Police, prison and abolition

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Tue Dec 05, 2023 2:49 pm

Georgia Frames Cop-City Protest as Criminal Conspiracy
December 4, 2023

Rachel McKane and David Pellow see Georgia’s RICO indictment as an attempt to repress social movement activity, using the state’s tools of legal interpretation and enforcement.

Image
Protesters in January marching in Minneapolis in remembrance of Manuel Teran, who was shot and killed by officers at a prolonged protest in an Atlanta forest. They stopped at Lake/Girard where protester Deona Marie was killed on June 13, 2021. (Chad Davis, Wikimedia Commons,
CC BY 2.0)

By Rachel McKane and David Pellow
The Conversation

When does lawful protest become criminal activity? That question is at issue in Atlanta, where 57 people have been indicted and arraigned on racketeering charges for actions related to their protest against a planned police and firefighter training center that critics call “Cop City.”

Racketeering charges typically are reserved for people accused of conspiring toward a criminal goal, such as members of organized crime networks or financiers engaged in insider trading.

Georgia Attorney General Christopher Carr is attempting to build an argument that seeking to stop construction of the police training facility – through actions that include organizing protests, occupying the construction site and vandalizing police cars and construction equipment – constitutes a “corrupt agreement” or shared criminal goal.

The indictment’s justification is rooted in long-standing anti-anarchist sentiments within the U.S. government. However, some civil rights organizations call this combination of charges unprecedented.

As scholars who study environmental change and social justice, we believe the charges seek to suppress typical acts of civil disobedience. They also target grassroots community organizing models and ideas rooted in the practice of mutual aid – people organizing collective networks in order to meet each other’s basic needs.


The RICO indictment against ‘Cop City’ protesters describes the accused protesters as ‘militant anarchists.’

The ‘Stop Cop City’ Movement

“Cop City,” officially known as the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, was first proposed in 2017. The facility is expected to cost $90 million and is located on 85 acres of public land in the Weelaunee Forest, once home to the Indigenous Muscogee Creek peoples. The site is owned by the city of Atlanta but sits on unincorporated land in DeKalb County, just outside the city.

The opposition campaign has garnered support from activists and environmentalists who are concerned about militarization of police forces and potential threats to the Black community, as well as to climate resilience in Atlanta.

Members of Defend the Atlanta Forest, a decentralized movement of grassroots groups and individuals, argue that the threatened forest provides essential ecological services – filtering rainwater, preventing flooding, providing habitat for wildlife and cooling the city in a time of climate change.

Activists have led protest marches, written letters to elected officials and organized a referendum for the public to decide the future of the property. Some have camped out in the Welaunee Forest – a method that radical environmental defense groups like Earth First! have used to delay or prevent logging. In one instance, activists reportedly set construction equipment on fire.

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Carr has filed a sweeping RICO indictment against dozens of activists protesting the planned police training site. (U.S. Senate, Wikimedia Commons, Public domain)

Authorities have responded with force.

In January 2023, police fatally shot activist Manuel “Tortuguita” Terán, who had been camping on the Cop City site for months. Authorities assert that Terán had shot and wounded a state trooper, while Terán’s family contends that they were protesting peacefully.

An independent autopsy concluded that Teran was shot 57 times while sitting with hands raised. A prosecutor opted not to file charges against state troopers involved in the shootout, calling their use of deadly force “objectively reasonable.”

Attorney General Carr indicted 61 activists on Sept. 5 under Georgia’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, which is a broader version of the 1970 federal RICO law.

Three defendants have been charged with money laundering for transferring money to protesters occupying the forest around the construction site. Five are charged with domestic terrorism and arson. Some of the accused face up to 20 years in prison.

Clashes between protesters and police have continued. Protesters organized a march for Nov. 13 and were met by heavily armed police officers in riot gear. When activists attempted to push past the officers, the police used tear gas and flash-bang grenades.


How Does RICO Apply?

Georgia’s 109-page indictment of “Cop City” protesters paints a broad – and, in our view, troubling – picture of the actions and beliefs that allegedly contributed to what it describes as a corrupt agreement.

The indictment cites the 2020 killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis Police as the event that sparked the “conspiracy.” It refers to the Atlanta-based movement as the Defend the Atlanta Forest “Enterprise” and describes participants as engaging with “anarchist” ideas and practices such as “collectivism, mutualism/mutual aid, and social solidarity.”

Protesters use these practices, the indictment asserts, to advance their goal of stopping construction of the training center. As evidence, it cites examples, including posting calls to action on online blogs, reimbursement for printed documents and transferring money to activists for materials such as camping gear, food, communications equipment and, in two instances, ammunition.

Threatening First Amendment Rights

As we see it, these activists are being criminalized for their political beliefs and for engaging in activities protected by the First Amendment, such as exercising free speech. Throughout the indictment, the Georgia attorney general uses the term “anarchist,” we believe, as a synonym for “criminal.”


Such language echoes the Immigration Act of 1903, also known as the Anarchist Exclusion Act. This law targeted anarchists for exclusion from the U.S. solely based on their political beliefs. Section 2 of the law states that “anarchists, or persons who believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of the government of the United States or of all governments or all forms of law, shall be excluded from admission into the United States.”

This wording reflects a widespread view of anarchy as a state of violent disorder. In fact, however, many anarchist thinkers actually proposed to organize society on the basis of voluntary cooperation, without political institutions or hierarchical government.

Another, broader view of anarchy is that it is an ideology and practice of organizing communities and society in ways that confront any and all forms of oppression, including oppression by government.


Why would such a philosophy be deemed threatening? Consider recent U.S. history.

The Black Panthers

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the federal government sought to repress and criminalize the Black Panther Party for Self Defense as part of a covert and illegal counterintelligence program, known as COINTELPRO.

The Black Panther Party created extensive community survival and mutual aid programs for Black communities at a time of ongoing government neglect. Offerings included free access to medical and dental clinics, ambulance service and buses to visit friends and relatives in prison.



The Black Panther Party organized dozens of social programs to directly meet local needs in underserved areas like New York’s South Bronx.

The Black Panthers’ free breakfast for children program fed thousands of children across the country. In Chicago, local police destroyed food the night before the program was set to begin operations. A memo by an FBI special agent called the program an attempt to “create an image of civility” and “assume community control,” thus threatening the centralized authority of the U.S. government.

Federal agencies relied mainly on covert tactics to surveil, infiltrate and discredit the Black Panther Party. Like the Cop City protesters, the Black Panthers also engaged in direct confrontations with police.

However, we see the current use of RICO charges to address political activism and protest activities as a new tactic.

Future Implications

In our research, we have explored how mutual aid groups establish networks of care and survival in the face of climate change. We expect mutual aid to become even more important for Black and Indigenous people of color as environmental disasters become more frequent.

From our perspective, efforts to stop Cop City demonstrate the interconnection between two critical issues: overpolicing of communities of color and climate change. We see Georgia’s RICO indictment as an attempt to repress social movement activity, using the state’s tools of legal interpretation and enforcement.

Criminalizing collectivism, mutual aid and social solidarity is particularly concerning for historically marginalized populations, who often rely on these tactics for survival.

Seeking to use the state’s political processes, organizers recently collected over 116,000 signatures supporting a ballot referendum that, if approved, would cancel the lease of the city-owned site for the training center.

However, Atlanta officials have refused to verify those signatures as they await a federal court ruling on whether the organizers missed a key deadline. Meanwhile, Atlanta is already clearing land for construction at the training site.

https://consortiumnews.com/2023/12/04/g ... onspiracy/
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Mon Dec 18, 2023 3:37 pm

As Foundation for ‘Excited Delirium’ Testimony by Police Cracks, Fallout Spreads
Posted on December 17, 2023 by Lambert Strether

Lambert here: Forty years to debunk the junk science that gave cops a rationalization for whacking people.

By Renuka Rayasam, Senior Correspondent at KFF Health News, Markian Hawryluk, Senior Colorado Correspondent for KFF Health News, and Samantha Young, Senior Correspondent for KFF Health News. Originally published at KFF Health News.

When Angelo Quinto’s family learned that officials blamed his 2020 death on “excited delirium,” a term they had never heard before, they couldn’t believe it. To them, it was obvious the science behind the diagnosis wasn’t real.


Quinto, 30, had been pinned on the ground for at least 90 seconds by police in California and stopped breathing. He died three days later.

Now his relatives are asking a federal judge to exclude any testimony about “excited delirium” in their wrongful death case against the city of Antioch. Their case may be stronger than ever.

Their push comes at the end of a pivotal year for the long-standing, nationwide effort to discard the use of excited delirium in official proceedings. Over the past 40 years, the discredited, racially biased theory has been used to explain away police culpability for many in-custody deaths. But in October, the American College of Emergency Physicians disavowed a key paper that seemingly gave it scientific legitimacy, and the College of American Pathologists said it should no longer be cited as a cause of death.

That same month, California’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the nation’s first law to ban the term “excited delirium” as a diagnosis and cause of death on death certificates, autopsy reports, and police reports. Legislators in other states are expected to consider similar bills next year, and some law enforcement agencies and training organizations have dropped references to excited delirium from their policy manuals and pulled back from training police on the debunked theory.

Despite all that momentum, families, attorneys, policing experts, and doctors say much remains to be done to correct the mistakes of the past, to ensure justice in ongoing trials, and to prevent avoidable deaths in the future. But after years of fighting, they’re heartened to see any movement at all.

“This entire thing, it’s a nightmare,” said Bella Collins, Angelo’s sister. “But there are silver linings everywhere, and I feel so fortunate to be able to see change happening.”

Ultimately, the campaign against excited delirium seeks to transform the way police deal with people undergoing mental health crises.

“This is really about saving lives,” said Joanna Naples-Mitchell, an attorney who worked on an influential Physicians for Human Rights review of excited delirium.

Changing Law Enforcement Training

The use of the term “excited delirium syndrome” became pervasive after the American College of Emergency Physicians published a white paper on it in 2009. It proposed that individuals in a mental health crisis, often under the influence of drugs or alcohol, can exhibit superhuman strength as police try to control them, and then die suddenly from the condition, not the police response.

The ACEP white paper was significant in catalyzing police training and policy, said Marc Krupanski, director of criminal justice and policing at Arnold Ventures, one of the largest nonprofit funders of criminal justice policy. The theory contributed to deaths, he said, because it encouraged officers to apply greater force rather than call medical professionals when they saw people in aggressive states.

After George Floyd’s 2020 death, which officers blamed on excited delirium, the American Medical Association and the American Psychiatric Association formally rejected it as a medical condition. Then came disavowals from the National Association of Medical Examiners and the emergency physicians’ and pathologists’ groups this year.

The moves by medical societies to renounce the term have already had tangible, albeit limited, effects. In November, Lexipol, a training organization used by thousands of public safety agencies in the U.S., reiterated its earlier move away from excited delirium, citing the California law and ACEP’s retraction of the 2009 white paper.

Lexipol now guides officers to rely on what they can observe, and not to guess at a person’s mental status or medical condition, said Mike Ranalli, a lawyer and police trainer with the Texas-based group. “If somebody appears to be in distress, just get the EMS,” he said, referring to emergency medical services.

Patrick Caceres, a senior investigator at the Bay Area Rapid Transit’s Office of the Independent Police Auditor, successfully pushed to remove excited delirium from the BART Police Department’s policy manual after learning about Quinto’s death in 2020 and seeing the American Medical Association’s rejection of it the following year.

Caceres fears that rooting out the concept — not just the term — more broadly will take time in a country where law enforcement is spread across roughly 18,000 agencies governed by independent police chiefs or sheriffs.

“The kinds of training and the kinds of conversations that need to happen, we’re still a long way away from that,” said Caceres.

In Tacoma, Washington, where three police officers have been charged with the 2020 death of Manuel Ellis, The Seattle Times reported that local first responders testified as recently as October that they still “embrace” the concept.

But in Colorado, the state’s Peace Officer Standards and Training board ruled on Dec. 1 to drop excited delirium training for new law enforcement officers, KUSA-TV reported.

And two Colorado lawmakers, Democratic state Reps. Judy Amabile and Leslie Herod, have drafted a bill for the 2024 legislative session banning excited delirium from other police and EMS training and prohibiting coroners from citing it as a cause of death.

“This idea that it gives you superhuman strength causes the police to think they should respond in a way that is often completely inappropriate for what’s actually happening,” Amabile said. “It just seems obvious that we should stop doing that.”

She would like police to focus more on de-escalation tactics, and make sure 911 calls for people in mental health crisis are routed to behavioral health professionals who are part of crisis intervention teams.

Taking ‘Excited Delirium’ Out of the Equation

As the Quinto family seeks justice in the death of the 30-year-old Navy veteran, they are hopeful the new refutations of excited delirium will bolster their wrongful death lawsuit against the city of Antioch. On the other side, defense lawyers have argued that jurors should hear testimony about the theory.

On Oct. 26, the family cited both the new California law and the ACEP rebuke of the diagnosis when it asked a U.S. District Court judge in California to exclude witness testimony and evidence related to excited delirium, saying it “cannot be accepted as a scientifically valid diagnosis having anything to do with Quinto’s death.”

“A defense based on BS can succeed,” family attorney Ben Nisenbaum said. “It can succeed by giving jurors an excuse to give the cops a way out of this.”

Meanwhile, advocates are calling for a reexamination of autopsies of those who died in law enforcement custody, and families are fighting to change death certificates that blame excited delirium.

The Maryland attorney general’s office is conducting an audit of autopsies under the tenure of former chief medical examiner David Fowler, who has attributed various deaths to excited delirium. But that’s just one state reviewing a subset of its in-custody deaths.

The family of Alexander Rios, 28, reached a $4 million settlement with Richland County, Ohio, in 2021 after jail officers piled on Rios and shocked him until he turned blue and limp in September 2019. During a criminal trial against one of the officers that ended in a mistrial this November, the pathologist who helped conduct Rios’ autopsy testified that her supervisor pressured her to list “excited delirium” as the cause of death even though she didn’t agree. Still, excited delirium remains his official cause of death.

The county refused to update the record, so his relatives are suing to force a change to his official cause of death. A trial is set for May.

Changing the death certificate will be a form of justice, but it won’t undo the damage his death has caused, said Don Mould, Rios’ stepfather, who is now helping to raise one of Rios’ three children.

“Here is a kid that’s life is upside down,” he said. “No one should go to jail and walk in and not be able to walk out.”

In some cases, death certificates may be hard to refile. Quinto’s family has asked a state judge to throw out the coroner’s findings about his 2020 death. But the California law, which takes effect in January and bans excited delirium on death certificates, cannot be applied retroactively, said Contra Costa County Counsel Thomas Geiger in a court filing.

And, despite the 2023 disavowals by the main medical examiners’ and pathologists’ groups, excited delirium — or a similar explanation — could still show up on future autopsy reports outside California. No single group has authority over the thousands of individual medical examiners and coroners, some of whom work closely with law enforcement officials. The system for determining a cause of death is deeply disjointed and chronically underfunded.

“One of the unfortunate things, at least within forensic pathology, is that many things are very piecemeal,” said Anna Tart, a member of the Forensic Pathology Committee of the College of American Pathologists. She said that CAP plans to educate members through conferences and webinars but won’t discipline members who continue to use the term.

Justin Feldman, principal research scientist with the Center for Policing Equity, said that medical examiners need even more pressure and oversight to ensure that they don’t find other ways to attribute deaths caused by police restraint to something else.

Only a minority of deaths in police custody now cite excited delirium, he said. Instead, many deaths are being blamed on stimulants, even though fatal cocaine or methamphetamine overdoses are rare in the absence of opioids.

Yet advocates are hopeful that this year marks enough of a turning point that alternative terms will have less traction.

The California law and ACEP decision take “a huge piece of junk science out of the equation,” said Julia Sherwin, a California civil rights attorney who co-authored the Physicians for Human Rights report.

Sherwin is representing the family of Mario Gonzalez, who died in police custody in 2021, in a lawsuit against the city of Alameda, California. Excited delirium doesn’t appear on Gonzalez’s death certificate, but medical experts testifying for the officers who restrained him cited the theory in depositions.

She said she plans to file a motion excluding the testimony about excited delirium in that upcoming case and similar motions in all the restraint-asphyxia cases she handles.

“And, in every case, lawyers around the country should be doing that,” Sherwin said.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2023/12 ... reads.html

Well, the cops will continue to believe that crap, because it suits them. Only when they start getting sent to the slammer with their victims who survive their assaults will the message come home. Will the bourgeois allow their attack dogs to be fettered? Unlikely.
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Mon Jan 15, 2024 3:45 pm

Image

Thoughts on Abolition
Originally published: Hood Communist on January 11, 2024 by Erica Caines (more by Hood Communist) | (Posted Jan 13, 2024)

Politics can change and evolve. Considering the dialectical nature of embodied knowledge or ‘lived experience’ and politics, it is imperative to acknowledge that these processes inherently demand change and evolution. In other words, what one strongly believes can be reconsidered and analyzed alongside objective material analysis, as both are theoretically in a constant state of development. Since 2020, there has been a gradual realization about the limitations of various strategies, ideologies, and political approaches, particularly in the context of using “abolition” as a catch-all umbrella.

