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PCM Program: The Socialist Revolution Immediate task of the Mexican working class
JUN 15, 2017by EDITORIAL in UNCATEGORIZED

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The Socialist Revolution

Immediate task of the Mexican working class

PCM Program

We live the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions

As Marxism-Leninism analyzed and predicted, the development of capitalism nested throughout the world, prevailing over previous modes of production, regardless of whether some manifestations of the past still survived for a long time.


The prevailing capitalist relations have brought class conflict to the contradiction announced between the bourgeois and the proletarians with the middle classes in the accelerated process of proletarianization, even if the rhythms of consciousness of these remain in the petty bourgeoisie. Our age is marked by the antagonism between capital and labor, and this contradiction marks the class struggle.

Due to the inexorable process of concentration and centralization that led to the monopolization of the economy, capitalism entered its upper and last phase, imperialism, of agony, parasitism and decomposition, accentuating exploitation of the working class to profit and maximize profits , Plundering the peoples, both with the export of capital, and with the aggressions to deliver natural resources, raw materials to monopoly plunder. As all its history of crimes demonstrates since it is the dominant mode of production, aggression against the workers of the world is the constant of capitalism, based on the private appropriation of the socially produced, on predation, on spoil, on war; To blood and fire was born and thus is reproduced, with violence and barbarism against the proletariat,

In establishing the universal interdependence between nations, countries joined in the imperialist system in a pyramid, integrated by the cusp with the countries of full development, in a next step by the countries of intermediate development, and by others of less development in the base. At the peak until the middle of the twentieth century England remained in serious dispute with other countries until finally it was displaced from that place by the US, and now that imperialist center disputes that place with the so-called emerging economies. The imperialist system maintains a series of intrinsic contradictions, which are exacerbated by the need to preserve markets, routes, raw materials and cheap labor, which can lead to a new inter-imperialist war. Monopolies seek to secure a dominant position by absorbing others, merging or in open commercial warfare with their competitors, in modern piracy actions where they deploy media artillery and legal arsenal, advancing violent confrontations for a rearrangement of the imperialist pyramid, with deadly consequences for the Whole of humanity if the working class does not oppose its alternative. Thus, while all capitalist economies are interdependent for their subsistence by the flow of capital, credits, raw materials and resources, nodes of transport routes, markets in which to carry out their merchandise, etc., the continuous development of other capital , Who oppose each other with ever greater force, according to the law described by Lenin, of unequal development, Exacerbates the abrupt resumption of monopolies. In the first instance, the current configuration of the imperialist pyramid seeks, through its treaties, agreements, inter-state or world organizations, to regulate its conflicts to ensure exploitation and intensify it. The class-to-class conflict also goes through the imperialist system, and it is therefore impossible for the PCM to find kindness in the conflict between sharks, as Lenin called the inter-imperialist dispute. Workers have nothing to gain by placing themselves in favor of the "lesser evil." The class-to-class conflict also goes through the imperialist system, and it is therefore impossible for the PCM to find kindness in the conflict between sharks, as Lenin called the inter-imperialist dispute. Workers have nothing to gain by placing themselves in favor of the "lesser evil." The class-to-class conflict also goes through the imperialist system, and it is therefore impossible for the PCM to find kindness in the conflict between sharks, as Lenin called the inter-imperialist dispute. Workers have nothing to gain by placing themselves in favor of the "lesser evil."

A series of inter-state unions are forming, whose class nature is well-defined as inter-imperialist, such as NAFTA, the European Union, BRICS, MERCOSUR, and even ALBA, where countries dominate in which capitalist relations prevail. The UN no longer expresses the correlation of forces between the socialist and the imperialist camp as in the postwar period, and is today an instrument that validates the imperialist aggressions against the people. Multipolarity is a myth that seeks to mask the objectives of certain imperialist centers and place the workers and peoples behind an illusion. International law today is for the benefit of capital, guaranteeing profit.

Capitalism in its imperialist phase shows traits of barbarism never known in history, leading to the deaths of millions of people in conflagrations such as the First and Second World Wars, the irrational use of weapons of mass destruction, the devastation of Nature and habitat of the human species for the sake of profit maximization. The bloody militaristic adventures of the main imperialist centers have occurred since its inception and to this day, although it was promised that once the counter-revolution against the Soviet Union and the socialist camp would triumph, the world market would bring a time without war and Without interventions; Instead of perpetual peace there is a race to generate means of destruction more and more sophisticated,

Capitalism in its imperialist phase also faces cyclical periods of overaccumulation and overproduction crises that intensify exploitation, devaluing labor, throwing millions into unemployment and destroying social achievements and workers' rights.

Capitalism in its imperialist phase is misery, hunger, disease, oppression, repression, death, and even the possibility of the extinction of the human race.

Despite attempts by new alchemists, capitalism in its imperialist phase failed to find the source of eternal youth, and no form of management (Keynesian, fascist, social-democrat, neoliberal or neo-Darwinian) managed to revitalize it, nor did makeup make it impossible to visualize its Historical limits, which are resented by women and men who live off their labor force. Neither in Europe did social democracy, nor in America the "progressive" governments of Brazil, Argentina or Chile, nor the neo-left of Mexico managed to humanize capital, but they confirmed that they are dealing with forces of the same system.

