotsky, "intelligence." It follows, therefore, that the Bolsheviks had already in March 1917 had ready a political army of workers and peasants, and if they did not start it going for the uprising in April or in June or in July, and were engaged in a "reconnaissance" it is because, and only because of "intelligence" is not given then the favorable "testimony." Needless to say, this is a simplified representation of the political tactics of our Party is nothing but a confusion of ordinary military tactics with the revolutionary tactics of the Bolsheviks. In fact, all these demonstrations were primarily the result of the spontaneous pressure of the masses, the result of tearing the street indignation of the masses against the war. In fact, the role of the party was then in the design and management of spontaneous arising of the masses through the revolutionary slogans of the Bolsheviks.
In fact, the Bolsheviks were not, and could not be in March 1917 ready a political army. The Bolsheviks only create such an army (and made it finally to October 1917) in the course of the struggle and conflicts of classes from April to October 1917, we created it and, after the April demonstration, and in June and July demonstrations, and through the elections to the district and citywide council, and in the struggle against Kornilov, and after the conquest of the Soviets. A political army is not that the military army. If the military command begins a war with an army ready to hand, the Party has to create its army in the course of the struggle itself, during clashes classes of as the masses themselves become convinced on their own experience of the correctness of the Party slogans, the correctness of its policy .
Of course, every such demonstration gave yet known lighting hidden from the eyes of the relations of forces, known to intelligence, but intelligence is not the motive for the demonstration, and its natural result.
In analyzing the events preceding the uprising in October and comparing them with the events of April - July Lenin He says:
"The thing is it's not like before April 20-21, June 9, July 3, for then there was spontaneous excitement which we, as a party, or are not caught (April 20) or held back and shape into a peaceful demonstration ( June 9 and July 3). For we knew then that the Soviets were not yet ours, that the peasants still trusted the liberdanovsko-Chernov and not the Bolshevik course (uprising), that consequently the majority of the people behind us can not be, that consequently the uprising prematurely. " It is clear that only one "intelligence" does not go far.
Obviously, it was not in the "exploration", and that:
1) the party for the whole period of preparation for October consistently relied in its struggle on the spontaneous upsurge of the mass revolutionary movement;
2 ) relying on the spontaneous upsurge, it reserves the undivided leadership of the movement;
3) this leadership of the movement facilitated her case form the mass political army for the October uprising;
4) such a policy could not lead to the entire preparation for October proceeding under the leadership of one party , the Bolshevik party;
5) this preparation for October, in turn, led to the fact that as a result of the October uprising power was in the hands of one party, the Bolshevik Party.
Thus, the undivided leadership of one party, the Communist Party, as the main point of preparation for October - is a characteristic feature of the October Revolution, is the first feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October. It scarcely needs proof that without this feature of Bolshevik tactics the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the conditions of imperialism would have been impossible. This compares favorably with the October revolution from the revolution of 1871 in France, where the leadership of the revolution divided between the two parties, neither of which can not be called Communist Party.
The second feature.
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preparation for October thus proceeded under the leadership of one party, the Bolshevik Party. But the party was carried out this guide on what line it held? Management is passed along the line of isolating the compromising parties, as the most dangerous groupings in the period of isolation of the revolution, the line of isolating the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.
What is the fundamental strategic rule of Leninism?
It is in recognition of the fact that:
.
1) the most dangerous social support of the enemies of the revolution in during the approaching revolutionary outbreak are compromising parties;
2) to overthrow the enemy (tsarism or the bourgeoisie) is not possible without isolation of the parties;
3) main boom during the preparation of the revolution must be, in view of this, aimed at isolating these parties, peel them of the broad masses of working people .
During the struggle with the tsarist government, in preparation for the bourgeois-democratic revolution (1905-1916) the most dangerous social support of tsarism was the liberal-monarchist party, the Cadet Party. Why is that? Because it was the compromising party, the party of the agreement between the tsarist government and the majority of the people, ie, the peasantry as a whole. Naturally, the party directed its main blows against the Cadets, for not isolating the Cadets could not count on the breaking of the peasantry and tsarism, without providing this rupture - was impossible to count on the victory of the revolution. Many people did not realize this feature of Bolshevik strategy and accused the Bolsheviks of excessive "Cadet-eating", claiming that the fight against the Cadets "overshadow" the Bolsheviks fighting the main enemy - tsarism.
But these accusations, being deprived of the soil, exposes a direct misunderstanding Bolshevik strategy requires isolation of the compromising party in order to facilitate, to hasten the victory over the principal enemy.
