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Montag
12-01-2008, 08:59 AM
I like how they refer to Bob Rubin as 'failed bank chief', he's failed at more more than that (ha, ha).

Obama criticised for economic team's link to failed bank chief
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/30/obama-white-house-barackobama

Presidential advisers are protégés of director of Citigroup, the bank accused of reckless sub-prime investments that led to its near-collapse

by Edward Helmore
Sunday, November 30 2008


As Barack Obama prepares to announce the appointment of Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State this week, the first notes of dissent over the President-elect's choices are being heard across America.

The loudest complaints concern his economic team's ties to Citigroup, the banking behemoth that all but collapsed last weekend. In particular, criticisms are mounting over the role to be played by Robert Rubin, a director at Citigroup and President Clinton's former treasury secretary.

Obama, who last week called for a massive stimulus package to prevent the US economy from 'falling into a deflationary spiral', has taken several protégés of 70-year-old Rubin as advisers, among them Timothy Geithner as treasury secretary, Lawrence Summers as senior White House economics adviser and Peter Orszag as budget director, even as Rubin himself has been defending his key role in deregulating the financial markets and steering Citigroup towards taking greater trading risks to expand its business and reap higher profits.

'Nobody was prepared for this,' Rubin said yesterday. Like several other banking CEOs and former Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan, he indicated that the current financial crisis was caused by a buckling financial system - not mistakes of leadership or policy-making.

But with criticism of Rubin and loyal 'Rubinistas' threatening Obama's Washington debut, there is increasing concern that the President-elect's emphasis on appointing Clinton-era officials - a shadow Clinton term, as it has been called - could backfire as the very people who undertook financial deregulation in the Nineties are now directed to re-regulate a decade later.

'Where's the diversity on the economic team? It's not only all from the same small club, but from the club that brought us the deregulation that has a lot to do with the economic collapse,' said Robert Kuttner, the co-founder of the liberal-leaning American Prospect magazine.

The growing fury over the bailout of Citigroup largely focuses on Rubin's role. In a damning post-mortem of Citigroup's rush to risk, the New York Times labelled Rubin 'an architect of the bank's strategy' and described him as having 'pushed to bulk up the bank's high-growth fixed-income trading'.

Rubin, the paper said, led the bank into a risky gamble on investments, including securities backed by sub-prime mortgages. With a base Citigroup salary of $115m, excluding stock options and bonuses, Rubin's defence that he had no 'operating' responsibilities at the bank is not widely accepted. 'He still has a fiduciary responsibility as a board member,' said William Smith, a New York money manager. 'He has overseen the entire meltdown, yet been compensated as an operating employee, while bragging about having no operating responsibility.'

Rubin has countered that his pay was justified. 'I bet there's not a single year where I couldn't have gone somewhere else and made more,' he told the Wall Street Journal. He turned down his bonus last year, telling the board the money could be better spent elsewhere.

For Obama, the selection of Rubin acolytes suggests vulnerability. Yet defenders of the Rubinistas say it is not policy that binds them but their braininess.

But for Obama, who promised 'change you can believe in', the selection of Rubin protégés - what one critic called the 'essence of the Washington-New York finance axis of power' - has raised eyebrows. While Rubin may be unwilling to accept responsibility for the decisions that led to Citigroup's downfall, he concedes that he did understand the risky financial decisions it was making. 'If you look back from now, there's an enormous amount that needs to be learned,' he said yesterday.

Klatoo
12-07-2008, 08:24 AM
form."If you look back from now,there is an enormous amount to be learned",that sentence is meant to convey that Rubin was not the decision maker who plunged us into this mess by seeking deregulation that unleashed forces that have always been at America's Heart of Darkness.

Like McNamara before him,Rubin will never acknowledge the great mass of suffering he has inflicted on millions.I would venture to say that the current troubles of the auto industry,the housing industry and the mortgage industry are all directly attributable to men like Rubin,Summers and Geithner.Yet, no one in the financial press is willing to state the obvious: Harvard and Wharton are essentially diploma mills sending out over educated quacks who go on to become overpaid hacks.

Virgil
12-07-2008, 10:23 AM
The economic bloggers are who people are looking to for criticism. The Boston Globe did a piece covered here- http://www.ritholtz.com/blog/2008/12/boston-globe-a-field-guide-to-economics-and-finance-blogs/ - that gives us this list of influential bloggers.
=======

The Big Picture
ritholtz.com/blog

Brad Setser’s Follow the Money
blogs.cfr.org/setser

Calculated Risk
calculatedrisk.blogspot.com

Credit Slips
www.creditslips.org/creditslips

Economist’s View
economistsview.typepad.com

Freakonomics
freakonomics.blogs.nytimes.com

Marginal Revolution
www.marginalrevolution.com

Naked Capitalism
www.nakedcapitalism.com

Nouriel Roubini’s Global Econo-Monitor
www.rgemonitor.com/blog/roubini

======================

Part 2

"So, you want to save the economy?"
http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2008/12/07/so_you_want_to_save_the_economy/

By Stephen Mihm
December 7, 2008

DURING THE PANIC of 1907, the nation's most powerful banker, J. P. Morgan, brokered a solution to the crisis behind the closed doors of his personal library in New York City. Faced with the total collapse of the financial system, Morgan gathered together the nation's banking titans into one wing of the library and locked the door, refusing to let them out until they had pledged to help one another through the crisis.

Morgan stopped the panic in its tracks, and his modus operandi - hammering out deals in secrecy - has become the conventional method of managing threats to the nation's economy. This year, the response to the crisis on Wall Street started that way, too. As venerable Lehman Brothers teetered on collapse, the nation's top bankers gathered in the offices of the Federal Reserve for a closed-door meeting at which the Treasury secretary urged them to rescue the beleaguered firm on their own. When that effort failed, Secretary Henry Paulson demanded Congress cough up three quarters of a trillion dollars to buy up bad assets, submitting next to nothing to make his case. The message was simple enough: Trust us - we know what we're doing.

This time, however, something strange happened. A sprawling network of experts in economics and finance began picking apart the Paulson plan - live, in public, on blogs. Despite the vitriol the bloggers dished out - "Why You Should Hate the Treasury Plan" was one of the more temperate postings - this wasn't a bunch of hacks howling from the sidelines. Their numbers included some of the nation's top academic economists, such as Paul Krugman, Nouriel Roubini, and Tyler Cowen, along with a host of financial-industry insiders who actually knew a great deal about credit default swaps, collateralized debt obligations, and all the other esoteric instruments at the heart of the crisis.

As the bailout plan unfolded, the bloggers offered historical context along with cutting critiques of the proposal. More important still, they offered counterproposals: direct capital injections into banks, for example, or direct purchases of mortgages. Many of their readers began badgering their senators and representatives to oppose the plan. A few weeks later, Congress rebuffed Paulson, sending shockwaves through global financial markets.

Though it's still unclear how much credit the blogs can take for shaping Washington's response to the crisis, it's already evident that policy makers charged with monitoring and fixing the markets are no longer operating alone. A fast-moving, highly informed economics blogosphere now tracks and critiques their every move. The result is that this may be the first national crisis to be hashed out by experts in full public view.

The blogs offer a rolling crash course in economics as authoritative as any textbook, but far more accessible. It's a conversation that's simultaneously esoteric and irreverent, combining technical discussions of liquidity traps and yield curves with profane putdowns and heckling headlines. In the process, the bloggers have helped to democratize policy making, throwing open the doors on the messy business of everything from declaring a recession to structuring the most expensive government bailout in history.

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