To grasp the U.S. state in its specific and complex dimensions, one needs to recognize the conditions of colonized people as arising from a ‘carceral relationship with the state’; within this context, abolition as a political stance appeared to be a natural and fitting response. Despite occasional questions or perceived inconsistencies in certain proclamations, the political principles of abolition seemed valid enough to warrant organizing around. Our engagement with “abolition” manifested through actions such as joining coalitions with abolitionists, initiating a book club to explore unanswered questions, and advocating for the incorporation of abolition frameworks in various organizing efforts.

However, as we delved into a more profound understanding of anti-imperialist and Black internationalist frameworks, particularly through direct involvement with Africans in locations like Cuba or Nicaragua, it became evident that the application of an abolition framework fell short in comprehensively analyzing the interconnected conditions faced by colonized people. Acknowledging our own gradual process of reevaluating abolition, it’s clear that certain conclusions wouldn’t have been reached without a serious consideration of organizing against the primary contradiction—imperialism. This deliberate focus compels an in-depth exploration of the conditions in the Third World, prompting an examination of the imperialist history and structures responsible for shaping those conditions.

As we delved into a more principled grasp of scientific socialism and gained ideological clarity through study and organizing, the constraints of “abolition” became apparent. Domestically, these limitations are observable in the continual redefinition and individualization of ‘abolition,’ adapting ad hoc as needed, influenced by the motivations of those employing it. This term has been embraced by activists and academics alike, resulting in varying connotations within different contexts. This ultimately prompts self-proclaimed abolitionists to assert that “abolition is a practice.” In examining this perspective on abolition, a noticeable trend emerges—the reluctance to systematically map out the practice in a principled and scientific manner. Notably, there is a deliberate avoidance of engaging in discussions about socialism and the concept of a socialist state within the framework of abolition.

This raises the question of why abolition, portrayed as a practice, is articulated separately from, or even in lieu of, the endeavor to construct socialism. If the fulfillment of abolition lies in ensuring basic needs are met, it prompts further inquiry into the disproportionate emphasis on mutual aid over mutual comradeship and organizational discipline. Moreover, when viewing the state as a collective entity perpetuating mass incarceration through wielded power, the absence of emphasis on class struggle becomes conspicuous. This leads to a broader reflection on the intricate intersections between abolition, socialism, and the dynamics of power within a society.

Within the rhetoric of abolitionist discourse, often characterized by the envisioning of new societal paradigms (new worlds), there is a notable omission of emphasis on the practical process of ‘building towards,’ overshadowed by a prevailing idealism. This shift is not occurring in isolation; rather, it unfolds within the broader context of a mounting anti-communist sentiment that impedes a comprehensive linkage between the end goal of abolition and the final stage of communism.

Consequently, there is a noticeable absence of concerted efforts directed at organizing around workers’ struggles, encompassing issues such as employment, housing, and education, to establish a foundation for an eventual vanguard capable of securing liberated zones and community control. The current landscape is characterized by localized organizing that responds to immediate concerns rather than strategically preparing for systemic change. This is particularly evident in the negligence of recognizing domestic and global imperialism as interconnected challenges, exemplified by the expanding department of defense budget, which includes federal policing, with minimal organized resistance on a mass scale.

Internationally, the constraints of universal (read: U.S.- centric) abolition frameworks have tangible implications for the progression toward a multipolar world and, crucially, for the self-determination of the masses in those nations. I have discussed these specific contradictions and limitations in previous writing. This framework has inadvertently served the interests of the US, which uses “human rights” hypocrisy to encourage its citizens to take positions on nations it is attempting to destabilize to advance its hegemony. Whether it be the constant coverage of protests against policing or finding members of the diaspora to speak out against the “police state”, abolition, as a non- concrete framework, has been a useful tool for the U.S.’ foreign policy. Here we can see the alignment between anti-state and anti- communist rhetoric becoming synonymous with “abolition”.

The widespread adoption of the “All Cops Are Bad” (ACAB) mantra has, to some extent, oversimplified the nuanced considerations surrounding the roles of individuals within the state, blurring distinctions between those contributing to state-building for socialism and those defending the socialist project. The flippant application of “ACAB” poses a risk by oversimplifying the class character of policing, portraying it universally and equating all states, despite their diverse histories, as one and the same. This portrayal, which deems the mere existence of cops as inherently negative, discourages an exploration of the nuanced aspects of this concept.This contradiction is intensifying over time. Simultaneously, the reconsideration of a universal (read: U.S.-centric) abolition framework is ironically labeled as “counter-revolutionary.”

While I don’t inherently reject the idea of abolition, similar to my stance on decolonization, the evident issue lies in frameworks lacking clear ideologies—they tend to deviate and morph into placeholders, susceptible to individual interpretation. The problem arises when these frameworks become substitutes for personalized meanings, leading to a fragmentation of the concept. This absence of a solid ideological foundation is precisely why there is a lack of a cohesive abolition “movement” and instead an abundance of self-proclaimed abolitionists, each defining and pursuing the concept in their own way.

Where do we go from here?

https://mronline.org/2024/01/13/thoughts-on-abolition/

Food for thought. Ya gotta be well grounded in theory.
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Wed Feb 07, 2024 3:21 pm

About prison, crime and communism
No. 2/90.II.2024

The flow of information from developed countries with a capitalist orientation does not dry up about organized terrorist attacks in schools, editorial offices, shopping centers, institutes, military bases and, in general, in any crowded places, about mass pogroms, about all kinds of “shootings” committed by unorganized individuals, about the long-term sentences of participants in peaceful anti-government demonstrations who entered premises that are usually only entered by officials, deputies, and congressmen, about gigantic amounts of tax evasion, about the falsification of medicines, extortion and bribery on a grandiose scale, about tensions in connection with everything this “work” of the gigantic apparatus of force, judicial and penal influence on people in market democracies. In this context, there is a need to deepen the understanding of our readers about the role of the penitentiary system in maintaining the principles of bourgeois democracy, about the degree of interest of the bourgeois state and the professors serving it in strengthening in the public consciousness a positive attitude towards the penitentiary system in general as an instrument for maintaining order in an ethnic group, an instrument capable to raise reliable, active jailers in mentally predisposed individuals and through this to drive into the consciousness of people with increased social activity stable reflexes of complete obedience for long periods. Let’s begin our study of this problem by analyzing the content of one psychological “experiment” that has become very famous in the West.

I
Today, the best paid minds of Western science - psychologists and mathematicians, chemists and physicists... - are working on the “construction” of new religious movements, or at least “scientific” theories modeled after the “theory of relativity”, capable of fulfilling the role of anti-logical in the human mind "virus".

V. A. Podguzov

The confrontation between Marxism and the entire Western bourgeois ideology, which in the 20th century acquired a truly international character, confirmed the correctness of the classics’ thesis about the partisanship of all sciences without exception: representatives of bourgeois “science” (each within the framework of their “professional interests”), fulfilling a social order oligarchies, sought in every possible way to destroy Marxist theory. Bourgeois “scientists”, trying to show their “professional suitability” to the big bosses, did not stop at any methodological and moral (if this word, of course, is applicable to bourgeois “scientists”) obstacles on the way to justifying capitalism.

Thus, one of the main directions of anti-communist (anti-scientific) propaganda was the biologization concept in psychology, which aims to convince people that the decisive and unchangeable (for example, during the social revolution) factor in human behavior is the animal principles. However, it was impossible to limit ourselves to theory only. What was needed was experimental data that could deal a crushing blow to Marxism, communism and humanity.

One attempt at such a blow was the “Stanford Prison Experiment,” in which Stanford University psychology professor Philip Zimbardo used the example of an improvised prison to recreate the conditions of a closed society based on violence and power in order, roughly speaking, to prove a person’s resigned submission, his weak-will in the face of social hierarchy. In order to bring the reader up to date, I will give the main provisions of the experiment conducted in 1971.

20 people were selected to organize it:

“These were people who did not show the slightest deviation from the “ norm ” (no increased anxiety, aggressiveness, suspiciousness), as a rule - representatives of the middle class , the most mature and healthy, both physically and mentally. The group, consisting of twenty-four young men, was randomly divided into prisoners and guards. <…> Volunteers played the roles of guards and prisoners and lived in a mock prison set up in the basement of the Faculty of Psychology.”

Consulting the “test subjects” before the experiment, Zimbardo shared the following recommendations:

“Create in the prisoners a feeling of melancholy, a feeling of fear, a feeling of arbitrariness and that their lives are completely controlled by us, the system. <…> We will deprive them of their individuality in various ways. All this together will create a feeling of powerlessness in them. This means that in this situation we will have all the power, and they will have none.

<…>

The experiment quickly got out of control. The guards used sadistic methods and insults against the prisoners, and by the end many of them suffered severe emotional distress.

After a relatively calm first day, a riot broke out on the second day. The guards voluntarily worked overtime and, without the intervention of researchers, began to suppress the riot, using fire extinguishers against the prisoners. After this incident, the guards tried to separate the prisoners and pit them against each other, choosing the “good” and “bad” buildings, and making the prisoners think that there were “informants” in their ranks. These measures had a significant effect, and there were no further large-scale disturbances. According to Zimbardo's consultants (former prisoners), these tactics were similar to those used in real American prisons.

Counting prisoners, which were originally intended to help them get used to identification numbers, turned into hour-long ordeals during which guards tormented prisoners and subjected them to physical punishment, including forcing them to perform long periods of physical exercise.

The prison quickly became dirty and gloomy. The right to wash became a privilege that could be denied, and was often done. Some prisoners were forced to clean toilets with their bare hands. The mattresses were removed from the “bad” cell, and the prisoners had to sleep on the bare concrete floor. Food was often denied as punishment.

<…>

During the experiment, several guards began to turn into sadists - especially at night, when it seemed to them that the video cameras were turned off. The experimenters claimed that approximately every third guard showed real sadistic tendencies. Many of the guards were upset when the experiment was stopped early."

It would take a long time to list the “features” of the experiment, however, I believe that in general the picture is clear. Having recreated the conditions of an American (equally misanthropic) prison, placing average American citizens (equally moral monsters) in it, Zimbardo received... capitalist society in a concentrated form. But as usually happens, having “not noticed” Marxism, having presented capitalist society (which, for the purpose of identifying communism and capitalism in Western “science,” is used to be called industrial and post-industrial) as the only possible one, the truth remained hidden from the American professor (as well as from all his colleagues and employers), which was reflected in the conclusions at the end of the entire event:

“The results of the experiment were used to demonstrate the receptivity and submission of people when there is an ideology that justifies their actions, supported by society and the state. They have also been used to illustrate theories of cognitive dissonance and the influence of authority. In psychology, experimental results are used to demonstrate situational factors in human behavior as opposed to personal ones. In other words, the situation influences a person’s behavior more than the internal characteristics of the individual.”

Such a supra-class, anti-communist, and therefore anti-scientific conclusion was made by Western psychological “science”. And this is natural. Bourgeois psychology, preaching the principles of positivism, narrow empiricism and objectivism, distances itself from the social conditions that shape the consciousness of the individual; society is presented as something abstract, devoid of class contradictions, qualitatively the same at all times and in all eras; the differences between communism and capitalism are, as it were, “accidentally” left out of the equation. Moreover, despite the obvious vulgarity (for any Marxist) of everything associated with such “scientific activity,” the experiment became very famous, influencing not only anti-Marxist psychology, but even artistic culture [1].

Zimbardo understood perfectly well that the majority of Westerners are moral monsters, since he himself grew up in conditions of permanent competition between everyone for the right to oppress their neighbor, having absorbed with his mother’s milk the misanthropic ideology of the “American Dream,” pragmatism and worship of the “golden calf.” The American professor, who knew about these characteristic features, pursued the goal of proving the naturalness and necessity of the capitalist system on the basis of a tendentious interpretation of empirical material.

In fact, the mental “peculiarities” that manifested themselves during the “Stanford experiment” are born not from a person’s natural anger or submissiveness, but from his illiteracy (ignorance, first of all, of Marxism) and savagery, i.e. traits that mature in man under the yoke of a “society” of private property, which has led, is leading and will lead humanity (until our race finally stands under the banner of communism) to disasters on a local and global scale.

In this context, one more trend cannot fail to be mentioned: sometimes such “psychologists” tear off the last masks of civilization and conduct socio-psychological experiments on animals, on creatures devoid of consciousness, the defining thing that allows us to talk about such a science as psychology (there are referring to those experiments where they try to draw social scientific conclusions based on the activities of animals [2]). Openly proclaiming the identity of animals and people, these no longer hiding biologizers come to “phenomenal” discoveries: man behaves like an animal, and therefore human nature is unchanged, his savagery does not allow the voice of his conscience to sound louder than the thirst for profit and lust, “everything human to man alien,” he is ready to work for food, without asking unnecessary questions. But, as is usually the case in bourgeois research, true observations are subject to petty-bourgeois interpretation, which ultimately leads to the well-known apologetics of capitalism, according to which no revolution will change the current situation, will not change our mental properties, because man was created to exploit or submit, it all depends only on what class God predicted he would be born into.

The fathers of modern European science, Bacon, Descartes and Galileo, argued that the correctness of an experiment is determined by how well it is thought out, by the extent to which the people who organized it took into account all the subtleties and features of the phenomenon being studied, by whether scientists have a scientific method of cognition (we We do not raise the question of the truth of the methods of Bacon, Descartes and Galileo, because we are now interested in their absolutely correct direction of thought); losing sight of the general methodology or ignoring particulars, there is a great risk of destroying the harmonious edifice of experimental activity. “Accidentally forgetting” these instructions of the classics of science, modern would-be experimenters suffer from radical empiricism, infantilism and bourgeois narrow-mindedness, falling into the preaching of social Darwinism in the form of scientific snobbery. With the authority of science they attack the Marxist doctrine of man, transferring Darwinism from biology to the social order. And this is not surprising. Positivism took root in the minds of most modern scientists, replaced holistic knowledge about the general with fragmentary knowledge about the particular, criticized the very possibility of human knowledge, bringing into fashion such principles of bourgeois thinking as agnosticism, subjectivism and relativism. The fathers of imperialist (hence false, corrupt and misleading) “science” Comte, Spencer and Mach argued that the knowledge of the universal is a hoax, that philosophical thinking is the ghost of medieval metaphysics, that reality beyond perception is a theoretical construct, which is fundamentally impossible to prove, and therefore the only thing a modern scientist should be engaged in is activities that do not go beyond the scope of his narrow specialization and “positive knowledge,” in no case risking elevating himself to philosophical generalizations. These and many other provisions became part of the creed of most bourgeois (and in many cases Soviet) science, forming the basis of modern ideology that goes far beyond the framework of natural science and social science.

It is also noteworthy that the popularity of the Stanford experiment went far beyond America itself. For example, a lecture on psychology dedicated to the experiment, which the author of this article was “lucky” to witness, ended with the following words spoken by the lecturer (candidate of psychological sciences):

“The prison experiment is a clear illustration of the naturalness of human submission to authorities and social roles that dominate us.”

Our modern Russian higher school churns out thousands of such “psychologists.” Some of them do not sit still, making money from private consultations, but strive to spread their “deep views”, wanting to “enlighten” the masses. Just look at the hundreds of blogs on the Internet dedicated to the “popularization of psychological knowledge.” And this applies not only to psychology. What's going on in philosophy? In physics? In biology? In history? We, of course, understand the general vector of the “development” of modern “science,” but the particular examples that each of us has the misfortune to encounter clearly and clearly demonstrate the deplorability of the situation. The vulgarity and formalism of our “professors of stupidity” would be the envy of the most eminent scholastics. The vast majority of modern teachers are intellectually traumatized, they are not able to adequately reflect the world, their entire worldview is a set of cliches and fragmentary facts (each in their own specialty), mixed under the influence of everyday and formal logic. Professional cretinism among such “specialists” becomes the principle that determines an already disfigured worldview.

However, there is no time to be discouraged. This is not the first time that communists will have to face the aggressive ignorance of large masses of the intelligentsia, victory over which (ignorance) is possible provided that the process of self-education is conscientiously organized by all those who call themselves communists. One of the forms of the above self-education is journalistic activity that claims to promote, concretize and actualize Marxism, in other words, activity that contributes to a more productive forging of high-quality Marxist personnel for the future party of scientific centralism. In order not to pass off as an eloquent speaker limiting himself to formal slogans, I will give below some of my reflections on the essence and fate of the penitentiary system, reflections that claim to be called “propaganda of Marxism.”

II
I am alone - there is no consolation:

The walls are bare all around,

The ray of the lamp shines dimly

By dying fire;

Only audible: behind the doors

Sound-measured steps

Walks in the silence of the night

Unresponsive sentry.