It scarcely needs proof that without this strategy the hegemony of the proletariat in the bourgeois-democratic revolution would be impossible. In the period of preparation for October the center of gravity of the conflicting forces shifted to another plane. Do not become king. The Cadet Party out of power has become a conciliatory force the ruling, the dominant force of imperialism. The struggle was not between the tsarist government and the people, and between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. In this period, the most dangerous social support of imperialism is the petty-bourgeois democratic parties, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionary Party. Why is that? Because these parties were then the compromising parties, the parties of compromise between imperialism and the laboring masses. Naturally, the main attacks against the Bolsheviks sent whereas these parties, because without the isolation of these parties can not be expected to break the working masses against imperialism, without ensuring that the gap could not count on a victory of the Soviet revolution. Many people did not realize this feature of Bolshevik tactics and accused the Bolsheviks of "excessive hatred" to the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, and "forgetting" their main goal. But the whole period of preparation for October eloquently that only such tactics could provide Bolshevik victory of the October Revolution.
The characteristic feature of this period is further revolutionizing the laboring masses of the peasantry, their disillusionment with the SRs and Mensheviks, their departure from these parties, their turn towards direct rallying around the proletariat as the only consistently revolutionary force, capable of leading the country to the world. The history of this period is the history of fighting the SRs and Mensheviks, on the one hand, and the Bolsheviks, on the other hand, over the toiling masses of the peasantry, for the possession of these masses. The outcome of this struggle was decided by the coalition period, the Kerensky period, the refusal of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks confiscation of the landlords' land, the fight of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks to continue the war, the June offensive at the front, the death penalty for soldiers, the Kornilov revolt. And they decided the fate solely in favor of the Bolshevik strategy. For without insulation SRs and Mensheviks was impossible to overthrow the government of the imperialists, without the overthrow of this government as it was impossible to escape from the war. The policy of isolating the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks proved to be the only correct policy. Thus, the isolation of the parties of the Mensheviks and SRs, as the main line in directing the preparations for October - this is the second feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks.
It scarcely needs proof that without this feature of Bolshevik tactics alliance between the working class and the toiling masses peasants have hung in the air. Characteristically, this feature of Bolshevik tactics Trotsky nothing, or almost nothing, says in his "Lessons of October".
The third feature.
The party leadership the preparations for October took place, so the line of isolating the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks, the line of separation from them the broad masses of workers and peasants. But this isolation effected by the Party in particular, in what form, under what slogan? It was carried out in the form of the revolutionary mass movement for the power of the Soviets, under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!", Through the struggle to convert the Soviets from organs for mobilizing the masses into organs of the uprising, the authorities, in the apparatus of the new proletarian state.
Why did the Bolsheviks seized it for the Soviets, both the basic organizational arm, able to facilitate the isolation of the Mensheviks and SRs that can move forward the cause of proletarian revolution and destined to lead the millions of working people to the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat?
What are the Soviets?
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"tips, - said Lenin in September 1917 - the essence new state apparatus, which, firstly, an armed force of workers and peasants, and this force is not divorced from the people, as was the old standing army, but is closely connected with it; in military terms, this force is incomparably more powerful than the former; as revolutionaries it is irreplaceable by anything else. Secondly, this apparatus provides a bond with the masses, with the majority of the people, so intimate, so indissoluble, so easily verifiable and renewable, that nothing like this in the old state apparatus is not in sight. Thirdly, this apparatus, by virtue of election and the composition of its turnover on the will of the people without any bureaucratic formalities, is far more democratic than any previous apparatus. Fourthly, it provides a close contact with a variety of professions, thereby facilitating the various reforms of the deepest nature without bureaucracy. Fifthly, it gives a form of organization of the vanguard, that is, the most conscious, most energetic and most progressive section of the oppressed classes, the workers and peasants, thus constitutes an apparatus by which [c.387] vanguard of the oppressed classes can elevate, train, educate, and lead the entire vast mass of these classes, is still standing completely outside of political life, it is history. Sixthly, it makes it possible to combine the advantages of parliamentarism with the advantages of immediate and direct democracy, ie, joining in the face of the elected representatives of the people and the legislative function and the implementation of laws. Compared with bourgeois parliamentarism is a step forward in the development of democracy, which has a world-historical significance ...
If the folk art of the revolutionary classes rise to the Soviets, the proletarian revolution in Russia would have a hopeless cause, because the old machine the proletariat will undoubtedly retain power could not, and the new device immediately can not be created "That is why the Bolsheviks seized upon the Soviets as for the basic organizational unit, which is able to facilitate the organization of the October Revolution and the creation of a new powerful apparatus of the proletarian state.
The slogan" All power to the Soviets! "in terms of its internal development passed two stages: the first (up to the July defeat of the Bolsheviks, while dual power) and the second (after the defeat of the Kornilov revolt).