Imperialism, while constantly preparing to crush those who oppose it, maintains a colossal apparatus of propaganda and manipulation, to mask its historical limits, to spread false illusions and hopes in the possibility of humanizing its system, to deform And to dismantle historical memory, to ideologically disarm the working class, to numb class consciousness, to plunge the most minds into the darkest ignorance and alienation, to slander the experience of socialist construction, to exalt the Criminals at their service and criminalize any revolutionary force, etc.

The working class and the other oppressed layers of society are in open contradiction with the existence of capitalism in its imperialist phase, and overthrowing it is placed as a topical task. For the peoples of the world it is in force to fight to end the exploitation of man by man and to avoid the destruction of nature.

Exploitation, militarism, war, state terrorism, anti-worker and anti-popular policies call on the proletarians of the world to hold high the flags of socialism-communism, peace and anti-imperialist solidarity. The Communist Party of Mexico works to strengthen the spaces of struggle against imperialism and monopolies, expressing solidarity with all peoples and nations that resist. It considers it her duty to strengthen the World Federation of Trade Unions, the World Federation of Democratic Youth, the World Peace Council and the International Democratic Federation of Women.

The Communist Party of Mexico fights against all inter-imperialist unions, for the rupture with these and against its anti-worker policies, antipopular, that subjugate and oppress the peoples, pauperizing their conditions of life, for the exclusive benefit of the monopolies.

The Communist Party of Mexico fights for the unity of the proletarians of all countries, raising the rights conquered through the bloody class struggle, but emphasizing the point of view of the necessity of the socialist-communist world.

The Communist Party of Mexico considers it their duty to fight for the coordination of the communist and workers' parties, starting from the premise that the international communist movement is the irreplaceable driving force of the workers of the world against capitalism in its imperialist phase; For that reason we emphasize the struggle against opportunism, revisionism and reformism, agents of capitalism to disarm the class struggle.

The Communist Party of Mexico fights for the formation of the staff of the proletarian revolution, who firmly in Marxism-Leninism devised strategy and tactics to guide the proletarians to new revolutionary and emancipatory outbursts. We are fighting for a new Communist International, which will continue the experiences of the First International, the Second International (before its decomposition) and the Third International, and the successive international communist movement.

It is necessary to change the world. The alternative is socialism-communism

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The necessity of the socialist revolution that puts an end to capitalism is based on its historical limits.

First, it arises from the contradiction that exists between the productive forces and the relations of production, which have already become a barrier to their most incessant development that satisfies social needs.

Secondly, by the very nature of a system that is based on the private appropriation of what is socially produced.

Third, because of the parasitic nature of the merger of banking and industrial capital, that is to say, financial capital and its accelerated decomposition, which unleash imperialist barbarism on the people.

The inevitability of the Socialist Revolution is an imperative arising from the very antagonisms of capitalism and the maturity of conditions for socialism-communism.

The Great Socialist Revolution of October was the rupture in the weakest link of the imperialist chain; After the experience of the Paris Commune, for the first time, the masses of workers and peasants, led by the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) as a force decided to overthrow the old order and to build the new society, broke out into history.

The Communist Party of Mexico claims and defends the experience of socialist construction in the USSR and other countries of Europe, Asia, Africa and America, considering that they are a tangible example of the new world that we aspire to build. At the same time it assumes that the lessons of the objective causes that enabled the counterrevolution and the temporary overthrow of socialism are fundamental in the contemporary proletarian struggle. Both elements, the defense of the experiences of socialist construction and the scientific criticism of the errors in its construction that allowed the triumph of the counterrevolution are essential for the daily action of the communists.

The socialist construction demonstrated in the first place that the bourgeoisie is not necessary, that the working class without the bosses can take over the production, and of the state power. The socialist construction demonstrated superiority over capitalism by raising the standard of living of the working and peasantry, both in meeting basic needs, full employment, and in ensuring that the working population as a whole had health, Education, culture. Illiteracy was eradicated and for the first time art ceased to be a privilege of the elite to be a right of the people; For the first time the woman began to free herself from the slavery of the home and to emancipate herself; For the first time the union of peoples was formed on the basis of equality, respect for nationalities.

The workers' power manifested as Soviet power abolished capitalist production relations in the concentrated and centralized sectors of production and change and established the socialist economy and central planning by balancing the production of means of production and the production of goods of consumption. The industrial development of the USSR and its economic achievements showed in the eyes of the international proletariat the superiority of socialist society.

In addition the USSR decided the course of the Second World War in favor of the progress and against the obscurantist reaction that wanted to submit to the humanity; 27 million Soviets paid with their blood the road of victory over Nazi-fascism.

The dictatorship of the proletariat proved far superior to bourgeois democracy (class dictatorship of the oppressors) as workers 'democracy and workers' and popular power; For the first time in history hundreds of thousands of workers and peasants, women and young people participated in the decisions of the state, according to their own interests and those of the workers of the world, becoming the architects of their destiny.

The deforming activity of the ideological centers of imperialism aims to hide the great victories of the workers' power. It is the duty of the Marxist-Leninists, and the Communist Party of Mexico assumes this task, to show to each worker, to each worker, the achievements and achievements of socialism, as historical triumphs of the proletariat and its vanguard party.

In addition to seeking to discredit socialist construction, capitalism in its imperialist phase uncovers anti-communism, not only as a reactionary manifestation, but as an instrument that seeks to defuse revolutionary outbursts.