Lermontov

Studying the experience of Western psychological science necessarily leads to considerations regarding the penitentiary system and a possible option for overcoming it. The lackeys of capital in “professor’s uniforms” come up with fairy tales about certain guarantees of security that, according to them, prison provides to society. These gentlemen diligently avoid questions about the causes of crime, realizing that exposing their selfish employer is a very noble thing, but not very profitable. So various philosophical and legal concepts appear that ignore the theory of communism, justifying the necessity and eternity of prison by repeating the long-known (but sometimes hidden under a pile of scientific terms) anti-scientific thesis that says: “human nature is unchangeable.” On the other hand, the social consciousness of workers who disdain Marxism continues to be in a comatose state, which contributes to mass agreement with the existing order of affairs.

People who justify the need for the eternal functioning of the penitentiary system are not embarrassed by the fact that the occupancy of prisons has no effect on reducing the crime rate, that, no matter how many robbers and murderers (“bloody deeds” of which are quite often associated with the redistribution of property) was caught and convicted, the same banditry continues to flourish. One is being replaced by others, the experienced and “experienced” are being replaced by the young and “green”, either from childhood intoxicated by criminal romance, or forced into such a “profession” by bestial conditions of existence, or both options taken together - it is not the particulars that are important here, and a general rule that says: no matter how many criminals you catch, property relations will supply society with new ones in return for one caught thief. Moreover, the trend, as the crisis of imperialism deepens, only progresses, increasingly dividing society into “trembling creatures” and “those with capital”, which, however, does not really concern temporarily well-fed legislators.

The most “lucky” of those caught will be treated to another original product of the “civilization” of private property - the death penalty, which (which is “surprisingly”) also cannot solve the problem of banditry: the sentence is carried out, the trigger is pulled, current is supplied to the electric chair, poison penetrates into the blood... but crime still does not disappear anywhere, continuing to terrorize capitalist society. Moreover, there are often cases when the news of the execution of one could only provoke or anger others. After all, many of those who are commonly called criminals are people with obvious (and not hidden, like a “law-abiding” tradesman) mental disorders, which guarantee such a non-obvious reaction to a seemingly act of intimidation on the part of the penitentiary system.

However, more often than not, the fear of imprisonment or even execution does not stop a person about to commit a crime for another, much more trivial reason: his life is excessively difficult and fundamentally meaningless; work gives way to sleep, fleeting happiness to long-term despair. Such people do not understand either the world around them or themselves. Truly human dreams are alien to them, because from childhood they were taught to dream about the base, about the material and everyday, momentary and individual; they do not bother themselves with thinking about the great and eternal, because from childhood they have been driven into a capitalist cage, which squeezes them as the political and economic crisis deepens. The “dangers” that arise against this background are assessed as another “gift of fate,” the humble acceptance of which has long been an integral part of their way of existence. That is why many bandits, who were once representatives of the working, middle or any other class, “find themselves” in banditry; imbued with a specific criminal romance, they recall their “life” in freedom with contempt. And even a naively understood, but biologically justified love for the family that remains “in law” is often unable to increase the fear of imprisonment. Death is perceived by such people as one of the natural, and sometimes even the most desirable, ways of getting rid of the constantly oppressive feeling of unsettledness. Thus, intimidating a living dead person with prison or execution is a stupid and naive idea that does not pretend to solve the problem, but to sanctimoniously ignore it.

Most of the criminal element are representatives of the oppressed lumpen-proletarian masses, driven to such a degree of despair when the scale of the potential benefits from a successful crime exceeds the scale of the potential threats from failure. This is especially true for petty thieves who are forced to a similar method of earning money by the latest optimization of business, medicine or education. At the same time, they end up behind bars only because, in terms of cunning and vile intelligence, they are inferior to their “colleagues” in high offices, who commit a hundred times more dangerous crimes every day, trading their destinies on the stock exchange or sending resources to the next warring banana-Maidan republic.

Hence the sincere sympathy that the average person can feel towards Dubrovsky’s bandit gang or Robin Hood’s “Merry Men”, sympathy towards the peasant wars under the leadership of Muntzer or Pugachev, sympathy towards an ordinary bank robber who is perceived as a daredevil who decided rob the main thief; hence the so-called “Stockholm syndrome”, which is a widely replicated example of an idealistic and metaphysical approach to the study of social phenomena. People see comrades in misfortune in some criminals, to some extent identify themselves with them, identify with them on the issue of the injustice of the distribution of material wealth, and therefore understand their motives (it is obvious that bandits often rob representatives of their own class, they commit violence precisely in relation to the same proletarians as themselves; in this circumstance, the bestial essence of capitalism, which the communists will have to fight, is more clearly visible; as Bortnik wrote: “Understanding the social roots of crime is not the same as justifying criminals”). And it is precisely this materialistic view of crime that outright fascists are trying to fight, seeing crime in human nature, metaphysically declaring the fundamental malfunction of criminals, turning a blind eye to the arbitrariness of the financial oligarchy, driving billions of people into poverty and darkness.

On the other hand, the educational system plays an important role in the process of reproduction of crime. The fact is that children are spiritually deformed from an early age, raising petty-bourgeois ideals in them, turning them into philistine psychopaths, destroying truly human traits in them, thereby creating the ground for a criminal future under certain life circumstances. Any educational system in a class society, against its will, makes a significant contribution to the cause of not only general stupidity and ossification, but also, as a consequence, general criminalization (mass school “shootings” that have spread in recent years in Russian latitudes represent an example of the realization of the “dream” fool” shouting “I want to live like in America!”). The very essence of education under capitalism lies not in the education of a comprehensively developed personality, but in the training of an ordinary consumer with a narrow qualification, going beyond which is complicated by a limited worldview. Children are brought up, on the one hand, to be capricious and permissive, on the other - lack of will and submissive acceptance of capitalist reality. So it turns out that the educational system supplies society with a proletarian mass, some of whom, under the pressure of loans, crises and depressions, either slowly go crazy, committing suicide, or begin to engage in criminal activities that promise either quick and easy money, or quick and “easy money”. » execution by electric chair (sometimes both options are implemented alternately).

Through some logical reflection, we arrive at the previously postulated thesis, according to which prisons are not capable of eliminating crime. In this regard, we are left with two possible options for solving the problem: either we recognize that human nature is unchangeable, and therefore talk about the elimination of the penitentiary system is meaningless, or we remain on a consistently scientific position, according to which man is a social being, and therefore his individual vices are only a reflection of social vices. Without recognizing the scientific content of idealism and choosing the second option, we come to the following conclusion: the elimination of human imperfections is possible only on the basis of the planned scientific elimination of social imperfections; It is precisely the property relations and the mass ignorance that protects them, perpetuated by political violence (including prison violence), that guarantee the existence of all the barbarity that has surrounded humanity over the past few millennia.

A liberal (and even left-liberal)-minded reader, forced under the pressure of the above arguments to admit the lack of connection between the development of an extensive penitentiary system and the eradication of crime, a reader forced to support the need for measures to eliminate the prison as an institution, may, however, notice that the most famous, but At the same time, the Bolsheviks made an allegedly failed attempt to overcome the prison system: they say, having come to power under the slogans of freedom and democracy, the communists turned the entire country into one large prison, in which “one half of the population was imprisoned, and the other was guarding.” This way of thinking is possible because the political repressions that are so fashionable to talk about in our time are often attributed only to the Bolsheviks; various fables are composed, for example, that Stalin was a tyrant and executioner, who either started the “Great Terror” to get rid of competitors, or ended it, learning too late about the Trotskyist conspiracy (there are a large number of versions, the choice of which depends depending on the characteristics of political views; at the same time, the concept that denies the “Great Terror” is perceived by the majority of the left as a harmful conspiracy theory). All these historical myths are elevated to the rank of state bourgeois ideology, striving by hook or by crook to hide its own bloody mark left on the body of Russia and the world. It is no coincidence that Vladimir Putin, acting as a representative of the political servants of capitalism, constantly reminds Western partners and Russian citizens that it is necessary to remember “the crimes committed by the [communist] regime against its own people and the horrors of repression.”

It is worth noting that such views are widespread not only among the so-called liberal-democratic wing of Russian politics, but also among those who have the audacity to call themselves communists. Such well-known “theorists and propagandists of Marxism” as Zhukov, Yakovlev, Yulin, Meisner, Semin, Rudoy, ​​Spitsyn, Komolov in matters of repressive policy under the Bolsheviks refer to the data of Zemskov and other “moderate” (in their anti-communism) bourgeois historians, thereby propagating more cunning and therefore more dangerous lies about the Stalinist leadership.

However, the discussion below will not be about slander and opportunism, not about individual mistakes and delusions, but about the penitentiary system itself and the measures that the communists took to deny it. In order to answer all the mentioned “original” claims and accusations against the Bolsheviks, put forward by both open enemies and hidden “friends,” let us turn to world history, which gives us a wealth of material to refute the above speculations.

III
In a system of commodity-money relations, prison is as obligatory as money itself.

V. A. Podguzov

As is known, the state system of violence, one of the components of which is prison, originated several thousand years ago and became one of the first political instruments for suppressing the will of economic competitors, one of the first instruments for the struggle of exploiters not only with the exploited, but also with other exploiters (Khodorkovsky or Navalny will not be allowed to lie). Ownership of property not supported by force in the conditions of a slaveholding/feudal/capitalist world is fundamentally impossible (those who did not recognize this axiom throughout history were burned, hanged, and shot by their competitors), because within the framework of general savagery there can be no other way of preserving and increasing personal wealth than as political violence, coercion and terror. The laws, composed by self-proclaimed tyrants to protect what was looted and taken away, were perceived by the majority of the working population (and are still perceived!) as given by God/king, generally accepted (at least formally) truths, the denial of which would lead a potential insolent person to shamanic-imperial or liberal -democratic (one essence) scaffold. Both the “Laws of Hammurabi”, and their later, but less vulgar version “Roman Law”, and the laws of modern capitalist states - all these mandatory “recommendations” represent the will of the economically dominant class, expressed in various principles, edicts, codes and articles. In other words, the prison, like other political institutions, was brought into existence by the need to protect economic dominance , which, in turn, became possible only in a “society” of private property: where there is private property, disputes necessarily arise about its redistribution; the winners of these disputes are given the opportunity, with the help of prison, to limit the freedom of the losers, which is proven by examples of modern life, when petty swindlers are in prison for their unsuccessful attempts to rob larger swindlers.

Time passed, and in prisons only the features of their appearance and internal situation changed, the wording of sentences was clarified, the ultimatum of which was reinforced by constantly improving forms of execution. Socio-economic formations, successively replacing each other, preserved the prison as a necessary component of maintaining power, modifying its individual features. Humanity slowly but surely walked along the path of social progress, spontaneously approaching communism and Marxism, which for the first time proclaimed the inevitability of the destruction of the prison as an institution of political violence. Moreover, the very procedure of this destruction, which began after the October Revolution, was organized dialectically, that is, scientifically: the Bolsheviks who took power in the fight against internal and external enemies won victory after victory, while simultaneously carrying out the planned construction of communist production relations and the liquidation of the commodity-money system, which, in turn, dealt a serious blow to the foundations of crime in general. Simultaneously with all these processes, the elimination of illiteracy was in full swing, making a tangible contribution to the education of the people on new, communist principles. It was these events, which were a consequence of the application of diamatic methodology to issues of denial of the penitentiary system, that led the USSR to such a state of affairs when, as V. A. Podguzov noted, “most schoolchildren and students learned to fly in flying clubs,” while “elderly the antisocial element was in the camps.” And it is precisely the rejection of this practice that has led modern Russia to a very sad situation in which “many wealthy elderly people belong to flying clubs, have their own airplanes and helicopters, and the vast majority of schoolchildren and students are forced to sniff glue and experience dizziness from “smoking mixtures” and other drugs."

So. Prison is a consequence of the “civilization” of private property, a form of policy of the economically dominant classes , which existed thousands of years before the October Revolution. That is why Lenin, referring to the rich experience of the repressive policies of the ruling classes, noted:

“We will suppress the resistance of the propertied people with all the means with which they suppressed the proletariat - no other means have been invented.”

And it was precisely this feature of the power politics of the Marxists that V. A. Podguzov pointed out in the article “ Fundamental problems of economic development ”:

“For thousands of years, the work of slaves and other “prisoners” was considered the norm of civilization. Therefore, no matter how much they wish, the communists cannot instantly abolish this democratic norm, especially since the atrocities of the White Guards, kulak gangs, and saboteurs convinced the population of the USSR of the need to maintain for some time the prison-camp system of isolating ardent criminals. However, even in this case, the number of repressed “whites”, Trotskyists, kulaks, policemen is fundamentally inferior to the size of the victims of formations based on private property: ancient Egyptian, Asian and European slavery, Asian (Chinese, Indian, Persian Arab, Turkish) despotism, Christianity, Islam, European colonialism and the slave trade, the mass extermination of Indians and blacks on the American continent by immigrants from Europe.”

Throughout its history, private property has needed prison as an apparatus of political violence against the working masses and unwanted political and economic competitors, therefore, as mentioned above, all accusations against the communists of the “repressive nature of their policies” are a manifestation of either naive illiteracy, or ideological corruption. The Bolsheviks, who inherited a feudal-capitalist country, were forced to inherit such a characteristic institution as prison, because millions of psychopaths raised in class society (philistines who believe in God, personal success and exclusivity) could not become well-mannered and prudent immediately after the revolution Soviet citizens. Years and decades of hard work lay ahead for the massive re-education of not only the criminals, but also, no less important, the employees of the institutions in which these criminals were kept.

The successes achieved in this field by the correctional system under Stalin could allow bourgeois professors and “proletarian” opportunists to reconsider their naive and erroneous views. This would be possible if they all not only heard, but also knew about the partisanship of history , which “in all its glory” manifested itself precisely in the form of grandiose anti-communist propaganda, which poured tons of lies and dirt into the Soviet period of our history (among intellectuals usually called loud phrase “historical truth”). In fact, the slander about the “Great Terror”, the Gulag, execution troikas and totalitarian, chilling Siberian prisons is only a somewhat exaggerated story about the penitentiary system of class society, which for thousands of years protected the dominant system, briefly but accurately characterized by the expression “ war of all against everyone ,” put into circulation (which is very significant) by one of the greatest ideologists of capitalism , the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes.

The Bolsheviks, having created the first state in history that repressed primarily the exploiters, directed their weapons against those who invented the same weapons. It is for this reason that modern ideological followers of the scoundrels of the past are so furious, trying to denigrate the blessed memory of the communists. And it is this slap in the face that modern oligarchs and their lackeys cannot forget, trying by hook or by crook to denigrate the memory of our great ancestors. The Bolsheviks managed to almost completely destroy the material foundation of crime in the shortest possible time, changing the very essence of the penitentiary system, roughly speaking, directing it against the enemies of the people. Therefore, after the October Revolution, instead of prisons, so-called correctional labor institutions began to appear on the territory of the former Russian Empire, the purpose of which was the collective and labor re-education of criminals.

The difference between Soviet correctional institutions and capitalist prisons was not limited to just the name; the very essence of such “institutions” was changed. Instead of hard labor, common under tsarism and capitalism, the principles of free, creative labor were introduced, which had certain pedagogical functions. The prisoner had to understand that his being behind bars does not put an end to him as a person and a citizen, that this is only a temporary measure giving a person a chance to reform, a second attempt, which many prisoners, not yet completely disfigured by bourgeois morality, sought to realize. They were given a chance to prove to the people (represented by Soviet law enforcement agencies) the sincerity of their intentions, to prove their loyalty to the Soviet state and, most importantly, their understanding of the new communist principles. Yes, there were exceptions, but the general trend pointed to the beneficial influence of the Bolshevik strategy of rejecting the prison system.

In addition, such “enterprises” were supposed to gradually transition to self-sufficiency, reimbursing the state budget for the costs of their organization and operation, which, in turn, contributed to instilling in prisoners a sense of responsibility to their people, an understanding of the social essence of man, which is based on collectivism and mutual assistance. The funds received as a result of such practices were spent on the needs of the institution itself: bonuses for colony staff, improving the conditions of prisoners, holding and providing material support for cultural and educational events, and material assistance after release. Correctional institutions gradually turned into unique labor colonies in the manner of the Gorky Correctional Colony under the leadership of Anton Semyonovich Makarenko, into enterprises with their own budget, with their own stamp, with their own traditions.

Work and life in the colony were organized in accordance with Soviet labor legislation: labor protection existed, guards and correctional facility workers were not allowed to exceed their official powers, the initiative of workers was actively encouraged, socialist legality was supported, violation of which was strictly punished, hard labor conditions, torture and bullying were not allowed over the prisoners. In other words, the right pedagogical atmosphere was created, conducive to the mental and physical recovery of the convicts.

Among other things, within the framework of such prisons, libraries were opened to teach prisoners a culture of reading, various cultural and educational events were held, with the goal of educating in each arrested a true Soviet citizen, aware that the world will no longer be the same, that the communists came seriously and for a long time, that living conditions are improving in direct proportion to the strengthening of the power of the Bolsheviks.