In the first stage this slogan meant breaking unit of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries with the Cadets, the formation of the Soviet government of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries (because the Soviets were then SR-Menshevik), the right of free agitation for the opposition (ie, for the Bolsheviks), and the free struggle of parties within the Soviets in the hope that through such a struggle the Bolsheviks would succeed in capturing the Soviets and changing the composition of the Soviet government in order to peaceful development of the revolution. This plan does not mean, of course, the dictatorship of the proletariat. But it undoubtedly facilitated the preparation of the necessary conditions for ensuring the dictatorship; for he, having come to power the Mensheviks and SRs, and forcing them to carry out in practice their anti-revolutionary platform, it hastened the exposure of the true nature of these parties, hastened their isolation, their divorce from the masses. The July defeat of the Bolsheviks interrupted, however, this development by giving preponderance of generals and Cadet counter-revolution and threw the Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks into the arms of the latter. This situation forced the Party temporarily to withdraw the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" In order to put it back in a new upsurge of the revolution.
The defeat of the Kornilov revolt opened the second stage. The slogan "All power to the Soviets!" Once again stood on the queue. But now this slogan is not meant that in the first stage. Its content has changed radically. Now this slogan meant a complete rupture with imperialism and the transfer of power to the Bolsheviks, for the most part were already Bolshevik. Now this slogan meant the revolution's direct approach towards the dictatorship of the proletariat through the insurrection.
Moreover, this slogan now meant the organization and state registration of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The inestimable significance of the tactics of transforming the Soviets into organs of state power lay in the fact that it tore millions of working people by imperialism, debunks the party of the Mensheviks and SRs, as an instrument of imperialism, and misled the masses , so to speak, direct connections to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, the policy of transforming the Soviets into organs of state power, as the most important condition for isolating the compromising parties and the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat - this is the third feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October.
The fourth feature.
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The picture would be incomplete if we did not deal with the question of how and why the Bolsheviks were able to transform their Party slogans into slogans for the vast masses, the revolution moves forward, how and why they succeeded in enforcing their policies not only the vanguard, and not only the majority of the working class, but also the majority of the people. The fact is that for the victory of the revolution, if the revolution is truly popular, exciting vast masses - alone are not enough correctness of the Party slogans. For the victory of the revolution needed another necessary condition, namely, that the masses themselves have learned from their own experience the correctness of these slogans. Only then will the Party's slogans are slogans of the masses themselves. Only then will the revolution really become a people's revolution. One feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October is that she was able to correctly identify the paths and turns which naturally lead the masses to the slogans of the party, for itself, so to speak, the threshold of revolution, helping them, so feel, to test, recognize from their own experience the correctness of these slogans. In other words, one of the peculiarities of Bolshevik tactics is that it does not confuse leadership of the Party with the leadership of the masses that it clearly sees the difference between the leadership of the first kind and the direction of the second kind, it is, therefore, science is not only about the leadership of the party, but also the leadership of the vast masses of the working people.
A good example of the manifestation of this feature of Bolshevik tactics is the experience with the convening and dispersing the Constituent Assembly. It is known that the Bolsheviks advanced the slogan of Soviets as early as April 1917. It is known that the Constituent Assembly was a bourgeois parliament that is fundamentally contrary to the foundations of the Soviet Republic. How could it happen that the Bolsheviks, going to the Republic of Soviets, at the same time demanded that the Provisional Government the immediate convocation of a Constituent Assembly? How could it happen that the Bolsheviks not only took part in the elections, but themselves convened the Constituent Assembly? How could it happen that the Bolsheviks admitted a month before the uprising, in the transition from the old to the new, the possibility of a temporary combination of the Republic of the Soviets and the Constituent Assembly?
A "wrong" that is because:
1) the idea of a Constituent Assembly was one of the most popular ideas among the broad the mass of the population;
2) the slogan of the immediate convocation of a Constituent Assembly facilitated the exposure of the counter-revolutionary nature of the Provisional Government;
3) to discredit in the eyes of the masses the idea of a Constituent Assembly, neo6hodimo was to bring the masses to the walls of the Constituent Assembly with their demands for land, about the world, about the power of the Soviets , pitting their way to the real and live Constituent Assembly;
4) the only way it was possible to facilitate the masses to become convinced through their own experience in the counter-revolutionary nature of the Constituent Assembly and the necessity of its acceleration;
5) all this naturally presupposed the possibility of a temporary combination of the Republic of Soviets with the Constituent Assembly as a means of eradication of the Constituent Assembly;
6) such a combination, if it materialized, provided all power to the Soviets, could only signify the subordination of the Constituent Assembly to the Soviets, its conversion into an appendage of the Soviets, its painless extinction.