For the communists of the world it is necessary to respond to the criminal operation of equating communism with fascism. Fascism counted on the complicity of the monopolies that today dominate in the European Union and in the United States use for the umpteenth cosmetic occasion to present themselves as the guardians of democracy and freedom, when in its essence the class dictatorship is expressed, repression And laws to protect profits.

The counterrevolution that led to the temporary overthrow of socialist construction was based on the nesting, tolerance and development of mercantile relations, which for a long period undermined the socialist economy and the dictatorship of the proletariat, which began in the 1950s in agriculture and They extended to the very terrain of industry with the consequent reflection in politics, ideology, culture and art, and which seriously affected the strategy of the international communist movement and the very nature of the party (transforming it conceptually into the party of the whole people , Instead of party of the working class), process that had its accelerated auction with the Perestroika .

The Communist Party of Mexico considers socialist relations of production incompatible with mercantile relations and considers the theses of "market socialism", "socialism with market" and "socialism of the twenty-first century" to be inaccurate. For the Communist Party of Mexico the struggle for socialism is governed by general laws, and without ignoring the specificities and peculiarities, it does not place them above; We consider it inexact to speak of "models" of socialism. We fight for the socialist revolution and the socialist construction, understanding that they are part of a general torrent in history, which has laws and regularities.

We distinguish the issue of the petty bourgeois remains that survive in the lower phase of socialism-communism in branches, sectors and sections of the economy where the media have not been concentrated and centralized previously by capitalism in its upper phase, we distinguish the issue of Which must be dealt with in a differentiated way with the interests of monopolies represented by the states that threaten the socialist state, with the theme of theorizing about the possibility of building socialism without destroying capitalist relations of production at every step. Already immediately, from the beginning of its earliest phase, Production in the concentrated and centralized sectors (which now encompass all strategic sectors and a very high proportion of the means by which all social wealth is produced in any country on the globe) is directly social, producing not values ​​but values ​​of Use, distributing not values ​​but use values, ie distributing not according to a wage assessed with the law of value to acquire only the cost of reproduction of the workforce but distributing usage values, both directly, proportional to the Work given to society and with the possibility of material and moral incentives, as in a social way; Thanks to the social fund that seeks to guarantee to all members of the people that their needs and the development of their capacities are widely covered. During its immature phase socialism privileges the production of means of production, the intensive application of technology, the most advanced machines and means, both to improve the standard of living of all people, to reduce the working day and to return On that basis a material reality that the working class manages and controls its own State. From its earliest phase, the socialist economy prevents and undermines the possibility of expanding the purchase of the labor force of others, seeking to evict it and to disappear it from branch to branch, depleting and weakening the ranks of the petty bourgeoisie, Isolated artisan and peasant production,

The Communist Party of Mexico considers that the dictatorship of the proletariat is fundamental to erect a new society, without oppressors or dominant classes, guaranteeing the extinction of the state and the new communist society. The dictatorship of the proletariat, as workers' democracy, has for the first time given mankind a profound content to the decision of the majorities who live from their labor power, direct producers, the whole proletariat; At the same time it is the guarantee to prevent the overthrow of the bourgeoisie reinstalled its domination and the counterrevolution is suppressed. We consider that the basis of such power is the state organs based on the work centers, in addition to the permanence of mass organizations.

Management changes are continuity of capitalism, the path of reform. Our way the Revolution.

The labor and popular movement in the world and in our country presents a panorama of failures of some management of capitalism, but of the absolute vitality of it. These are illusions and mirages that seek to delay the uncontrollable transformation of society. They erode the revolutionary movement and even communist parties, adding them, as happened with Social Democracy to the gears of capitalist domination.

Faced with the intrinsic instability of the capitalist mode of production, as a result of the cyclical crisis of overproduction and overaccumulation, of anarchy in production, and of the possibilities of revolutionary outbursts, the ruling class adopts temporarily and with the aim of containing Struggles, various efforts. For example, fascism as a shock force to confront socialist construction, or the new deal in the US in the 30s and 40s of the 20th century to overcome the devastating effects of the crisis of 29, Keynesianism or welfare state after the Second World War I was looking for everything, Through the recognition of some achievements of the workers demobilize them from the revolutionary wave by socialism that covered much of Europe and Asia. At the rhythm of the capitalist restructuring begun in the late 1970s and accelerated by the counterrevolution, neoliberal management was imposed, ie privatization, deregulatory policies, a clash against labor and social rights, reduction of public policies, Which has generated a great social unrest and popular rebellions, exploded everywhere that even without a course and precise orientation, as a result of spontaneity, if they serve as indicators of the need for profound and revolutionary transformations, radical anti-capitalist rupture.

Nowadays, in the crisis period of capitalism, we seek to assign exclusively to neoliberal management the failures of the system and the proposal of neo-Keynesianism. Some forces are trapped in it, because fighting only against neoliberalism end up advocating some other management of capitalism, precisely when the most savage attack against the workers of the world, reducing to ashes all rights conquered in the two previous centuries, When almost all public funds are aimed at rescuing the monopolies and their industries in bankruptcy. With false promises they seek again to prevent the revolutionary necessity of overthrowing the capitalist mode of production. They seek the impossible: the humanization of capitalism.