In order to satisfy the reader’s conscientious curiosity, let us turn to a collection of articles entitled “From Prisons to Educational Institutions” under the general editorship of A. Ya. Vyshinsky, which contained materials demonstrating the positive trends observed in the field of the correctional system (as communism was built in THE USSR):

“The October Revolution filled the walls of the former tsarist prisons with sounds and colors that were previously unknown there: in the prison one could hear the speech of a speaker, the voice of the leader of a circle, a team of sportsmen, and along with them the sounds of singing and music; posters, slogans, portraits, colors of scenery were full of colors, movie screens lit up.

<…>

In 1931, in the USSR in prison there were, according to incomplete information, 1018 amateur artistic circles (drama circles, small forms, propaganda brigades, string and brass musical, choral, literary and fine arts circles). The largest percentage falls on circles with dramatic shapes. Their total number reaches 700. Thus, on average there are several circles per place of deprivation of liberty in the USSR. <…>

The following table gives a clearer picture of the quantitative volume of mass artistic forms of political and educational work in 1931 in the RSFSR alone :

Number of film screenings - 15,321

Number of performances - 7,763

Number of concerts, evenings, etc. - 3,034

Number of seats - 38,803

<…>

Most theaters and stages in prisons in the USSR were converted from former prison churches. Their capacity on average ranges from 200 to 1,000 seats. The stage construction was carried out mainly by craftsmen and artists from prison camps. In some cases, the stages and areas for spectators are beautifully finished and decorated.

<…>

... Drama clubs, propaganda brigades and small forms ... serve the red calendar, economic and political campaigns, awards evenings for shock workers, propaganda of the industrial financial plan, the fight to eliminate breakthroughs, the fight for cleanliness, the fight for universal education and other events of the sectors of the cultural council of the correctional labor institution.”

For greater clarity, I will give several examples of such cultural and educational events:

“In the Novinskaya correctional labor colony (Moscow), a propaganda team of 20 women deprived of liberty fought for the industrial financial plan of their colony with the litmontage “Rupture-Grass” of their own composition. An even more striking work is provided by Taganka (Moscow), where a propaganda brigade of prisoners deprived of liberty consistently holds a series of performances of their own composition : 1) “Perekop” (showing the corrupting influence of flying, greed and drunkenness on production and the role of the Red Army in the struggle for discipline at a socialist factory), 2) “Alarm” (the fight against breakthroughs in the leather and metalworking industries of Taganka) and 3) an oratorio on the theme of the September plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1930.

In the Leningrad Domzak, for the 14th anniversary of the October Revolution, the propaganda team, using its own text, showed a combined review with a light newspaper, developing the theme: from the Tsarist prison and its regime to the Soviet correctional labor institution fighting for a new man. There, in the department for minors, there is a propaganda team of the latter consisting of 40 people. produced a “Shop Report” based on the achievements and shortcomings available in the shops and workshops.

At the Sinyavinsky peat harvesting sites (Leningrad Region), the propaganda brigade composes and performs a literary montage on the theme of the defense of the USSR “War to War,” which is shown up to two dozen times not only to those deprived of liberty, but also to the general civilian population of neighboring workers’ villages and nearby collective farms.

In Azerbaijan, in correctional labor institutions, there are several drama sections to serve prisoners of various nationalities; for example, the Turkic section of small forms puts on: “Usta Kanber”, “Kiryanishin oziniol dordi” and “Henry Dzhandu” (local and political topics); The Russian section of small forms, in its productions, vividly responds to the latest political issues of the day and fights against the everyday shortcomings of the correctional home .

The Stalinist industrial colony (in Ukraine), through its living newspaper “Udarnik,” notes all current production work to fulfill and exceed the industrial financial plan. The newspaper is musically designed and conducts all political campaigns, fighting against equalization and impersonality, simulations and various production shortcomings .

<…>

The repertoire of drama clubs is extremely diverse. “Mutiny”, “Chapaev”, “Razlom”, “Call of the Factory Committee”, “Dictatorship” and similar plays with industrial and historical-revolutionary themes are advanced. But the bulk of the repertoire of drama clubs consists of numerous plays from the club and village repertoire - anti-religious, collective farm, new life, medical education, etc.

The classical repertoire is often used (Gogol, Gorky, Ostrovsky, Shchedrin, etc.).

<…>

Musical circles are developed mainly in the form of Great Russian and brass bands, ensembles, quartets, etc. Their composition often ranges from 25 to 40 people, as for example in large prisons, mass labor colonies and industrial colonies. There are musical choirs in all prisons in Ukraine (balalaika players, mandolin players and guitarists). In Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan and other republics, the network of music circles is quite developed. Among them there are sometimes compositions of national instruments (zurna, etc.). There are brass bands in almost all large correctional labor institutions of the USSR.

<…>

The social usefulness of music clubs in prisons is recognized. Circles perform not only on a daily basis at concerts, evenings, film shows, on revolutionary holidays and anniversaries, at awards evenings for drummers, etc., but also accompany, as for example in Ukraine, organized processions of prisoners deprived of their liberty to carry out work, subbotniks, etc.

<…>

In places of deprivation of liberty in large cities and industrial centers, professional artistic forces are used to serve those deprived of their liberty . For example, in the RSFSR in 1931 there were 2034 such speeches. The proximity of professional art to places of deprivation of liberty is most felt in the national republics.

<…>

The play “Rifle” - on the theme: The Red Army in the fight against juvenile delinquency - played at the 1st Leningrad factory teacher school for minors, had a real impact, expressed in the growth of the cultural and political activists of the colony forces and the revitalization of all political and educational extracurricular work. The play “Bourgeois” by the “Living Book” theater (theme: philistinism as a factor in the growth of crimes), played in the Leningrad House of Detention, immediately after the performance caused a lively discussion among the spectators deprived of their freedom .

Another play of the same theater - “Maxim Gorky” (based on the stories “On Rafts”, “At Night”, “Passion-face”), staged for a mixed audience of women and men deprived of liberty in the 1st factory forced labor colony, gave a long a number of written reviews from those deprived of their liberty. The extraordinary power of M. Gorky's stories forced those deprived of freedom to write excited pages from their own lives .

<…>

The work of film installations takes place in places of deprivation of liberty, as a rule, in most according to the calendar plan from 6 to 25 times a month. On average, films are shown 10-12 times a month. Usually film shows are free, and the entrance fee is from 10 to 20 kopecks. — charged in rare cases to cover the cost of equipment. Prisoners deprived of their liberty who are shock workers in production are the first in line for film screenings.”

In the context of the experience of film screenings, the fact of the influence of petty-bourgeois thinking on the choice of film is very noteworthy, a fact indicating the struggle between progressive and reactionary principles among both prisoners and responsible employees:

“Some employees of prisons have a tendency to stage any kind of films, including adventurous, adventure and pulp-criminal ones.

<…>

The attitude of those deprived of their freedom to cinema ... is twofold . Advanced social elements from those deprived of liberty understand and support all measures aimed at streamlining and strengthening the content of the work of the screen; the backward part of the audience, repeat offenders and others, gravitates towards the light, entertaining and adventurous repertoire.”

Thus, in the correctional labor system of the USSR as a whole the following picture was observed:

“...Mass artistic services for those deprived of liberty, in particular theater, pop music, cinema and radio, have become a strong, integral part of everyday life and the system of political and educational work in Soviet places of detention.”

We should not forget about the remarkable fact that the above data is current at the beginning of the 30s. Subsequent practice (possible thanks to the construction of communism under the leadership of Stalin), of course, qualitatively surpassed previous achievements in this area.

The Bolsheviks knew that repressive policies were only a temporary measure of coercion. They did not absolutize methods of violence, nor did they present prisons as the only possible tool in the fight against crime. The same understanding was reflected in Stalin’s words that “repression is a necessary element of the offensive, but an auxiliary element, not the main one . ” That is why so much effort and time was devoted to cultural and educational events. It is necessary to defeat crime not only “from the outside”, destroying the material roots that give rise to it, but also “from the inside”, enlightening prisoners, introducing them to the spiritual heritage that was developed by our great ancestors (unfortunately, due to the deeply ingrained in the minds of some prisoners of “criminal morality” the process of re-education did not always lead to the planned results). It is not surprising that, as V. A. Podguzov wrote, “ under Stalin, in prisons, on average, the number of prisoners was somewhat less than in modern democratic prisons, and the average age of prisoners was significantly higher .”

Obviously, even in the Lenin-Stalin USSR, not everything was so smooth that there were exceptions: individual employees could exceed their authority, abuse prisoners, violate Soviet legislation in various ways (mostly this happened either due to the dominance of Trotskyists in the security forces, by all forces seeking to distort the only correct Stalinist course, or due to the influence of the anti-human “legacy” left after tsarism, rooted in the heads of individual prison workers; where such influence did not make itself felt, there was no hint of mass sabotage). However, such behavior was not encouraged, eyes were not turned to it (as often happens in prisons of the “civilized world”). On the contrary, violations of socialist legality were severely punished by special authorities, so any correctional officer found committing such violations was punished in most cases.

You can read more about the features of the Soviet correctional system in the same book “From Prisons to Educational Institutions.”

Thus, the development of the criminal system in the Lenin-Stalin USSR in practice proved the correctness of the following position of Marxism: the more successful the construction of communism is, the more rapidly the petty-bourgeois thinking is eliminated, which provides fertile ground for the growth of crime and the growing influence of opportunist, anti-Marxist political movements speculating on it, the more harmoniously (and therefore less randomly, less catastrophically) the process of expanded reproduction of society will be organized. In other words, the more communism, the less violence, savagery and evil.

(Continued on following post.)
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Wed Feb 07, 2024 3:30 pm

(Continued from previous post.)

IV
Separately, it is worth saying a few words about the movement advocating universal political rights (under any political system), a movement whose main slogan is the already tired phrase “Freedom for political prisoners!” (although the title “For General Political Irresponsibility!” seems more accurate and successful). Despite its vague and speculative content, this “concept,” which arose at the birth of the revolutionary labor movement, has survived to this day, poisoning the consciousness of novice communists with the bacillus of left-wing activism-economism-tailism.

It would seem that such an abstract slogan should have nothing to do with Marxism, but among the uneducated and unscrupulous leftists there are a large number of lovers of democratic pluralism who do not disdain tactical and sometimes even strategic alliances with liberals, social democrats and other lackeys of capital, masquerading as “ friends of the people." It was precisely such politically unscrupulous leftists that were the protest base from which Trotsky drew his strength, and it is they who in modern Russia will play the role of “heroes” shaking and possibly overthrowing the Putin regime in the interests of American fascism. The Trotskyists of the past, declaring Stalin a tyrant only because he first ideologically crushed all forms of anti-Marxism, and then stopped the deployment of espionage and terrorist activities of the desperate “Leninist guards” (as one of the most absurd myths about the Bolsheviks says) - these same Trotskyists of the past “revolutionary theory and practice” raised a generation of Trotskyists of the present (and, obviously, the future), declaring war on the Putin regime in the absence of a communist party, thereby dooming Russian Marxists to the fate of the Marxists of Ukraine: to mass extermination, forced (intensified) secrecy, underground work ; thus playing into the hands of American fascism, but not communism.

Ignoring the theory of Marxism, trying to revise the history of the revolution, these supporters of ostentatious love of freedom are indignant at the repressive measures of the Bolsheviks. Democracy, which they identify with voluntarism and permissiveness, you see, does not imply a political prison, and therefore, in their opinion, all repressions against Trotskyists and opportunists were impermissible and criminal. Arguing in this way, they lose sight of one important detail: the USSR, being the first communist state of its kind, that is, an “anti-state” state, was in unprecedented isolation, which, however, did not at all imply a calm existence in a peaceful external environment. On the contrary, history has never known such an example when one individual state in such a limited historical period would have been subjected to such a grandiose (in scale) attack by the most powerful foreign (imperialist) intelligence services. The intensity of anti-communist hysteria that haunted the Bolsheviks for decades was caused by the sincere hatred of the oligarchs and politicians of the entire “civilized” world for this stronghold of reason, freedom and justice. The damage that the USSR caused by the mere fact of its existence to the entire system of world imperialism and colonialism was taken very seriously by the scoundrels, which predetermined the nature and scale of the measures that were taken by foreign intelligence services to send and recruit spies.

In addition, the frequent appearance of the concept of “freedom” in the speeches of advocates of democracy and equality (and also anti-Stalinists) is yet another proof of their fundamental illiteracy and infantilism. If our “liberal-minded socialists” really knew the theory of Marxism-Leninism, really mastered the diamatic methodology of thinking, and really conscientiously studied the works of the classics, then it would not be a secret to them that freedom is a conscious necessity . A person guided in his actions by subjective interest (and not by the requirements of objective necessity) is doomed to unfreedom, primarily spiritual (in the scientific sense of the word), which, under the conditions of building communism, has the risk of turning into material unfreedom (in the everyday prison sense of the word ). And in this case, it is not the Bolsheviks who are to blame, who always called on their supporters and opponents to self-education (and, consequently, to liberation from ignorance), but those who, pathetically hoisting the red banner over their heads, do not bother to know the deep essence that lies behind it the banner is hiding. Engels wrote:

“Freedom does not lie in imaginary independence from the laws of nature, but in the knowledge of these laws and in the ability, based on this knowledge, to systematically force the laws of nature to act for certain purposes. This applies both to the laws of external nature and to the laws governing the physical and spiritual existence of man himself - two classes of laws that we can separate from one another at most in our imagination, not at all in reality. Free will means , therefore, nothing more than the ability to make decisions with knowledge of the matter . Thus, the freer a person's judgment is in relation to a certain issue, the more necessarily the content of that judgment will be determined; whereas uncertainty, which is based on ignorance and chooses as if arbitrarily between many different and contradictory possible solutions, thereby proves its unfreedom, its subordination to the object that it should have subordinated to itself . Freedom, therefore, consists in domination over ourselves and over external nature, based on knowledge of the necessities of nature [Naturnotwendigkeiten]; it is therefore a necessary product of historical development. The first people to emerge from the animal kingdom were in all essentials as unfree as the animals themselves; but every step forward on the path of culture was a step towards freedom” (K. Marx, F. Engels. Works, volume 20, pp. 116-117).

In other words, the political enemies of the Bolsheviks were not free not because they were behind bars, but because in their activities they objectively rebelled against the building of communism, against the objective need for social development along the path of progress. It is impossible to impose freedom on someone who aggressively denies it. This simple idea still remains not understood by the majority of modern opportunists - a fact that found confirmation in the context of the recent arrest of the “new Russian” Trotskyist B. Yu. Kagarlitsky.

Thus, modern democratic socialists (whatever you call them, the opportunistic essence does not change) are indignant at the “cruelty of the Putin regime,” not understanding that the Russian bourgeoisie is forced to do now what in the future the communists will have to do on a tenfold scale. Speaking for “left intellectuals” like Kagarlitsky, they identify themselves with Trotskyism and American fascism. And this is just an isolated example that reflects the general trend of pluralism of “left opinions.” However, the truth is always concrete: the ideas of the “broad left” in the current historical context, the ideas of uniting all “left and patriotic forces”, the ideas of solidarity with liberals in the fight against “Putin’s fascism” - all these “old songs in a new way” are harmful political adventures pursuing the goals of left populism and tactical vacillation of the regime; they are alien to Marxism, and therefore hostile to every true communist.

At the same time, we should not forget that in a certain historical period the slogan “Freedom for political prisoners” could play a positive role. The amnesty of 1917, which came after the February revolution, allowed the Bolsheviks to temporarily emerge from underground and begin public propaganda of real, revolutionary (and not reformist) Marxism. However, amnesty and amnesty are different. We can only call that social phenomenon progressive which spontaneously or purposefully contributes to the construction of communism. So it turns out that the amnesty of 1917, which gave the Bolsheviks the opportunity to conduct legal revolutionary agitation, objectively contributed to the revolutionary transformation of the world, while the post-Stalin and perestroika amnesties caused irreparable damage to world communism, the reactionary consequences of which modern communists are still forced to fight. This is the dialectic.

Based on the foregoing, we come to the following conclusion: prison pacifism, which preaches an abstract rejection of prison (just like, for example, military pacifism), plays into the hands of the exploiter, abandons the concrete class struggle in favor of the “noble” and naive impulses of the human soul . The theory of pacifism-nonviolence, applied with varying success to various political circumstances, is yet another variation of anti-Marxism used by bourgeois ideologists to harm the cause of communism. Marxists must always remember the words of Comrade Stalin that “the dictatorship of the proletariat is a revolutionary power based on violence against the bourgeoisie” (the bourgeoisie can also include both opportunists and ordinary criminals). Therefore, no mercy is expected for the enemies of real freedom after the communists seize power.