It scarcely needs proof, Without such a policy the Bolsheviks dispersal of the Constituent Assembly would not pass so smoothly, and the subsequent actions of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks under the slogan "All power to the Constituent Assembly!" is not failed to with a bang.
"We participated - says Lenin - in the elections to the Russian bourgeois parliament, the Constituent Assembly, in September-November 1917. Verne was our tactics or not? .. I do not have we, the Russian Bolsheviks, in September-November 1917, more than any Western Communists to consider that parliamentarism was politically obsolete Russian. Of course, we had, for there is, in fact, the case for a long time or recently there bourgeois parliaments, and how ready (ideologically, politically and practically) to accept the Soviet system and to disperse (or prevent acceleration) of the bourgeois-democratic parliament . That in Russia in September-November 1917, the working class towns, soldiers and peasants were due to a number of special conditions, exceptionally well prepared to accept the Soviet system and to disperse the most democratic bourgeois parliament, is an absolutely incontestable and fully established historical fact. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks did not boycott the Constituent Assembly, but took part in the elections both before and after the proletariat conquered political power. "
Why did they not boycott the Constituent Assembly? Therefore, Lenin says:
"Even a few weeks before the victory of the Soviet Republic, even after such a victory, participation in a bourgeois-democratic parliament, not only does not harm the revolutionary proletariat, and facilitates him the opportunity to prove to the backward masses why such parliaments deserve overclocking easier the success of their dispersal, facilitates "politically obsolete" bourgeois parliamentarism. "
It is characteristic that Trotsky does not understand this feature of Bolshevik tactics and snorts at the" theory "of combining the Constituent Assembly with the Soviets as the Hilferdingism.
He does not understand that the assumption of such a combination under the slogan of the uprising and the probable victory of the Soviets associated with the convening of the Constituent Assembly is the only revolutionary tactics, which has nothing in common with the Hilferding tactics of converting the Soviets into an appendage of the Constituent Assembly that an error of some comrades in this question gives him grounds for disparaging the absolutely correct position taken by Lenin and the party of the "combined state "under certain circumstances. He does not understand that without the kind of Bolshevik policy taken in connection with the Constituent Assembly, they failed to win over the millions of people, not having won these same masses, they were unable to turn the October uprising into a deep people's revolution.
It is interesting that Trotsky even snorts at the words "people", "revolutionary democracy," etc., occurring in articles by Bolsheviks, considering them inappropriate for a Marxist.
Trotsky has evidently forgotten that Lenin, that unquestionable Marxist, even In September 1917, a month before the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, wrote about "the need for the immediate transfer of all power to the revolutionary democracy headed by the revolutionary proletariat"). Trotsky has evidently forgotten that Lenin, that unquestionable Marxist, quoting the well-known letter of Marx to Kugelmann (April 1871) that the demolition of the bureaucratic-military state machine is the preliminary condition for every real people's revolution on the continent, writes in black and white the following lines:
"Particular attention should be extremely profound remark of Marx, that the destruction of the bureaucratic-military state machine is" a precondition for every real people's revolution. " This notion of a "people's" revolution seems strange coming from Marx and the Russian Plekhanov and the Mensheviks, those followers of Struve who wish to be considered Marxists, might possibly declare such an expression to Marx's "slip of the tongue." They have reduced Marxism to such a state of wretchedly liberal distortion that beyond the antithesis between bourgeois and proletarian revolution for them does not exist, and this opposition is meant by them utterly deathly ...
In Europe, in 1871 the continent in one country the proletariat did not constitute the majority of people. "People "Revolution, is drawn into the movement of the majority really, could be such only if it embraced both the proletariat and the peasantry. Both classes then constituted the "people." Both classes are united by the fact that the "bureaucratic-military state machine" oppresses, crushes, exploits them. To break this machine, to break it up - this is a valid concern, "the people", the majority of his workers and the majority of the peasants, this is the "precondition" a free union of poor peasants and the proletarians, whereas without such an alliance democracy is unstable and socialist transformation is impossible, "These words of Lenin should not be forgotten .
Thus, the ability to convince the masses through their own experience of the correctness of the Party slogans by supplying these masses to the revolutionary positions, as an essential condition for the conquest of the side of the party of millions of workers - such is the fourth feature of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the period of preparation for October. I think that what has been said is sufficient to understand the characteristic features of these tactics.
Http://grachev62.narod.ru/stalin/t6/t6_2 0.htm - zinc
http://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/128 8460 .html with a failed proletarian revolution in Russia to break the fetters of imperialism and overthrow, so the power of the bourgeoisie.
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