In more than a century the path of reform has shown its harmful uselessness, prolonging the agony of the workers, which it places in the logic of the lesser evil , of simple resistance, which does not prevent the assault of monopolies and their brutality Impoverished labor and popular life, which condemns the uncertainty of millions of human beings, which widens the army of industrial reserve with forced unemployment, with the mass unemployment. This road, however, does not conquer new reforms, but softens the line of resistance by facilitating turns and the arrival of new efforts by capitalism; Is an integral part of domination. The political options that disarm the working class for the assault of power, which constrain it to the exclusive limits of bourgeois legality, Which insist on class collaboration, eventually clear the way for the bourgeoisie to discard its temporary commitments along with its democratic face, to move to the most brutal forms of domination and assault on the working class. If anything, these forces only promise that once the stabilization of the system and unspeakable sacrifices of the working class will be achieved, a phase of expansion of capital will be restored and some of those same conquests will be reluctantly recovered and again with character Temporary, with the crisis always returning after a few more cycles.

The Communist Party of Mexico considers that there is no place for reforms and surgical surgeries; That the only option is the Revolution and the irruption of the working class to assume the leadership of society, fulfilling the role of gravediggers of the system of exploitation.

The Communist Party of Mexico, when considering the Socialist Revolution as the task that is registered to the order of the day, seeks the politicization of all the workers and impoverished middle strata of society, linking their immediate demands and the defense of their rights and claims With the need to overthrow capitalism and the construction of socialism-communism. At the same time he performs a work against these sellers of the illusion merchandise that so much redeems the continuity of the outdated system.

The Communist Party of Mexico considers a strategic mistake, a political direction that is directed only against some of the efforts, and does not point to the root of the problem, at the very core of the serious problems that afflict the working class. Currently in vogue, "anti-neoliberalism" opposes privatizations, nationalizations or nationalizations without altering capitalism; Calls for a greater intervention of the State in the economy, but it is the same bourgeois state, which it does not want to destroy but to administer. The so-called progressive governments are an example of this, continue the policies that would make any pro-capitalist option, changing everything, to change nothing, demobilizing popular organizations in their wake.

The Communists do not seek to extend the life of capital or to oxygenate it. Almost 170 years ago, The Manifesto of the Communist Party placed our programmatic objectives. Contemporary reformers can not fulfill their sad role of hiding the putrefaction and senility of capitalism in its imperialist phase.

To the question of reform or revolution, The Communist Party of Mexico responds in the only possible way: Socialist revolution.

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Google Translator

The Socialist Revolution in Mexico: Our Immediate Task

The Class Struggle in Mexican History



In Mexico, as in all peoples, the motor of profound and radical changes has been the class struggle. Throughout history the oppressed classes have sustained the struggle and participated in the revolutionary processes.



Before 1524, the peoples who inhabited the territory of what is now Mexico were in the middle stage of barbarism and the Spanish conquest cut off any further independent development, with the violent destruction of all that was opposed to it. The flourishing culture of the Indian peoples was annihilated and the Indian population barely reduced from 25 million to 6'400,000 in 1540, a mass extermination, and stripped of their property and land, from which they were expelled, subjected to slavery. It was also brought black population of Africa that equally was decimated by the accentuated conditions of exploitation.



With the encomienda and the peonage, forms disguised as slavery were implanted that, in addition to the pawn and their families, affected the following generations.



We emphasize that the discovery , conquest and colonization of America accelerated the manufacture and movement of production due to the expansion of trade and the creation of the world market, inaugurating a new phase of historical development, creating a new field of activity for the bourgeoisie rising. The era of capitalist production has its beginnings in the original accumulation arising from colonization, slavery, mineral extraction and plunder of America, the East Indies and Africa.



Gold and silver stripped of blood and fire of America had a dissolving effect on feudal society, helping to accelerate the displacement of artisanal production by manufacturing, overcoming the barriers that impeded capitalist production.



As the world entered the transition from feudalism to capitalism, regardless of the feudal or semi-feudal forms established by the conquistadors in America, colonialism inaugurated the development of capitalism, of course in Mexico as well.



The conquerors brought with them relations in which capitalism already nested and developed. Extraction of minerals, plantations, haciendas and auxiliary workshops to these activities, although full of feudal, semi-feudal and even slave forms, was built not to give life to new fiefs but to satisfy the market European. The conquest of America can trace its cause in the search for new routes and new markets and in turn served to incite to this same, accompanied of course of the ideological justifications of the time. The flow of gold and silver extracted was changed in the metropolis by goods that impelled the industry of all Europe. The colony itself served as a receptacle for goods produced in the old continent, Produced in turn with materials from all continents. Colonialism inaugurates the development of capitalism and the obraje will arise the manufacture, and the proletariat will be born.



In that period, Europeans, Indians, blacks were mixed producing the mestizaje. Colonialism was characterized by being a caste regime, deeply racist. The Catholic Church was an instrument of submission and social control. In the viceregal society control of the means of production was exclusively in the hands of a dominant class, mostly Spanish, but not only, who controlled agriculture, mining, commerce, industry and transoceanic transport.



The three centuries of colonial domination, with appalling conditions of life, exploitation, absolutism, slavery caused regular outbursts of rebellion, long isolated and suffocated.



It is important to emphasize that we refute the vision of the historical development of the so-called ideology of the Mexican revolution and of revolutionary nationalism that even prevailed among the Communists for a long period and which cuts history in three movements of the same process (Independence, Reformation and Revolution Mexican) that would forge national unity. Our approach is that of the class struggle that indicates that the material conditions in which the great social outbursts of our country were conceived, despite the decisive intervention of the oppressed masses, strengthened the class interested in the development of capitalism.