V
So. Based on the analysis carried out, we can be confident in the truth of the following statement by V. A. Podguzov:

“...Any prison is just a product of beast-like relations of private property. Where there are no relations between people regarding large amounts of private property that go beyond the reasonable volumes of personal consumption of means of subsistence and development, there are and will not be any prisons, bars, or guards...”

A prison is a place that destroys everything human in a person, a place that aims to disfigure spiritually and materially, rather than help and put him on his feet, a place that spreads pain and fear, rather than love and kindness, a place that reproduces savagery without even trying to know the laws that give rise to it (savagery), a place that breaks a person’s psyche, further marginalizing an already marginalized society; finally, prison is a political institution, the long existence of which once again confirms the correctness of Marx’s conclusions that we are “lucky” to live in the "prehistoric era". The prison, thus, concentrates in itself all the features of class society: savagery, sadism, barbarism, stupidity, etc., providing an opportunity for a thinking person to look at the real state of affairs in the “free and democratic world” through the prism of the penitentiary system. At the same time, one of its characteristic features is the fact that it often keeps within its walls the most unlucky thieves, swindlers, and murderers, while their more fortunate and cunning “colleagues” sit with an important air in senates, parliaments and boards of directors. V. A. Podguzov wrote in this context:

“...The walls and bars of a prison are only material evidence of the dominance in society of such forms of relations between people, such a degree of mutually destructive antagonism, which can be softened for a while only by isolating behind bars the less organized, and therefore weakest, bearer of this antagonism.”

With all this, it is important to understand: it is impossible to separate the penitentiary system from the society in which it operates; it is impossible to organize a real correctional system within the framework of a market society built on theft and deception. Whereas a society that excludes theft and deception as fundamental properties and ideological dogmas is alien to the crimes so vividly depicted, for example, in Hollywood “masterpieces” that our liberal-minded individuals applaud.

In the process of building communism, the entire system of violence is negated, because the prerequisites that give rise to it are destroyed: relations of private property and mass social science ignorance that perpetuates these relations. Moreover, in the first phase of the construction of communism, in order to protect the gains of the revolution, institutions remain to suppress the class will of the exploiters, which, however, are qualitatively different from all their predecessors. Communist correctional labor institutions are a forced instrument of coercion to knowledge and good, an instrument of re-education , aimed at the moral and intellectual improvement of prisoners, and not at their even greater mutilation, which is practiced in the prisons of the “civilized” world. The goal of communist correctional labor institutions is the formation of human traits in prisoners, a qualitative change in their consciousness by introducing scientific content into it.

The communist state, which gradually destroys commodity-money relations and the petty-bourgeois delusions (and various other mental deviations) that these relations cement, the state that destroys the traditional “society” of private property and builds on its ruins a new, communist society, thereby destroys that fertile soil in which crime flourishes like a lush garden. In light of this, V. A. Podguzov wrote:

“The main internal function of the state in the first phase of communism is psychiatric and penitentiary forms of influence on persons infected with kleptomania and other mental illnesses generated by private property relations.”

Despite this, it would not be out of place to repeat that the onset of the communist revolution, unfortunately, is not capable of instantly eliminating the evils of society that have been gestating for thousands of years. What can we say, if even the system of state power itself is forced to be preserved by the communists for its subsequent liquidation. As a communist society is built, the political (including in the form of prisons) will be replaced by the human, mass crime will be replaced by mass Marxist literacy, which, in turn, is a guarantee against the restoration of the barbarity of capitalism. These events ensured the unprecedented pace of eliminating illiteracy that was achieved in the Lenin-Stalin USSR. However, the construction of communism after 1953 was suspended due to the absence in the party of a theoretician equal to Lenin or Stalin in his knowledge of Marxism.

Therefore, if we strive to ensure society’s existence outside of “prison relations,” then it is necessary to intensively engage in self-education in the field of the theory of Marxism-Leninism, learn propaganda, agitation and organizational skills, try oneself in the journalistic field, specifying and updating Marxism in order to apply the acquired knowledge and skills in the future the practice of creating and functioning of the party of scientific centralism, the only party capable of building a communist society. Then and only then (under communism) the content of the phrase “I am sitting behind bars in a damp dungeon” will become a subject of history, and not a real planetary problem.

Bronislav
02/07/2024

1.The German writer Mario Giordano, inspired by the experiment, wrote the story “The Black Box”. Based on the work, the German film “Experiment” was shot in 2001. In 2010, an American remake of the German film was filmed with Hollywood actors and Oscar winners in the lead roles.
2.For example, John Calhoun's Universe 25 experiment .

https://prorivists.org/90_prison/

Google Translator

******

JOHN KIRIAKOU: Dying by Callous Disregard
February 6, 2024

The stories of Lucas Bellamy and Brandon Clay Dodson show how easy it is to die a medically preventable death in U.S. prisons.

Image
Point Lookout II prisoner cemetery in Angola, Louisiana, 2009. (Lee Honeycutt, “Cemetery Crosses,” Wikiimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 2.0

By John Kiriakou
Special to Consortium News

I’ve had a rough week.

Last Saturday I worked all day writing and gathering documents for a court case. It was a completely normal and uneventful day, and I went to bed at 10 o’clock.

At 2:05 am, my phone alarm went off to tell me that my blood sugar was too low, so I got up to get something to eat. I don’t remember getting downstairs, but I woke up half an hour later, lying on the kitchen floor after having passed out. I was soaked in sweat, as if I had taken a shower with my clothes on.

I have two housemates and I began calling for help. Unfortunately, nobody heard me. I tried pulling myself up, but I passed out again.

I woke up at 3:30 in the same place and began calling for help again. This time one of my housemates heard me. He came down, helped me onto the couch, and got me a soda to raise my blood sugar level.

But that turned out to not be the problem. When my blood sugar crashes, it only takes five minutes to right itself. This was going into the second hour. After yet another hour on the couch, I asked him to help me get back into bed. But as soon as I tried to get up I passed out again. He called 911.

I have no memory of being taken to the Virginia Hospital Center in Arlington. The only thing I recall is a fleeting memory of a doctor shouting my name and saying, “John, can you hear me? We’re taking you straight into surgery, ok?” I mumbled “Ok.”

I came out of it at 10:30 am. The surgeon and the internal medicine physician came to see me later in the day. They said that I had a “massive” blood clot on my esophagus sitting on top of an equally massive bleeding ulcer. It had apparently been caused by 18 years of daily baby aspirin.

I had a second surgery on Tuesday to remove a second clot and to laser the ulcer, and I came home on Wednesday after having three blood transfusions and three infusions of iron. It was the closest I had ever come to death, and I have my housemates to thank for literally saving my life.

Not So Lucky

I was lucky. But what would have happened to somebody in a similar circumstance in prison, where nobody cares if you live or die and where medical care varies from substandard to nonexistent?

I think the answer is an easy one.

Look at the case of Lucas Bellamy.

He had been arrested in Minnesota on suspicion of vehicle theft. Immediately before the arrest, he ate a bag of drugs in an effort to fool police into thinking that he didn’t have any.

But he immediately began feeling sick. Jail officers took him to a local hospital, where he was treated. The doctors there told the jailers to return him to the hospital if he became ill again.


Bellamy never showed any improvement. And indeed, he began vomiting as soon as he got back to his cell. By evening he was refusing food and crawling around his cell as a guard and nurse stood and watched him. By noon the next day, he was dead on the floor.

Whistleblower Reality Winner had a health-related experience that made her appreciate exactly where she stood with prison officials.

Realizing that she had contracted Covid-19, she informed a guard and said she thought she should be isolated. The guard’s response was simple and direct: “Winner,” he said, “nobody gives a shit about you.” That’s the reality of the American prison system.

The case of Brandon Clay Dodson is even worse.

Dodson was arrested on a burglary charge and was being held in the local jail in Clayton, Alabama. He told a guard that several other prisoners had been beating him, and he asked to be moved into segregated housing for his own protection.

He later told the guards in solitary that he wasn’t feeling well, but they ignored him. And a day after that, the 43-year-old was found dead in his bed.

Image

Prison officials sent Dodson’s body to the Barbour County, Alabama, coroner, who later sent it to the University of Alabama Medical Center. It was finally returned to his family, severely decomposed, three weeks later.

And as if that weren’t bad enough, Brandon Dodson’s heart was missing.

The family has filed a federal lawsuit against the jail, the coroner and the University of Alabama Medical Center, but nobody seems to know what happened to the errant organ. My guess is that they’ll never find it. The bottom line is, as Reality Winner was told, nobody gives a shit.

It’s probably too much to expect things to turn around. But just a few months ago in a 104-page ruling, a federal judge in Louisiana ruled against the administrators of the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola.

The ruling highlighted just a few of the untold number of medical horrors that prisoners suffer all the time there, including “a man denied medical attention four times during a stroke, leaving him blind and paralyzed; a man denied access to a specialist for four years while his throat cancer advanced; even a blind man denied a cane for 16 years.”

The judge appointed three special masters to develop, implement, and monitor plans to improve health care at the facility, and he gave the prison 30 days after that to turn things around.

Don’t hold your breath.

Meanwhile, on the federal level, Sens. Dick Durbin (D-IL) and Chuck Grassley (R-IA) tasked the Justice Department’s Bureau of Prisons with fixing what they called “a medical system that has allowed people in its care to die preventable deaths.”

This came after NPR reported that, just at the federal level, 4,950 prisoners had died of preventable illnesses while in custody in the past 10 years.

In a statement, Durbin said, “It is deeply upsetting that families are mourning the loss of their loved ones because they were not afforded the proper medical care they deserved while incarcerated.”

Grassley added, “I’m deeply alarmed by reports that the Bureau of Prisons has demonstrated foot dragging when it comes to providing medical care to those in its custody. The BOP needs to be held responsible for this failure and take action to raise its standards.”

Durbin and Grassley are right, of course. But a press statement isn’t going to change anything. The problem is prevalent at every level of government and is exacerbated by a national penchant for prioritizing the privatization of jails and prisons.

What better way to make a profit than to cut medical care? In the meantime, prisoners across the country have to try to fend for themselves. And when disaster strikes, they have to hope that somebody gives a shit.

John Kiriakou is a former C.I.A. counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. John became the sixth whistleblower indicted by the Obama administration under the Espionage Act—a law designed to punish spies. He served 23 months in prison as a result of his attempts to oppose the Bush administration’s torture program.

The views expressed are solely those of the author and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Sat Feb 24, 2024 3:13 pm

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Ben Crump

Malcolm X assassination: Former security guards reveal new details pointing to FBI, NYPD conspiracy
By Amy Goodman (Posted Feb 24, 2024)

Originally published: DemocracyNow! on February 22, 2024 (more by DemocracyNow!)

On the 59th anniversary of the assassination of Malcolm X, two former security guards are speaking out for the first time about how they were falsely arrested by the New York Police Department as part of a conspiracy to remove his protection before he was killed. We hear from Khaleel Sayyed, 81, who says he was detained on trumped-up charges just days before Malcolm X was fatally shot, and we speak with Ben Crump and Flint Taylor, two civil rights attorneys who are working with the family. They are calling on New York City Mayor Eric Adams, a former police officer, to support the release of key evidence in the case. We are “trying to peel back the layers to finally, after 59 years, get some measure of justice for Malcolm X’s family,” says Crump. Taylor also places the assassination in the context of police and the FBI targeting Black civil rights leaders through COINTELPRO, such as Fred Hampton, which he helped expose in a landmark case in Chicago.

(Video at link.)

Transcript:
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

Amy Goodman: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh.

Nermeen Shaikh: It was 59 years ago this week that civil rights leader Malcolm X was assassinated, February 21st, 1965, as he stood at the podium before a crowd here in New York in Harlem’s Audubon Ballroom. His wife, Betty Shabazz, pregnant with twins, and his four daughters were in the ballroom looking on. As Malcolm began speaking, a man shouted, accusing another of picking his pocket, creating a disturbance. A smoke bomb was thrown. Amidst the confusion, three gunmen at the front of the hall opened fire. Malcolm was hit 17 times in the ensuing hail of bullets. He died on the stage as chaos erupted.

On Wednesday night, at what is now the Malcolm X and Betty Shabazz Center in Washington Heights, Malcolm’s daughter Ilyasah Shabazz recalled that horrifying day.

ILYASAH SHABAZZ: My parents’ young lives were filled with joys, and they were filled with challenges. And one week before my father’s assassination, our family home was targeted. A firebomb was thrown into the nursery where my sisters and I slept as babies. History records that we escaped unharmed. Yet, a mere seven days later, my family witnessed the unimaginable. Our father was gunned down as he prepared to speak right here in that location. My pregnant mother placed her body over my three sisters and me to protect us from gunfire and to shield us from the terror before our eyes.

AG: Malcolm X’s daughter Dr. Ilyasah Shabazz, speaking last night at the former Audubon Ballroom, now the Malcolm and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Education Center, during a commemoration marking the 59th anniversary of the assassination of Malcolm X. Malcolm X often began his speeches, including the one that was cut short by that hail of bullets, by addressing everyone in the room. This a speech he gave in 1964 at the Audubon Ballroom.

Malcolm X: As-salamu alaykum. Mr. Moderator, our distinguished guests, brothers and sisters, our friends and our enemies, everybody who’s here.

NS: Well, 59 years after Malcolm X’s assassination this week, two former members of his security team have come forward for the first time to reveal details of their entrapment and imprisonment by New York police just days before he was killed. Yesterday, one of the two men and family members of Malcolm X appeared at a press conference. This is 81-year-old Khaleel Sultarn Sayyed.

Khaleel Sultan Sayyed: From its creation in 1964 to 1965, I attended public events organized by the Organization of Afro-American Unity, the OAAU, founded by el-Hajj Malik Shabazz, Malcolm X. It was widely known by my acquaintances that I had deep fondness for Malcolm X, as I spoke frequently with respect for Malcolm X, and I always made an effort to attend his speeches.

In or about January 1965, I attended public events–I’m sorry. On or about January 1965, I was introduced to Raymond A. Wood. I only interacted with Wood on approximately two occasions. Robert Collier, a new acquaintance, told me that he wanted to introduce me to his friend, who had some ideas. This friend was Raymond Wood. When Collier introduced me to Wood, I had only known Collier for two or three months. Collier would invite—also invited Walter Bowe to attend. Since Wood was undercover, I had no idea he worked for law enforcement. I later found out Wood was an undercover police agent–or, I’m sorry, Wood was an undercover police officer from the New York City Police Department in the Bureau of Special Services and Investigations.

The idea Wood introduced was a conspiracy to destroy national monuments, specifically the Statue of Liberty. Those at the meeting laughed, so I assumed Wood was not serious about this idea. I said very little at the meeting. In the weeks leading up to my wrongful arrest and incarceration, I never heard the idea again.

I was asked by a close follower of Malcolm X to serve as security at Malcolm X’s home after it was firebombed on February 14th, 1965. I was offered this opportunity because it was widely known that I respected Malcolm X and was interested in the OAAU. It was a small group of individuals who were asked to serve as security for Malcolm X’s home, only two or three individuals per shift. I would always have made myself available to serve as security for Malcolm X, as I had–I would always have made myself available to serve as Malcolm X’s security, had I not been wrongfully arrested. It was widely known that Malcolm X’s life was frequently in danger and under constant threat.

On or about February 16, 1965, five days before Malcolm X’s assassination, I was detained and arrested by the New York City Police Department related to the Wood’s conspiracy. I was shocked to hear the New York Police Department accusing me of conspiracy to destroy the Statue of Liberty. I lost 18 months of my young life for a crime I did not commit. I was only 22 years old at the time of my arrest. I spent four years as a student at Howard University working toward a degree in electrical engineering. I was helping my father during — I was helping my father in his store during a gap year in my studies, when I was arrested. As a result my detention, I never graduated from Howard University.

I believe I was detained in this conspiracy by the NYPD, BOSSI and FBI in order to ensure Malcolm X’s planned assassination would be successful. Had I not been arrested, I would have attended his speech and could have served as part of his security detail.

AG: So, that was 81-year-old Khaleel Sultarn Sayyed, speaking Wednesday alongside our next two guests, who are fighting for justice for Malcolm X’s family to expose the depth of the government’s involvement in the assassination of the civil rights icon, both the NYPD and the FBI. We’re joined now by Ben Crump, civil rights attorney, and Flint Taylor, lawyer and co-founder of the People’s Law Office in Chicago.

We welcome you both back to Democracy Now! Ben Crump, let’s begin with you. Can you put that testimony in context? I was there last year for the 58th anniversary of Malcolm X’s assassination, when you also held a news conference revealing new information. Talk about this year and the significance of what these two men had to say.

Benjamin Crump: Thank you so much, Amy.

It is quite significant when you consider last year Mustafa Hassan, who was shown in photographs in The New York Times was present in the Audubon theater the day Malcolm X was assassinated—in fact, he was the one who was seen grabbing one of the assailants as he tries to escape after shooting Malcolm X. And his testimony was very riveting, because he said there was no presence of uniformed New York police officers, and they came up after all the chaos after Malcolm had been shot, and the first thing he heard them say, “Is he with us? Is he one of us?” as if even NYPD knew there were undercover police officers in the Audubon theater that day, and they didn’t know what they had done in the theater that day.