The Indian peoples, exploited peasants, artisans, mineworkers, together with the intellectuals emanating from the clergy and influenced by the progressive ideas of the French Revolution, carried out the armed uprising of September 15, 1810, to achieve Mexico's independence and form a Better living conditions. The Insurgent Army was formed by the revolutionary populace and both Miguel Hidalgo, José María Morelos and Vicente Guerrero genuinely represented their aspirations and their demands to abolish slavery and institute popular sovereignty, to achieve the yearnings of justice and freedom and to emancipate themselves from the colonialist yoke. In Guanajuato, the main development zone of the colony, where the bulk of the mining was settled, This army of the people was conformed that without merciful and with justiciero spirit was receiving accounts to the ruling class. Popular vindication was justified after centuries of oppression. The ideas of the Enlightenment were decisive for the formation of that group that was inspired by the radical ideas of the French Revolution.



Also interested in national independence was a part of the ruling class that did not want to continue to tax Spain, but to continue the exploitation, and that was the one that finally imposed itself in the conduct of the independence processes.



The independence of Mexico is simultaneous with that of the peoples of the Americas, which began early in Haiti, preceded by that of the United States, and spread throughout the Continent. It is the ideas of the triumphant bourgeois-democratic revolution in Europe that spur the nineteenth-century anti-colonial revival, where the exploited struggle with enthusiasm and self-denial, defeating the colonialists politically and militarily, so that bourgeois domination is finally restored within the framework of Nations that arise.



The imposition of the counterrevolution in Mexico is given by Iturbide. Mexico formally emerges as the nation we know today. The ruling class formed by the hacendados, the bourgeoisie and the clergy consolidates. In 1847-1848 American intervention took place, first stripping the territory of Texas, and then in a war, historically proven to be unjust and the result of a mounted provocation, the military invasion imposed by the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo takes over Mexico Half of the national territory. Both California gold and Texas oil areas will favor US capitalist development and its early entry into the imperialist phase. The Mexican people heroically resisted the intervention and if it could not do more was because of the attitude of the Santana government and military command that sabotaged the supply of weapons and ammunition and ordered unjustified withdrawals. This attitude is explained by the fact that the ruling class preferred to lose extensions on which internal market ties were not consolidated, rather than risk arming the subordinate sectors and thereby endangering their class position altogether.



Later, in 1862 the French Intervention took place, with the support of the conservative forces of Mexico, opposed to liberalism and partisans of the monarchy. On the one hand were the expansionist ambitions of France and the open contradictions with the United States that emerged as a power, on the other the clerical interests of maintaining control of the land. Juárez promoted the Reformation, like a movement destined to favor the librecambismo that took the capitalism to a new stage. In the fight against intervention, the people fought and defeated the French army, using guerrilla warfare, to harass the occupiers in all its lines. The yearning for liberty compromised the whole of the people against the dreams of imperial domination that were frustrated ended in front of the scaffold of the Hill of the Bells in Querétaro.



The internal struggles finally did not change the course and opened the door to the 30-year dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, a period in which capitalism developed with intensity in its premonopolistic phase, having as main lever the favoring of intense capital flows. On the one hand the development of communications with the railways, creating a national market, the development of industry, giving rise to large proletarian concentrations, the huge investments of English, North American and French capital, on the other side the hacienda, the The concentration of the land in a few hands, white guards and brutal repression were generating unresolvable antagonisms that were to explode in the movement known as the Mexican Revolution, a civil war between 1910 and 1919, Which was preceded by an anti-dictatorial movement organized by the Mexican Liberal Party and its newspaper Regeneration with epicenter in the proletariat. In 1906 with the strikes of Cananea and Rio Blanco announced the storm that would leave a cost of 10% of the population killed during the armed social conflict.



After the resignation of Porfirio Diaz briefly ruled Madero, turning his back on the peasants of the south who participated in the uprising and kept intact the properties of the landed bourgeoisie. But as long as the revolutionary forces remained latent their government was unable to contain them, so that a coup led by Victoriano Huerta, at the head of the army formed by the dictatorship that was intact, was implemented from the American embassy. Following the dialectic, this counterrevolutionary process openly opened the revolutionary struggle, with two clearly defined wings: Carranza, Obregón and Calles, representing the interests of the bourgeoisie who proposed entering the phase of concentration and centralization of capital using the economy as nationalized as lever; The other, that of the Northern Division of Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata with the Southern Liberation Army, representing the indigenous peoples, peasants, agricultural laborers, peones of the countryside and the city, railroad workers and miners. Unfortunately, because it did not have its revolutionary party, an important part of the proletariat closed ranks through the House of the World Worker against Zapatismo. Zapata and Villa expressed the radical potential of the masses, although they unfortunately failed to develop a revolutionary program. An important part of the proletariat closed ranks through the House of the World Worker against Zapatismo. Zapata and Villa expressed the radical potential of the masses, although they unfortunately failed to develop a revolutionary program. An important part of the proletariat closed ranks through the House of the World Worker against Zapatismo. Zapata and Villa expressed the radical potential of the masses, although they unfortunately failed to develop a revolutionary program.



The climax that expressed popular radicalism was the political and military alliance of Zapatismo and Villismo in the Sovereign National Revolutionary Convention that began in Aguascalientes, became government from the same National Palace and was dissolved in Huautla Morelos.



Although there was a convergence to defeat Huerta, it did not prevent that the constitutionalists immediately attacked the popular armies of Zapata and Villa. The Sovereign National Revolutionary Convention faltered in the face of the question of power and this allowed the constitutionalists to develop a military offensive and impose their nation project with the Constitution that was approved in 1917 in Querétaro. The 10 of April of 1919 assassinated using the treason to Emiliano Zapata and later to Francisco Villa.



With the Constitution of 1917, as an expression of the ruling class, a functional order was established for the process of concentration and centralization in which capitalism entered our country. The division of lands and the labor rights that they managed to register were imposed both by the immense participation of the people and by the need to shield themselves from possible conflicts with the interests to which they would expropriate to create their own base. The correlation of forces imposed a democratic and progressive content, but not different the class character of the Mexican State, or its superstructure.



Triumphing over other currents, the Obregon-Calles duo consolidated the new domination with the new social contract. He organized the party of the bourgeoisie linked to state power, the PNR-PRM-PRI, which was presented as a multi-party party.



In 1919, the Communist Party of Mexico emerged as the Mexican Section of the Communist International. It is born on the one hand with the great support of the experience of the Mexican labor movement, and on the other, with the support of the bulwark of revolution in the world.



From the first years the PCM affected the popular masses of our country, developing work with workers, peasants and tenants. Arriving to direct the tenancy movement in 1922, to Agrarian Leagues of several states from 1924 to 1929 (where the names of communists assassinated by the regime like Primo Tapia and Jose Guadalupe Rodriguez stand out) and a great participation in the Railroad Strike of 1926 (Where some of his more outstanding cadres would end up being leaders of the PCM: Hernán Laborde and Elías Barrios).



Despite the difficult conditions under which the PCM passed in its early years, and even under the illegality imposed by the government, the Party has always had the strength to carry out its international tasks without neglecting or neglecting them. The PCM supported workers' and anti-imperialist organizations in Latin America and contributed to the founding of the brother communist parties of Cuba, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Ecuador and Honduras. As well as supporting the anti-imperialist struggles of Sandino in Nicaragua and the Machado brothers in Venezuela. In turn, the PCM owes much to the internationalist militants of the United States, the US PC and the IWW who supported the formation of the party, and the Mexican workers in the United States, who returned to their land to strengthen their party .

Some measures taken by the bourgeoisie faced the clerical reaction, which on the instructions of the Vatican State exploded the Cristero War and successive rebellions in the Bajio of the country, inspired by the Synarchist.



The capital / labor contradiction was visibly expressed with the organization of unions, strikes, strikes. Three currents were in dispute: the anarchist, the reformer of the CROM and the work of the communists that would crystallize in the Central Unitary Union of Mexico. In the political speech the miners, railwaymen, oil tankers, alijadores, electricians, workers of the education, the agricultural proletariat emerged.



The working class passed from unionism, from localism, to branch unions, from industry, creating the basis for proletarian unity. The role of the Communists was very prominent through the CSUM. Within the yellow CROM there was a rupture led by attorney Vicente Lombardo Toledano who added an important contingent in that direction. Large-scale strikes, general strikes, and strikes of political solidarity show us the effervescence of the class struggle.



The working class assumed political prominence at the crossroads that was presented at that time in the country due to the inter-bourgeois conflict. He created the Proletarian Defense Committee, as a precursor of proletarian unity that would crystallize in the Confederation of Mexican Workers, with its political and economic strikes, imposed new pro-labor relations in its conflict with capital as well as achieving oil expropriation. Proletarian unity contributed to the anti-fascist struggle, it was in solidarity with the peoples of Abyssinia, China, republican Spain and the USSR. But such political victories were accompanied by a softening of ideology, since class independence was replaced by the ideology of the Mexican Revolution and National Unity. The PCM made several mistakes, Influenced by the browderismo. These ideological political deviations were crowned at the organizational level, with the disappearance of the factory cells and the replacement by territorial cells; In addition to the tendency to change the bulk of political work with the industrial proletariat, other sectors (students, teachers, peasants) and other dissolving measures such as participating in the Mexican Socialist League and highlighting the formation of the Popular Party.





The so-called ideology of the Mexican Revolution is a bundle of bourgeois ideology that succeeded in paralyzing the revolutionary action of the working class for more than half a century. Sustained by what Lenin called "legal Marxists" placed the state above the class struggle, sowing the illusion that such neutrality would favor the workers and promote inter-class pacts. He placed the working class in the line of the bourgeoisie with the false premise that the capitalist path of development that Mexico followed from 1934 to 1982 would gradually lead to socialism. The working class ended up raising the flags of the bourgeoisie instead of raising those of the socialist revolution.



The ideology of the Mexican Revolution and National Unity were the ideal mechanisms for capitalist development, guaranteeing the necessary domination and consensus without instabilities or exacerbation of class conflict, despite the fact that objective conditions spurred the revolutionary struggle. A harmonious and peaceful view of history was built, where Madero, Carranza, Obregon were on the same side as Villa and Zapata; Where Mexico and its national unity were above the exotic and extravagant ideas of socialism; Where the specificity of Mexico was above the contradiction of capitalism and socialism; Where the regulation of a welfare state was above capital / labor antagonism.