And now this year, we have two additional witnesses, who have never before spoken, come and offer new evidence. These were members of Malcolm X’s security team: Walter Bowe, who is now 93 years old, who was a charter member of the OAAU with Malcolm X, as well as Khaleel Sayyed, who we just heard from. And both of these individuals were framed by Ray Wood, who, unbeknownst to them, was an undercover police officer working with BOSSI and the FBI. And he —

AG: Explain what BOSSI is.

BC: It’s the Bureau of Special Services, that was specifically targeted to infiltrate Black organizations. They infiltrated the Black Panthers, CORE, as well as Malcolm X’s organization and the Nation of Islam there in the city of New York. They were an arm, if you would have, like a little brother to the FBI there in New York. And so, what they were doing, we believe, was carrying out the deeds at the behest of J. Edgar Hoover at the very top.

And these young men, just as other individuals have been wrongfully convicted to cover up for the conspiracy to assassinate Malcolm X, they were arrested five days before Malcolm X was assassinated. They believe that their arrests had everything to do with Ray Wood and BOSSI and the FBI trying to be complicit, if you would, in Malcolm X’s assassination. And so, that’s why attorney Flint Taylor and I and Ray Hamlin and our legal team are trying to peel back the layers to finally, after 59 years, get some measure of justice for Malcolm X’s family.

NS: And, Ben Crump, could you explain what was the pretext for their arrests? Can you talk about the destroy the Statue of Liberty conspiracy?

BENJAMIN CRUMP: Absolutely. So, this wasn’t the only time we saw the workings of Raymond Wood, this undercover New York police officer. He also used this to have the members of the Panther 21. Afeni Shakur, Tupac Shakur’s mother, was a member of the Panther 21. And they were all arrested under this pretense that they were endeavoring to bomb United States monuments–namely, the Statue of Liberty. Well, that’s the same exact thing that they said about Khaleel Sayyed and Walter Bowe, Malcolm X’s security members. They said that they were out to bomb the Statue of Liberty. I mean, you would think that they could come up with something new. But all of these Black self-determination organizations, they would infiltrate them and try to say, “Oh, they were conspiring to bomb the Statue of Liberty, so we have to arrest them.” And so, that’s exactly what they did to Panther 21, and it’s exactly what they did to Malcolm X’s security detail. They came up with a bogus theory and had them convicted of crimes that was orchestrated by undercover police officers.

AG: Now, Ben Crump, can you talk about the man who was in the Audubon Ballroom with a long gun under his trench coat, the one who was set free?

BC: Certainly. As attorney Flint Taylor from the People’s Law Office in Chicago, who has joined our legal team to get justice for Malcolm X’s family, articulated, Bradley, this individual, who we know from the files that have been revealed, had a shotgun and was one of the killers of Malcolm X, yet he was not arrested. He was able to leave the Audubon Ballroom free. And they arrested two innocent people, we believe, to cover up for those individuals who they knew were responsible for Malcolm X’s death.

And this Bradley fellow was then, four years later, arrested for a bank robbery, he and his accomplice. His accomplice was in prison for 25 years, but yet Bradley was allowed to escape–walk away out the jail scot-free. And so, you know that they have something connected with this Bradley character, if he continues to commit major crimes, federal crimes, and yet the government lets him walk scot-free, as if he has something that they are connected, to say that he will have no culpability for his dastardly deeds.

And that’s why we want these files. We want these files to see what connections, to see who were those undercover agents that were in the Audubon Ballroom the day Malcolm X was assassinated. And the reality is this here. It’s 59 years later. Who are they trying to protect? What person’s life will be put in danger 59 years later? They continue to offer us excuse after excuse after excuse every time we get FOIAs for the information. They even went so far as to tell us that one of the reasons they can’t give us the information that we request on the surveillance of Malcolm X and the documentation that they have on Malcolm X is because Malcolm X is potentially still alive.

AG: Is potentially still alive? Let’s bring Flint Taylor in right now. You stood there in the Audubon Ballroom, the site where Malcolm X was gunned down 59 years ago this week, yesterday with the family of Malcolm X, with Dr. Ilyasah Shabazz, with Ben Crump. But you’re actually based in Chicago. And if you can talk about why it is possible, almost 60 years later, all of these documents do not become public, and the experience you have back in Chicago trying to get information on another leader, the Black Panther leader, Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, when they were gunned down in 1969?

FT: Good morning. Thank you for having me on.

Yes, it was a very powerful experience standing there, for the first time for me, in that ballroom. And as you may know, I stood in the blood of Fred Hampton the morning that he was assassinated 55 years ago. And, of course, that had a similarly powerful effect on me and the people in the People’s Law Office at that time. And that started us on a 13-year battle to find out the truth and to change the narrative of what happened to Fred Hampton, the young, 21-year-old, very articulate, very powerful, very charismatic leader, young Black Panther leader.

And, of course, at first, they talked about it as a shootout. And as we got into the litigation and as the community raised the case in the public eye over years, we were able to fight to get evidence that was covered up, by the FBI predominantly, that there was this COINTELPRO program, Counterintelligence Program, a super-secret program that was targeting the Black Panthers, attempting to destroy the Black Panthers at that time—it came from Hoover in Washington–and that it also claimed as part of its program dealing with what they call messiahs, who would bring together and lead the Black liberation movement. And they cited to Malcolm X as one of those messiahs.

So, there’s evidence that is starting to come out about Malcolm X. That piece existed back then. But what’s coming out now, as attorney Crump has mentioned, is this file on William Bradley, an FBI file, and a statement straight from Hoover that said there were nine informants, FBI informants, in the ballroom, and that at all costs they should not let those informants be known, and at all costs not let it be known what they might have been doing, and whether they were working, of course, for COINTELPRO, because we know that what the FBI was doing was trying to foment the split between the Nation of Islam and Malcolm and his organization. So, you put this evidence together, and you demand more evidence about Bradley, about those informants, about BOSSI’s role. And BOSSI seems to be kind of a junior FBICOINTELPRO program in New York. I shouldn’t say “seems to be,” but was. And so, that’s where we stand.

And that’s one of the reasons that attorney Crump asked me and my office to come in, because we fought this case, similar case, an assassination case, that had in it the FBI covered up the Chicago police informants. Of course, the main informant in our case in Chicago was William O’Neal, who set up the assassination of Fred Hampton. So those same questions come up here. And after Cyrus Vance revealed the tip of the iceberg with regard to the FBI files that had been suppressed and the BOSSI files that had been destroyed, that’s when attorney Crump and, of course, the family and now the People’s Law Office have become involved.

And we feel that it’s not only a civil case for justice, but that it’s a human rights case. And it’s not only a case that has significance in New York, not only significance nationally, but it has international significance. And I think attorney Crump and I are both calling on the mayor of the city of New York and the federal government for transparency, for giving us these files and for, in fact, all these years later, making reparations. And that’s what it is. It’s reparations, not unlike the reparations that we fought for and obtained in Chicago for the survivors of police torture. It’s reparations to the family. It’s reparations to the community of New York and nationally, in terms of justice and in terms of compensation.

AG: Ben Crump, let’s end with you. Flint just mentioned the mayor of New York, right? Eric Adams is a former police officer. Have you spoken with him? Is he joining the call for the documents, both in BOSSI and the New York Police Department and the FBI, to be opened, more than a half a century after Malcolm X’s assassination?

BC: At this time, we are unaware if he will join us in that call for transparency. I know that in past conversations, Ilyasah and myself have felt assured that New York Police Department would–I’m sorry, the city leadership in New York would do the right thing here and help Malcolm X’s family finally get justice. Now, with attorney Flint Taylor and I and our legal team, we have put the ball squarely in their court to be able to tell us if they’re going to be on the right side of history 59 years later. Will they give up their records?

AG: Well, Ben Crump, we’re going to leave it there. We’re going to ask you to stay for a few minutes so we can ask about the Houston police shooting of Eboni Pouncy, an amazing story, with video just revealed, and we’ll post it at democracynow.org. Ben Crump, civil rights attorney. Flint Taylor, co-founder of People’s Law Office of Chicago. To see all our coverage of the Malcolm X assassination, go to democracynow.org. I’m Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh. Thanks for joining us.

https://mronline.org/2024/02/24/malcolm ... ssination/
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Mon Feb 26, 2024 3:22 pm

According to his Son, Civil Rights Icon Paul Robeson Was a Victim of CIA’s MK-ULTRA
By Jeremy Kuzmarov - February 25, 2024

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[Source: pinterest.com]
[This article follows CAM’s attempts to expose the criminal history of the CIA and is also part of a special for Black History Month that looks at the intelligence agency’s war on Black American activists, which the corporate media never spotlights.—Editors]

Acelebrity performer who devoted his life to social justice struggles, Paul Robeson is an icon of the civil rights movement who helped set the groundwork for the political awakening of the 1960s.

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[Source: thriftbooks.com]

However, during his lifetime, the FBI and CIA considered Robeson a dangerous subversive and used all kinds of dirty tricks attempting to neutralize him.

According to Paul Robeson, Jr., Robeson was a victim of the CIA’s infamous Operation MK-ULTRA, which involved illegal drug testing and the injection of drugs in unwitting people in order to incapacitate them.

In his 2010 book, The Undiscovered Paul Robeson: Quest for Freedom 1939-1976 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2010), Robeson Jr. alleges that Richard Helms, then the CIA’s chief of operations, poisoned Robeson with drugs to prevent his visit to Havana at the time of the Bay of Pigs landing.[1]

At the time of his drugging, Robeson Sr. was staying at the Sovietsky Hotel in Moscow, where he had gone after a trip to London in which he had visited Eastern European embassies and met with a top aide to Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first post-independence leader who was overthrown in a CIA-backed coup in 1966.

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Paul Robeson, Jr., and his father in 1963. [Source: wnyc.org]

Helms gave the green light to widespread overseas operations under MK-ULTRA making use of the new hallucinatory drug LSD, lethal toxins, and electroconvulsive therapy (ECT).

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Richard Helms [Source: uspresidentialhistory.com]

MK-ULTRA subproject 111 was headed by Professor Hans Jürgen Eysenck, the director of the psychology department of London’s Maudsley Hospital, a staging point for European and African MK-ULTRA operations.

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Hans Jürgen Eysenck [Source: vocal.media]

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London’s Maudsley Hospital. [Source: seearoundbritain.com]
Robeson was targeted because his stature as an artist, combined with his increasingly radical political activities, made him a serious threat to the establishment. He was a leading light of anti-colonial movements in Africa, spoke out strongly against American wars like Vietnam and Korea, and urged Blacks to resist the draft.[2]

In August 1955, after being hauled before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and asked about a speech that he gave that allegedly lauded Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, Robeson replied that he “wasn’t here to talk about Stalin—a matter for the Soviet people”—and was not going to argue with “representatives of the people who in building America wasted 60 to 100 million lives of my people, black people drawn from Africa on the plantations. You are responsible, and your forebearers, for 60 to 100 million black people dying in the slave ships and on the plantations, and don’t you ask me about anybody, please.”[3]

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Paul Robeson testifying before HUAC in August 1955. [Source: politico.com]

As early as 1935, officers of Britain’s MI5 visited Robeson on the set of Sanders of the River, the first Hollywood film to feature a powerful Black male star. The FBI opened a file on Robeson in 1941.[4] At the end of World War II, his case was assigned to a special agent responsible for covert operations, and he nearly died subsequently after his vehicle was sabotaged.[5]

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[Source: en.wikipedia.org]

While attending a cocktail party in New York City, a Black member of the U.S. Mission to the United Nations told Robeson Jr. about an exchange that allegedly took place between Richard Helms and CIA Director Allen Dulles in the late 1950s.

Helms floated the idea to Dulles about “solving the Robeson problem,” though Dulles urged caution because he did not “want to create a martyr.” John Stockwell, chief of the CIA’s Angolan Task Force, told Robeson Jr. that the CIA had viewed his father as a “dangerous badman.”[6]

Robeson Sr. felt anxiety during his time in Moscow because he knew the CIA was surveilling him. Robeson Jr. wrote that “the CIA knew [his father] intended to visit Cuba from Moscow and it would seem likely that they would not want him there as they prepared for the [Bay of Pigs] invasion. All of this contributed to my belief that he had been subjected to a CIA ‘hit.’”[7]

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John Stockwell [Source: alternativeradio.org]

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Allen Dulles [Source: uspresidentialhistory.com]

On April 4, 1961, Robeson had a heart attack, a week after he was found lying on the bathroom floor of his hotel suite, semi-conscious, after having slashed his wrists.[8]

The night before the suicide attempt, a raucous party had been held in his suite lasting well past midnight. Robeson Jr. was suspicious of the party because it was uncharacteristic, he said, for his father to expose himself to strangers in this manner. He felt that he was probably deceived into agreeing to the party by someone claiming to be a government official but who was in reality a Western intelligence agent.

Robeson Jr. believed that, in the environment of the party, it would have been possible to drug his father.[9] Robeson’s symptoms were identical to those produced by BZ (3-Quinuclidinyl Benzilate), a mind-altering drug developed by the intelligence agencies in Britain and in the U.S. for use in MK-ULTRA. They included “paranoiac psychosis” with depressive symptoms thought to have been caused by acute anxiety.

Robeson Jr. said that, after he visited his father the day after the suicide attempt, Robeson Sr. said that he had felt trapped in a real life “James Bond nightmare.” The walls were always closing around him. He shut himself in his bedroom, suffering extreme depression and feelings of utter worthlessness—all symptoms induced by hallucinogenic drugs that were given to him.

Shortly after he left Moscow, Robeson was admitted to the Priory Hospital in London. Within 36 hours of his arrival, and against the advice of Soviet doctors, Robeson was subjected to the first of 54 electro-convulsive shock therapy sessions.

The drug therapy left Robeson in a debilitative state, from which he never really recovered (he died in 1976 at age 77).

Robeson Jr. said that the shock therapy sessions, combined with the prescription of anti-depressants, resembled the “mind depatterning” treatment funded by the MK-ULTRA project, which consisted of “intensive electroshocks usually combined with prolonged, drug-induced sleep.”[10]

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[Source: thewarhousell.com]

Robeson Jr. found out that at least three doctors who treated his father in London and in New York had links to MK-ULTRA.

The doctors were a) Nathan Kline, a researcher regarded as “the father of psychopharmacology,” who made a name for himself promoting use of antidepressants and administering drugs in mental hospitals; b) Brian Ackner, of the Maudsley Institute, a pioneer in the development of drug treatments for schizophrenia; and c) Kline’s associate, Ari Kiev, a specialist in depression and suicide prevention, who was attached to the Maudsley Institute of Psychiatry and Harvard, Cornell Medical College and Johns Hopkins Hospital, all of which had psychological research programs directed by contractors for the CIA’s MK-ULTRA project and funded by the CIA through a study group called the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology.

Dr. Kiev had also worked at Lackland Air Force Base in Texas from 1962 to 1964, where he served as a captain and was attached to Wilford Hall Medical Center, the site of secret MK-ULTRA research conducted by psychologist Frank Barron.[11]

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Nathan Kline [Source: psychologytoday.com]

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Dr. Ari Kiev [Source: nytimes.com]

Mike Minnicino, an MK-ULTRA historian with close contacts in American intelligence, said that the allegations that Paul Robeson was really targeted by the CIA were “entirely plausible.”

Between April and June 1961, the FBI kept a dossier and a “status of health” file on Robeson, which reveals that plans were already made to prevent the world communist movement from exploiting Robeson’s “imminent” death.

“The fact that such a file was opened at all, is very sinister in itself,” Robeson Jr. said. “This indicates a degree of prior knowledge that something was about to happen to my father.”


1.The CIA in the Bay of Pigs sent counter-revolutionaries to try to sabotage Fidel Castro’s revolutionary government. ↑

2.Jordan Goodman, Paul Robeson: A Watched Man (London: Verso, 2013), 154. ↑

3.Goodman, Paul Robeson, 240. ↑

4.Paul Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson: Quest for Freedom 1939-1976 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2010), 24. ↑

5.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 330. ↑

6.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 309. ↑

7.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 317. ↑

8.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 311. ↑

9.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 311, 312. ↑

10.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 326. ↑

11.Robeson, Jr., The Undiscovered Paul Robeson, 355, 356. ↑

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2024/0 ... -mk-ultra/
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Tue Feb 27, 2024 3:15 pm

U.S. Intelligence’s Covert War on Blacks Targeted Activists and Rappers Transforming Gangs in Chicago, Head of Revolutionary Black Panther Party Says
By John Potash - February 26, 2024 0

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[Source: milwaukeecourieronline.com]

[This article is part of a special for Black History Month that looks at the intelligence agency’s war on Black American activists, which the corporate media never spotlights.—Editors]

Activist leaders and rappers have tried to help convert drug-dealing gangs into activist organizations since the 1960s.