This ideological hegemony of the bourgeoisie shielded capitalist development and served as an alibi to suppress all revolutionary forces; To expel classist and militant positions from trade unionism; To sow anticommunism, to promote reformism; To imprison and assassinate communists and other insurgent movements or organizations. The Communist Party of Mexico vindicates the struggles of the people that kept up the flag of the insumisión and the revolution: Arturo Gámiz, Pablo Gómez and the GPG that acted in Chihuahua and that tried to assault the sky with the military take of the Wood Barracks the 23 of September 1965; Genaro Vázquez and LARSEZ / ACG / ACNR, Lucio Cabañas and the PdlP, the action of the September LC-23; Of labor, railroad, mining, magisterial, student and youth struggles.



The PCM considers the emergence of the PRD and the struggle for the "democratic transition", as the other fundamental error of those groups that were still claimed socialist, and which sealed their opportunist transformation, where they moved to the enemy side, became agents and instruments Of the bourgeoisie within the popular movement. The PRD's political program was the culmination of the opportunist policy of those who liquidated the Mexican Communist Party; A policy that began to predominate after 1975, hegemonizing almost all the communist and revolutionary forces of the time, softened by Eurocommunism of great diffusion in Mexico. The Mexican Communist Party lowered its communist flags in 1981 with its self-dissolution,

Capitalism in its imperialist phase reached its historical limits in Mexico and the World

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Mexico is today a country of full capitalist development, which fulfills all the features of an economy embedded in the imperialist ties, with an intermediate position in the imperialist pyramid. Monopolies are dominant in the economy and therefore in politics. The principal contradiction is that between capital and labor, between the bourgeoisie and the working class, between the power of the monopolies and the working people. Mexico is today one of the weak links of the imperialist chain, where the evident social contrasts are for now in disagreement with the social conscience.

Capital exploits the labor force of nearly 46 million workers, while 16 million belong to the working class, and of this 40% belongs to the proletariat of large industry, while another important part of the Mexican working class, approximately 6 million, is located in the United States as part of the immigrant labor force. Unemployment is increasing and as an army of industrial reserve is a rate that almost reaches 10%. Only 10% of Mexican workers are unionized. Of all the Mexican population, 60% are in extreme poverty. As experts in the world of work say, the average worker in Mexico to get his salary is 9 minutes, which in a nutshell means that seven hours and 51 minutes of work,

Overexploitation, devaluation of labor, flexibilization, liquidation of labor rights, precariousness, unemployment, poverty, hunger, and insalubrity are the constant that ensures the profitability of capital.

In fact the social antagonism between bourgeois and proletarians was realized; After the NAFTA began its implementation in 1994, the peasantry entered a rapid process of proletarianization, being stripped of ejido lands, marching to manufacturing areas of industrial zones, maquiladora zones, migrant labor in USA, as workers of the construction of real estate monopolies in the same lands that were taken from them, as agricultural proletarians, day laborers or as part of the reserve industrial army. It is true that a sector of poor peasants survives, but the tendency is unalterable. The petty bourgeoisie as a result of the capitalist crisis and the processes of accumulation itself failed to fulfill its aspiration to scale socially into bourgeois life, And the laws of capitalism proletariat their life, although ideologically remain in their positions impregnating negatively several ongoing struggles. Face to face are placed two social classes, the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. The middle strata being from the objective point of view of the material conditions of life allied to the working class, however, oscillate in political positions that favor the domination of the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

There is also in Mexico the element of the national question, distributed throughout the country's geography, expressed in the diversity of Indian peoples. Faced not only with attempts to suppress their nationality, but also with plans of dispossession by monopolies. The Indian peoples are also crossed by the class struggle, nevertheless they have had the characteristic of being an element present in all the struggles of resistance and in the permanent revolutionary waves that impacted to Mexico.

The Communist Party of Mexico considers its duty in the first place the unity of the working class, of all workers, that is to say the constitution of the proletariat in class and the alliance with the impoverished middle classes and the Indian peoples, in a front of character Anti-capitalist, anti-monopolist, anti-imperialist, who fights for workers and popular power with the goal of socialism-communism.

The Communist Party of Mexico does not propose a minimum program and a maximum program, because in the current condition of the class conflict the minimum thing to fight for is socialism-communism. This does not exclude the daily and concrete struggle for partial conquests, popular demands, etc., provided that the communists inserted in such struggles connect with their political activity these issues with the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and the installation of workers' power And popular.

The Communist Party of Mexico works for the concentration of class and radical forces in the direction of the overthrow of capitalism and the power of monopolies in Mexico for the destruction of the Mexican bourgeois state and its mechanisms of domination and repression. To reach this goal we are guided by the historical methods of combat of the proletariat and by its historical condensation in what Lenin called the combination of all forms of struggle, offensive, defensive, counter-offensive, tactical turns, necessary maneuvers, Until the conditions for the uprising, the assault on the fortress of capitalism, the seizure of power by the working class and the advent of the socialist revolution are ripe.

The Communist Party of Mexico outlines its strategy in this document, and does not renounce the use and combination of any form of struggle to achieve its realization, from the use of the parliament to the proletarian insurrection, and not precluding any tactics. We demand from each governing body and from each table that it participates in them only that the choice of them obeys the concrete analysis of the concrete situation, which clearly indicates to the militancy, and to the organizations of mass under its influence, the The main form of struggle, together with its auxiliary forms, and that it be evaluated on the basis of whether or not it will advance the positions of our class in the attainment of its strategic objectives, in the elevation of its consciousness.

The moment of the assault on bourgeois power will be preceded by the strong intervention of the Communist Party of Mexico in the labor and union movement, the reorganization of independent and classist positions of trade unionism. It is a premise of the Socialist Revolution, its backbone. In the same way an autonomous and independent social and popular movement oriented in a class perspective, which creates organization and the germs of the new power.

As a learning of popular conquests, counterrevolutionary resistance of the ruling classes, the ferocity of reaction, we openly express that nothing is gratuitous in history , that the birth of the new society will bear the cost of great sacrifices for our class. The existing social order and the ruling class, as we openly proclaimed since 1848, will be overthrown by violence, by armed insurrection in combination with other auxiliary forms of struggle. We consider it a duty to prepare the best conditions for a victory and to be fully responsible in this regard. But we do not avoid the question that if the masses were to unleash an uprising against the bourgeois regime even without preparation and guarantees, it would be our duty to carry it to its ultimate consequences,

The struggle to improve the life of the working class, the whole of the exploited and oppressed is only possible in socialism, no reform today can seriously contribute to it, only to prolong agony and barbarism.

Organizing the socialist revolution is the present task of the Communist Party of Mexico. Mexico today, with its class structure, in the endless contradictions with which capitalism prevails society, outlines the Proletarian Revolution, with its contents and definitions, with its driving forces and even with its characteristics and forms.

That is why we do not waste time in the cult of spontaneity that stands for showy conjunctural movements that originate in the discomfort of the middle layers.

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The Communist Party of Mexico raises in the history of the working class of our country with its red emancipatory flag, with its overflowing force that destroys the power of the monopolies, to:

- Overthrow the bourgeoisie and the state and install workers and popular power,

- Expropriating and socializing monopolies and all concentrated means of production, abolishing private property over them.

Dissolve the mechanisms of domination, ie the presidential figure, the current bicameral legislative power, the electoral party system and the prerogatives that feed them, the farce of judicial power. In their place on the basis of the centers of work and production will be elected representatives of the forms of power that the workers are forging by giving specific form to the dictatorship of the proletariat in our country, breaking in shreds the bourgeois legality prevailing today and that is a Straitjacket, following the lessons of history, from the Paris Commune, we will fight because these forms of power are simultaneously legislative and executive, whose members can be revoked at any time by the electors if they contravene its mandate,

- To dissolve the organized violence of the bourgeois state, that is, to dissolve all repressive bodies, such as the Army and all the police and espionage devices, as well as all the parastatal mechanisms with which terror against our people is sown. In its place, the working class and the people, among whom we can count on the soldiers and officers of the old army to take part in the revolution, will organize themselves so much to avoid, to dissuade and to crush the counterrevolutionary activities from the interior and the exterior of the country , To guarantee their conquests with bodies such as a People's Army, Labor Guards, Revolutionary Militias, Community Policemen, etc.

- Break with the North American Free Trade Agreement and any other inter-state treaty that benefits the monopolies,

- Cancel the foreign debt,

- Break any compromise with the IMF, WB, or other mechanism of imperialist nature,

- Establish the central planning of the economy and workers' control,

- Immediate recognition of the San Andrés Larrainzar Accords, as well as extending the issue to recognition not only of autonomous areas but also of self-determination.

- Socialization of land,

- Eliminate the material bases that push millions of Mexican workers to migrate to the US and Canada, and to fight diplomatically to recognize migrants as workers with full rights. We will fight from Mexico, because they are recognized their legal status.

These immediate basic measures of the new workers and popular power, with the working class at the helm of the new commune, will open a new era for this country, in which workers will never again experience uncertainty, anxiety, suffering; Where unemployment will disappear and the working day will be reduced, where there will be a right to fixed and stable work; Free education at all levels; Where well-being, health, housing will be fully guaranteed, as well as leisure time, rest hours; Social security will also be guaranteed, to universal retirement.

They will lay the foundations for abolishing discrimination and oppression of women, protecting maternity in practice, freeing women from responsibilities in the care of the family, and creating a free system of social assistance. Take radical measures to remove women from second-class status.

To create the bases of the socialist economy and of the workers 'and popular power, of a workers' state where the dictatorship of the proletariat is applied, base and instrument to create a new humanity, a society without exploited or exploited.

Considering that capitalism is a destructive force of nature, the Communist Party of Mexico will emphasize the rational use of its resources and lay the foundations for the contradiction between man and nature.

The Communist Party of Mexico will insist that culture, as an emancipatory force and freedom, is the lever of a new society impregnated with creativity and humanism, an expression of reality and not of fantasy, that is a rupture with alienation And alienation.

The Communist Party of Mexico, initially fulfilling these goals, will only begin its tasks of radical rupture in the direction of a society where the values ​​of use are preeminence over the values ​​of change; Where the mercantile relations are fought in favor of socialist relations.

The tasks of the Communist Party of Mexico will only begin then.

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Proletarians of Mexico:

Industrial, commercial, banking, construction workers, agricultural laborers, education and health workers, art and culture workers, young workers, working women, unemployed, impoverished middle classes, Indian peoples of Mexico:



These goals are achievable in the short term, as well as necessary and imperative. Necessary is to engage in small tasks that strengthen the small stream that will become torrent and erupt as a Revolution, first the formation of a strong labor and union movement capable of general strikes, as a prelude to the uprising; Necessary is to take the steps to build the anti-capitalist, anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist Front, for the workers' and popular power, for socialism-communism . Necessary is to strengthen the Communist Party.



It's time for the working class ...



Ahead of the struggle, raising the red flag of Marxism-Leninism, for the new Revolution.

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Proletarians of all countries, unite!