U.S. intelligence has tried to hijack these efforts and undermine or even murder these activists, likely due to it thwarting their street-level drug-distribution network that helps them sedate and divide communities of color.[1]

Revolutionary Black Panther Party leader Dr. Alli Muhammad, M.D., was raised by parents who were both medical doctors and were members of the 1960s Black Panther Party.

As of 2017, the Revolutionary Black Panther Party, which Dr. Muhammad helped found in 1992, reportedly had 40 chapters and 700 members nationwide

Dr. Muhammad gives evidence of a recent example of such murderous opposition in Chicago, Milwaukee and Atlanta, through an interview below.

The Black Panthers, Gang Conversion Leader Larry Hoover and U.S. Intelligence Opposition
The backstory regarding these Chicago gangs is that former Chicago-based Illinois Black Panther Party leader Fred Hampton had successfully organized a merger of his Chicago Black Panther Party and one of Chicago’s largest gangs, The Blackstone Rangers, in 1968.

The Blackstone Rangers were inspired to change their name to the Black P. Stone Nation in honor of the merger and activist conversion.

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Jeff Fort, left, Fred Hampton, right. [Source: diasporicroots.tumblr.com]

The FBI’s Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) used undercover agents and sent fake “concerned black citizens” to Black P. Stone Nation’s Jeff Fort and Hampton to help stop that merger.[2]

The FBI’s COINTELPRO employed an undercover agent, William O’Neal, who provided floor plans of Hampton’s apartment and drugged him before he was shot, along with Panther leader Mark Clark.[3]

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[Source: cuindependent.com]

Fred Hampton’s life and death at the hands of the FBI were made even more famous by the surprisingly accurate 2021 mainstream film about him, Judas and the Black Messiah, which was nominated for six Academy Awards and won two that year.

At least one source said that, in 1969, Chicago’s gang leader Larry Hoover merged his Gangster Disciples with leader David Barksdale’s Black Disciples.

They both then had their new Black Gangster Disciple Nation merge with the Black P. Stones and Vice Lords to form “a peaceful alliance known as the Lords, Stones and Disciples (LSD) in order to lessen bloodshed and unify in an attempt to fight for civil rights,” before the end of 1969.

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Members of the LSD in 1969 in Chicago. [Source: google.com]

FBI “Officially” Ends COINTELPRO, but Continues It Against Hoover, Panthers and Tupac?
Former FBI Agent Wes Swearingen reported COINTELPRO’s continuance into the 1990s.

Did the FBI target Larry Hoover and David Barksdale in a similar way that a mass of evidence shows they targeted Panther leader Fred Hampton for working on gang activist conversions?

Larry Hoover was sentenced to more than 150 years in prison in 1973 and David Barksdale was fatally shot in 1974, after which these gang peace alliances were broken up.

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Larry Hoover [Source: blackpast.org]

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David Barksdale [Source: blackpast.org]

Larry Hoover maintains that, from prison, he wrote a book and was working toward leading The Gangster Disciples street gang to turn into the community service organization, Growth and Development, inspiring best-selling rappers Kanye West and Drake to spend a decade making appeals for his release.

Below is my interview with Dr. Alli Muhammad, M.D., the founder and Chief General in Command of the Revolutionary Black Panther Party.

John Potash: And so you were telling me that a rapper and the [Chicago gang] Gangster Disciple’s leader were trying to gain a peace truce with another gang—the Black Disciples. Is that right?

Dr. Alli Muhammad, M.D.: Correct, yes. Rapper FBG Duck was calling for peace. He was with a project called Project 2020, Vision 2020. And in that sense, he was calling for peace. He’s actually a pioneer of a genre of music they call Drill Music. And for those who don’t know, when you understand how U.S. intelligence and other agencies use music and entertainment as a form of social conditioning and social engineering, we understand how serious the drill music thing is. The drill music actually was started in Chicago, Illinois, and he’s one of the pioneers.

For those who know the music genre, there’s a rapper by the name of Chief Keef, there’s a rapper by the name of JoJo. He’s known as FBG Duck, the one that I’m speaking about in particular, also known as Carlton Weekly. And so, there was rivalry with the Black Disciples and this music genre was used. And whenever someone was killed, or was going to be killed, a lot of times it’s rapped in the music, right? So there will be like, you know, “I’m going to roll up on so-and-so and blah-blah-blah’s going to happen.”

So this was going on. So after it happens, they would rap about it. So it would keep the feud going on. One would get killed; they rap about it. Next one would get killed, they rap about it—they’re going to do it. And they called it smoking the opp, is the term that they use [Dr. Muhammad later calls it “smoking ops” which are murder operations—see video example here where rapper tries to exploit Tupac image while glorifying senseless murder]. So it got so bad to where he begins to stand up and say, “enough is enough.” He was pushing peace. And he said he wanted this peace and truce to go on to save the young people in the community. He did this in March of 2020. Well, people started looking for him. And before you knew it, August 4, 2020, he was assassinated in a very upscale community in Chicago, Illinois. People can actually do a Google search to see where it was and who he is—FBG Duck is his name. Very popular and a pioneer of this music genre.

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FBG Duck [Source: urbanislandz.com]

John Potash: FBG Duck was killed?

Dr. Muhammad: Yes, and his actual name is Carlton Weekly. So he was gunned down and the Chicago PD—you can see on video, it’s in public media and news media—actually sat there and watched him die. They didn’t let the EMS or anybody service him or anything like that. They let him die and the shooters got away. As the shooters got away, there are cameras that actually show a marked police car escorting the shooters into this area they call “O Block.” O Block is where the BDs [Black Disciples gang] are at [called “the most dangerous block in Chicago” by The Chicago Sun Times-Eds.]. You can see five people on the video running out of the car, somebody coming back to get a black bag, and they talk to the officer in the vehicle—the officer is dressed in white—then the vehicle pulls away.

There’s a murder trial going on right now for FBG Duck. The FBI is involved in this murder trial. On trial—and it’s documented—they’re asking the Chicago PD, “who’s driving the vehicle?” And they said they can’t identify what vehicle that is from them, though it’s their marked vehicle. But when he died, the mayor at that time gave a press conference assaulting his character, calling him all these disparaging things. Then the police in the audience clapped when his death was announced. And so, this helped to exasperate the promo between the two.

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Defendants in FBG Duck murder trial. [Source: chicago.suntimes.com]

The area where the BDs are at is called “O Block.” The official name of the facility is called Parkway Gardens. It’s where Michelle Obama actually was from. And the other area is called 63rd, it’s at Saint Lawrence and Martin Luther King and they called it 63rd. So the two popular rappers at that time were Saint Von and FBG Duck. And the music is like laced with a lot of stuff involving people who are dying. But my point in talking about this, is that drill music is actually very dangerous in the urban community. I’m talking about to the point as to where it’s part of the culture now. You have a rivalry with a neighbor and these young people are talking “smoking opps” and they’re children and they’ll even make up songs and do all sorts of things that are disparaging. It’s a part of the culture now and it’s very detrimental. It’s all over the world and when they do it, it involves formulating gang violence or personal violence with the music genre. And Chicago is really bad because when FBG Duck was killed it just made it worse. And the other rapper who was popular, King Von, he was killed in Atlanta but it still made it worse.

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King Von [Source: upload.wikimedia.org]

And in his trial, it comes up that the other rapper allegedly paid $100,000 to have him killed, but again, there are informants that are admitted U.S. informants in this trial. Right now, if you looked it up, there’s an informant who’s an influencer and is called Trenches News. He actually, at one point in time, was on that O Block side where the BDs are. Then he went to 63rd with the GDs. So he infiltrated both of them, but all this time no one knew. I’m going to say even I would watch Trenches News sometimes. No one knew that he was actually a federal informant and now he’s listed in the trial right now. He’s a federal informant. They paid him $25,000 to infiltrate and give them news.

So, U.S. intelligence is all over this particular thing and this whole drill music thing is just totally insane. And the mother of FBG Duck, Christina Weekly, who I’m in correspondence with is very devasted by all of this. She wants justice for her son. They tried to make it difficult for her to actually sue. Whenever you’re in a city, they try to do that and give you the run around. She wanted to sue the city, I mean sue the county, and the sheriff’s department, and the emergency fire rescue people for letting her son just die like that. So there’s more coming out of that.

John Potash: Okay, got you. When they use the word informant, I believe that the best evidence of this means agent, paid agent. Informant sounds like they’re just passively sending across information, but often they’re being manipulated, told, or instructed to do particular things that can include murder. Informant is just a euphemism that makes them sound innocuous. They usually are working directly for the FBI or police intelligence. Obviously, this sounds like a latter day COINTELPRO operation used to stop a peace truce between these two gangs that sounds like Carlton Weekly—or FBG Duck—was trying to do to continue the gang peace truce movement, which of course Tupac was instrumental in helping out way back when and had spread throughout the country. It’s great that FBG Duck was continuing it. It’s incredible how they’ll target anyone trying to cause peace. Partly because sometimes when these leaders—like FBG Duck—are trying to gain peace truces, they’re curtailing some of the drug dealing. I don’t know if this was the case with FBG Duck, but I know a lot of other gangs were cutting down or cutting out the drug dealing, as part of the peace movement. That cost the money launderers and the CIA and others that are trafficking the drugs, billions of dollars.

Dr. Muhammad: In 2017, you can actually look this up, there’s a social media trail. I had organized with some of the top BD [Black Disciple] people who can actually have a truce. GDs [Gangster Disciples] as well. At that time, the reformed GDs let me say that because when they joined us, they were doing a positive thing, The Chicago Revolutionary Black Panther Party and also the Black P. Stones and the Vice Lords. This is a documented dynamic that can actually be verified. There were two meetings. They had the first meeting with just these hedge meetings first before they met with me. The second meeting was going to be with me…

John Potash: So you were doing this in Chicago, Dr. Muhammad?

Dr. Muhammad: It was organized in a national gang truce, but a treaty starting in Chicago with the Vice Lords, BDs, GDs, and Black P. Stones. This was in 2017—May of 2017. The heads of the BDs, GDs, Vice Lords, and Stones at that time that could actually make this change happen had got together. We organized it very well. I’m going to mention the actual name that they would know of the person who headed our Chicago Chapter, who at that time was a GD that goes back to Larry Hoover. His nickname is Hot Rod and I’m just going to say his first name, Rodney. They’ll know exactly who I’m talking to you about. General RT, who was the leader of our Chicago Chapter at that time.

What happened is, at the meeting, they met at this bar and he got poisoned. He was poisoned with antifreeze and almost died. So we couldn’t have any further truce going on. I know U.S. intelligence is involved, but it clarified to me how deep they’re involved. In the Midwest, we march with guns. In the Midwest, we do different trainings, we have programs in the community. As soon as you start talking about peace, there’s something else that happens. And documented as well, prior to that, I had gotten poisoned in Milwaukee. It was similar, but it was in my food though. I don’t want to compare what was worse. He actually vomited and defecated a lot and had to stay in the hospital for two days. Me, I was comatose for over a week going on two weeks. It was a whole different type of thing. Doing the same thing. That same year, you can look it up yourself, it shows the Revolutionary Panther Party doing a lawsuit against Milwaukee Police Department for $400 million—look it up. They tried to kill me in Milwaukee, not just was that poisoning, but also at a liquor store that I was trying to shut down.

The car that preceded before me, which was my security team. Plain clothes police covered their car and you can see them on camera talking about, “Where is he? Where is he?” I was nowhere to be found, so they gave them a ticket for loitering. The liquor store owner had to come to court. The man cried in court—documented in court. He said that the police told him that when I came there, they were going to seriously body harm me or kill me. And that’s documented as well.

That’s how deep this stuff is. But the same thing in Milwaukee. Milwaukee is an hour and a half from Chicago. Same thing was going on there—we organized the Vice Lords, the GDs, and the Stones in the same type of process. Like you said, there’s an under road in Chicago and we know how it goes. The police department, U.S. intelligence, and they choose. Some people may get mad at me for saying this, but we were organizing at that time.

A lot of people said, I’m not going to say who, but I’ll say what gangs they were from—the Vice Lords, the GDs at that time, and the others said that they didn’t want the Stones to participate in the truce. And I was like, “why?” They say that whenever the police did anything to them, it was always through the Stones. The Stones got away, so their opinion at that time was that the Stones were working in law enforcement. I’m going to say this, my opinion at this particular time, I believe that the BDs from O Block are working with law enforcement because that night when they killed FBG Duck they had a whole platoon of officers surrounding that area of O Block to protect it—even with tanks, so you couldn’t get in there. Where the shooters were at and where the shooters were from. They did that.

Dr. Muhammad: Thank you, I appreciate you. Thank you, John.


1.Personal interview with Peter Dale Scott on November 23, 2012. When this author asked Canadian writer/researcher Professor Peter Dale Scott if he thought the oligarchs used drugs to sedate and divide the masses, he said, “Yes. I don’t think I can prove it, but I think that’s the case.” Scott is a former Canadian diplomat whose books include: Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 1998), with Jonathan Marshall, and Drugs, Oil, and War: The United States in Afghanistan, Colombia and Indochina (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2003). Also see Gary Webb, Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion (New York: Seven Stories Press, 1998). And see the book/film, John Potash, Drugs as Weapons Against Us: The CIA’s Murderous Targeting of SDS, Panthers, Hendrix, Lennon, Cobain, Tupac and other Activists (Walterville, OR: TrineDay Press, 2015). ↑

2.“The backstory… stop that merger.” Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States (Boston: South End Press, 1990), pp. 135-36. Also, Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, Agents of Repression: The FBI’s Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement (Boston: South End Press, 1988), pp. 63-67. ↑

3.Churchill and Vander Wall, Agents of Repression, pp. 69-77. ↑

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Wed Feb 28, 2024 6:42 pm

Alabama prisoners organize against a system rigged to maintain a system of modern day slavery

Alabama prisoners lead struggle against “most violent and inhumane prison system in the country”

February 27, 2024 by Natalia Marques

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St. Clair Correctional Facility (Photo: William Widmer via the Equal Justice Initiative)

Formerly and currently incarcerated organizers in Alabama are striking out against a prison system that they characterize as slavery. Since February 6, organizers imprisoned at the St. Clair Correctional Facility near Birmingham have organized a “shutdown” of the prison to protest the inhumane conditions and policies of the state’s Department of Corrections. They allege that the DOC has a systematic practice to deny parole to inmates in order to feed the USD 450 million per year prison labor industry. Organizers are also bringing to light the shockingly inhumane treatment within Alabama prisons, highlighting the case of an Alabama prisoner’s body that was returned with a missing organ in November 2023, and the state’s novel use of nitrogen gas in executions.

Incarcerated organizers, many of them forming part of organizations such as the Free Alabama Movement (FAM), have been leading the efforts against the Alabama prison system. The specific demands they have brought forward include repealing the Habitual Felony Offender Act, which they argue keeps prisoners, particularly Black prisoners, incarcerated. Other demands are abolishing life sentences without parole, instating mandatory parole guidelines and retroactive sentencing guidelines, ending nitrogen gas executions, and ending the theft of prisoner organs.

In 2022, prisoners initiated work stoppages at every single major correctional facility in the state. Prisoners are now trying to replicate many of the same tactics as the 2022 shutdowns. Organizers are trying to sustain the shutdown of St. Clair, which began on February 6, for at least 90 days. The goal is to spread the shutdown to all ADOC facilities. Outside the prison walls, weekly protests have also been organized outside St. Clair to express solidarity with the shutdown.

Prison slavery perpetuated by Alabama’s parole system
Organizers have highlighted that major corporations directly profit from prison labor. These include fast food giants McDonald’s, KFC, Burger King, and Wendy’s, where inmates are leased by ADOC to work, a disturbing echo of the racist “convict-leasing” prison slavery programs that occurred right after chattel slavery was abolished in the US South.

The brokenness of Alabama’s parole system has been widely documented. Last year, the Alabama Board of Pardons and Paroles only granted 8% of paroles. The board went as far as to reject all 10 people who were over 80 last year. According to an AL.com analysis from April and May of 2023, Black men were 25% less likely to get parole than white men.

Peoples Dispatch spoke to Cecilia Prado, part of the Tennessee Student Solidarity Network, a group that has been organizing in coalition with the Free Alabama Movement and incarcerated organizers. Prado pointed out that ADOC makes USD 450 million each year from under or unpaid prison labor, a number that comes from a lawsuit filed on December 12, 2023 by current and former Alabama prisoners. The lawsuit alleges that Alabama prisons intentionally keep parole rates low to maintain a steady labor force.

“[Incarcerated organizers] are participating in work stoppages and boycotts, but they do not call it a prison strike, because they know that people on the outside usually confuse or have the idea of prison strikes being related to wages, or to better benefits,” Prado said. “They do not want just better benefits. They want the incentive, the massive financial incentive of the prison labor economy to go away, because it’s behind the fact that Alabama prisons are the most deadly, the most crowded in the country,” Prado said.

According to a 2018 report by the Equal Justice Initiative, Alabama prisons had a rate of over 34 homicides per 100,000 people, over 600% the national average from 2001 to 2014. In 2019, the Equal Justice Initiative also reported that the Alabama prison system is the most overcrowded in the country, operating at 167.8% capacity.

“Alabama prisons reveal a lot about the way that our economy depends on incarcerated people’s labor, which is forced labor, the way that our prisons are decaying, the dehumanization of incarcerated people,” said Prado.

“I could see the horror in his eyes”
Prison organizers have also highlighted the inhumane treatment within the Alabama prison system, namely the stealing of prisoner organs and the recent use of nitrogen gas for executions. After Alabama inmate Brandon Dotson died on November 16, 2023 at Ventress Correctional Facility in Clayton, his body was returned to his family severely decomposed, enough to warrant a closed-casket funeral, and missing a heart. The whereabouts of Dotson’s heart are still unknown.

According to FAM, this is not the first time that ADOC has been suspected of illegal organ harvesting. On January 10, FAM posted on X, “The first time we heard of a person’s internal organs and brain missing was Bro. Yusef, (Mr. Bonine Johnson). He was thought to have no family members to claim his body but when a local Islamic Community stepped up and retrieved his body, the top of his head popped off and they discovered that his brain was missing. Further examinations reveal that his internal organs were also missing.”

Alabama became the first state to introduce nitrogen gas executions on January 25 with the execution of Kenneth Smith. Smith’s spiritual adviser, Jeff Hood, witnessed the execution and wrote extensively about how horrific the process was. “When nitrogen gas started to flow, Kenny’s face grew more and more intense with every second. Colors started to change. Veins started to flex. Every muscle in his body started to tense,” Hood wrote in an opinion piece in USA Today. “We had been told by Alabama officials that the gas would kill Kenny in seconds, but the execution was now going on for minutes. Kenny was very much still conscious. I could see the horror in his eyes. In fact, I’ll never forget it.”

The state of Alabama believes that nitrogen gas executions are “perhaps the most humane method of execution ever devised” according to court records, but little is known about how the method was carried out because Alabama heavily redacted its published protocol.

Organizers outside the prisons have called for several solidarity protests outside of St. Clair prison as prisoners carry out the shutdown of prison labor. The next solidarity protest is scheduled for Saturday, March 2. Organizers are also calling on the public to call Donaldson Prison to fire Lieutenant Akeem Edmonds, who incarcerated organizers claim beat six inmates while they were handcuffed and laying face down on the ground.

“The Free Alabama movement has been organizing under unimaginable conditions,” said Prado. “They are getting into solitary confinement. They’re getting death threats. They’re getting beaten almost to death. And they are enduring these immense violence and are continuing to organize and have done so with a remarkable level of persistence and resilience.”

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Fri Mar 01, 2024 3:40 pm

Fifty Five Years Ago, the FBI Murdered Black Panther Party Leader Fred Hampton in a “Northern Lynching.”
By Jeremy Kuzmarov - February 29, 2024 0

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Fred Hampton on October 29, 1969, five weeks before he was lynched by the Chicago Police Department. [Source: harvardpolitics.com]

Could the Same Thing Happen Again Today If the Black Lives Matter Movement Grows Stronger and More Focused?

Fred Hampton was the charismatic leader of the Black Panther Party in Chicago in the late 1960s who, by the age of 21, had already developed a reputation as a brilliant orator and courageous social justice activist.

Bobby Rush, a fellow Panther who became a U.S. congressman from Chicago’s South Side, stated that “Fred was an amazing speaker and leader and I held him in awe…he had the dedication of a Malcolm X, the speaking ability of Martin Luther King, and as far as courage, there are few with that type of courage. No one displayed leadership qualities like Fred did at twenty-one.”[1]

On December 4, 1969, Hampton was murdered as he slept in his home on Chicago’s Southwest Side in what was described by an elderly woman as a “northern lynching.” Shortly before dawn, 14 armed police officers, ostensibly serving a search warrant, shot nearly 100 rounds of ammunition into his apartment, killing Hampton and 22-year-old Mark Clark, and wounding several other young members of the Black Panther Party.

After the shooting, Chicago Police Sergeant Daniel Groth claimed that a female Panther, Brenda Harris, fired her shotgun at police when they entered Hampton’s apartment. He said of the raid that “there must have been six or seven of them firing. The firing must have gone on ten, twelve minutes. If two hundred shots were exchanged, that was nothing.”

Deputy Police Superintendent Merlin Nygren supported Groth’s account, stating that “Miss Harris touched off the gun battle by firing at the police with a shotgun.”[2]

Cook County (Illinois) District Attorney Edward Hanrahan, who had campaigned on a platform of a war on gangs, also backed up Groth’s contentions, pointing to weapons seized from Hampton’s home in a press conference, which he said indicated that the police had taken them from there.

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Edward Hanrahan [Source: sfgate.com]

Groth’s claim that Harris had fired at him from the southeast corner of the living room was logistically impossible because of where the walls in the apartment were located.

Detective Edward Carmody, who claimed a man later identified as Hampton had fired at him with a shotgun from the rear bedroom, admitted eventually that he never saw Hampton fire at him. Carmody denied shooting anyone, but the firearms report, mysteriously never produced for the federal grand jury, indicated he had critically wounded someone, and it is believed that he is the one to have shot Hampton in the head twice.[3]

The day after the shooting, the Chicago Daily News published a front-page banner headline, “Panther Chief, Aide Killed in Gun Battle with Police,” which was followed by two subheads with articles describing two different versions of events: one subhead containing the police/Hanrahan version of events, was titled “Six Injured in Shootout.” The other, containing information from Bobby Rush, was, “Police ‘Murdered’ Hampton—Panther, We Can Prove It.”[4]

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[Source: heavy.com]

When John Kifner, the Chicago correspondent for The New York Times, went to the apartment, he was told by a young man in a Panther-style black leather jacket that “the pigs say that a girl fired a shotgun at them and they started shooting. Now you can see, ain’t no bulllet holes around the door,” adding “no shooting coming out; all the shooting’s coming in.”[5]

Harold Bell, a Panther who survived the police assault said that the apartment raid seemed similar to military operations he had witnessed in Vietnam because the police raiders moved to a series of vantage points under covering fire, quickly gaining control of the apartment, with no cross-fire.

Almost 100 bullet holes were lodged in the east walls of the apartment where police had fired. The FBI’s most senior firearms inspector, Robert Zimmer, concluded that the firing had all been done by police in one direction, except for one bullet fired by Mark Clark after he had been shot by police and fatally wounded.[6]

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Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, right. [Source: pinterest.com]
Bobby Rush said “Hampton was murdered while he slept in a bed. We can prove that. He couldn’t fire because he was asleep.” He never woke up because he had been drugged with barbiturates.

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Bobby Rush and Fred Hampton. [Source: chicago.suntimes.com]

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Fred Hampton’s body. [Source: heavy.com]

A National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Commission of Inquiry confirmed that the police fired all but one shot and that Hampton was shot by an officer who could see his prostrate body lying on the bed, indicating that he had been summarily executed.

Attorney Jeffrey Haas, whose People’s Law Office (PLO) filed a civil rights lawsuit against Hanrahan and the Chicago police on behalf of surviving family members, wrote in his 2010 book The Assassination of Fred Hampton that the crime scene indicated that Fred’s executioners wanted to show off their “kill” to the other raiders as one might show off the carcass of a slain deer.[7]

The police were shown smiling while bringing Hampton’s body to an ambulance. Haas wrote that the “grins reminded me of the spectators’ smiles in the lynching photos from the South, including the people photographed standing around the just-lynched body of Leo Frank [a white Jew whom Haas’ grandfather had defended after he was accused of murdering a 13-year-old white girld in 1913].”

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Chicago police officers, some smiling, while carrying Fred Hampton’s body. [Source: blackagendareport.com]

Black Judas

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William O’Neal [Source: heavy.com]

Known for his flashy clothes, street swagger and big ride, William O’Neal was an FBI informant who infiltrated Hampton’s inner circle as his chief of security and provided floor plans of Hampton’s apartment to the Chicago police as they planned the murderous raid.

O’Neal also reportedly was the one to drug Hampton with barbiturates so he would not wake up during the police raid.

After Hampton’s death, O’Neal, perversely, served at a pallbearer at his funeral.

According to Haas, O’Neal had run a criminal enterprise and became an FBI informant in 1968 when he and a former Chicago vice detective, Stanley Robinson, had been detained in the kidnapping and murder of several drug dealers and after being implicated in an auto theft ring. In exchange for his testimony, O’Neal had his charges dropped and became an informant.

When O’Neal was arrested for driving a stolen car, he flashed phony FBI identification—a federal crime—though the case disappeared.[8]

O’Neal testified at a deposition that he joined the Panthers in 1968 at the request of FBI Agent Roy Mitchell and was paid $100 per week.[9]

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Roy Mitchell’s character played by Jesse Plemons in Shaka King’s 2021 film, Judas and the Black Messiah. [Source: lavocedinewyork.com]

O’Neal’s official job was making sure the Panthers had their weapons in working order and ferreting out informants. To better accomplish the latter, he developed an electric chair that could electrocute people, which was used as a deterrent.

Robert Bruce, a former Panther friend of O’Neal described how O’Neal was always urging him and others to commit robberies and burglaries: “to go into the streets and get money to live” is what O’Neal called it.[10] This was part of O’Neal’s function as an agent-provocateur who advocated for a militaristic line and encouraged the Panthers to carry out criminal acts so they could be arrested and look bad before the public.

Roy Mitchell testified that he obtained a floor plan from O’Neal of the Panther office in June 1968 which led to the December 4 raid.

Prior to the raid, Mitchell had kept his superiors—Robert Pipes, head of the FBI’s racial matters squad, and Marlin Johnson, FBI Special Agent in Charge of the Chicago FBI office—informed about Hampton and the Panthers through conversations and memos.

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FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover [Source: wikipedia.org]

The FBI saw Hampton as the potential “Black Messiah” that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover warned about. Hoover called the Black Panthers the greatest threat to national security.

On June 4, 1969, a week after Fred went to prison for a crime to which someone else later confessed, FBI agents led by Marlin Johnson, raided Panther headquarters to arrest a fugitive (George Sams) who was actually an FBI informant.

The FBI agents pointed guns at eight people, seized $3,000 in cash and took property and records, including lists of contributors. Food for the breakfast program was dumped on the floor, and legally purchased weapons were confiscated, with nothing returned.[11]

The eight Panthers on the premises were arrested and charged with harboring a fugitive.

In Shaka King’s 2021 film Judas and the Black Messiah, Hoover’s character (played by Martin Sheen) identifies Hampton as a leader “with the potential to unite the Communist, the anti-war, and the New Left movements.” Hoover tells Mitchell that the Black Power Movement’s success will translate to the loss of “[o]ur entire way of life. Rape, pillage, conquer, do you follow me?”

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[Source: themoviedb.org]
Rather than directly murdering Hampton, the FBI preferred the raid to be undertaken by Hanrahan’s office and Chicago PD. Hampton was directly referred to in COINTELPRO documents unearthed at the 1975/1976 Church Committee hearings, which show that Fred was targeted by the FBI under this program.

Who Was Fred Hampton?

Born on the southwestern side of Chicago in August 1948 to parents who lived next door to Mamie Till—Emmett Till[12]’s mother—Hampton read Black authors like Malcolm X. and W.E.B Du Bois at a young age and came to identify with socialist struggles in the Third World.

As a high school student, Hampton led the NAACP’s youth wing in Chicago, spearheaded local campaigns against segregation and police brutality, and set up a Black cultural center in Maywood with a Black history section.

Reverend Tom Strieter said that Fred was a master orator even at that age, noting that “his rhetoric was stunning as he confronted his white audience with a picture of America’s unjust society that most had never imagined before.”

When Hampton turned 18 years old in 1966, he refused to register for the draft in protest of the Vietnam War, declaring that he was not just for peace in Vietnam but victory in Vietnam for the Vietnamese.[13]

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Fred Hampton photo in his high school yearbook. [Source: reddit.com]
At the time Hampton was working in a corn production plant to earn money for college. The president of the company described Fred as “very dynamic, quick witted and much less focused on himself than on the world around him. He was always trying to bring Black people together.” He remembers Fred saying “if you walk through life and don’t help anybody, you haven’t had much of a life.”[14]

When Fred gave a rousing speech at a civil rights protest hosted by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., he was arrested and charged with “mob action” even though the people listening to him were inside a hall when any violence took place. That is when he was first put on the FBI’s Key Agitator Index, a list of activists that Hoover ordered FBI agents to monitor closely.[15]

The monitoring increased when Fred joined the Black Panther Chicago chapter where he worked in the Panther breakfast program that provided free breakfasts to kids so they could learn better.

Having read Mao and Che, Hampton advanced a class analysis that argued that revolution was a class struggle by the oppressed classes against the oppressor.

Critical of Black nationalists (whom he called “dashiki nationalists”), Fred was a voice of moderation within the Black Panther Party, banning a cartoon coloring book that depicted Panthers attacking the police, and ordering the dismantling of O’Neal’s electric chair.[16]

A strong proponent of educating ghetto youth, Hampton spoke about forming coalitions with other groups, including the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and Young Lords under the leadership of Cha-Cha Jimenez. He was encouraging of women, helping to give them leadership positions in the Panthers and refraining from sexist comments or unwanted sexual advances.[17]

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Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition. [Source: southsideweekly.com]

Black Panther Party leader Elaine Brown said people had wanted Fred to become a national spokesman for the Black Panther Party as “he could say what everyone else did, but say it better. He had the ability to move people, whether college students or welfare women, better than anyone I ever heard.”[18]

In 1969, Hampton met and worked out a treaty with David Barksdale, the leader of the Black Disciples, a major Black gang, that allowed the Panthers to organize and recruit in areas controlled by the Disciples, and met with leadership of the Blackstone Rangers, including Jeff Fort, in an effort to further quell gang violence and get gang members to join the Panthers.

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Jeff Fort, leader of the Blackstone Rangers, who met with Fred Hampton to organize a truce between the Rangers and other gangs and to arrange for the recruitment of Rangers into the Panthers. [Source: ourbiography.com]

Killing a Revolutionary But Not the Revolution

In a speech a few weeks before his death, Hampton told the audience at Northern Illinois University: “Don’t worry about the Black Panther Party. As long as you keep the beat, we’ll keep on going. If you think that we can be wiped out because they murdered Bobby Hutton and Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, you’re wrong. If you think because Huey was jailed the party’s gonna stop, you see you’re wrong. If you think because Chairman Bobby was jailed, the Party’s gonna stop, you see, you’re wrong. If you think because they can jail me you thought the Party was gonna stop, you thought wrong. You can jail a revolutionary but you can’t jail revolution. You can lock up a freedom fighter, like Huey Newton, but you can’t lock up freedom fighting.”[19]

Unfortunately, Fred’s death in reality accelerated the death of the Black Panther Party, which was too weak and internally fractured to withstand the repression that it faced.

Bobby Rush stated that “Fred’s death played a tremendous role in destroying the party. After that night, the party slowly declined and members left one by one.”[20]

The implications of this decline were severe both locally and nationally.

In the 1970s and 1980s, Chicago’s West Side deteriorated into a haven of drugs and gangs. Fred’s inspiring leadership and ability to reach kids and get them involved in supporting and building their communities, not preying on them, was sorely missed.

The absence of a strong left-wing movement in the U.S. in the 1970s and 1980s further paved the way for the conservative revolution, which resulted in skyrocketing inequality levels, declining social services, runaway militarism and the mass incarceration of Blacks.

Hampton was instrumental, nevertheless, in helping to build a diverse political coalition that led to the 1983 election of Chicago’s first African-American mayor, Harold Washington, a strong progressive, and which diversified Chicago city politics.

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Harold Washington—whom Hampton’s political coalition building helped elect. [Source: news.wttw.com]

Edward Hanrahan, on the other hand, was defeated in the Attorney General’s race in 1972, having been widely discredited because of his role in Hampton’s murder. (Voters placed stickers with the term “convict” over “reelect” on Hanrahan billboards.)

Today, a statue of Hampton stands next to a pool named in his honor in his home community of Maywood, where he continues to inspire people to stand up for social justice causes.

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Statue of Fred Hampton in front of Fred Hampton Pool in Maywood on Chicago’s South Side. [Source: latinxproject.nyu.edu]
On the 50th anniversary of Hampton’s death, students participated in a contest where they wrote essays about his life and quoted from his speeches as they developed ideas for confronting racial injustice and other social problems that remain from Hampton’s time.

Fred’s only son, Fred Hampton, Jr., has helped advance his father’s legacy through political activism as chairman of the Prisoners of Conscience Committee (POCC) and the Black Panther Party Cubs (BPPC), made up of descendants of Black Panthers.

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Fred Hampton, Jr., speaking at an anti-war rally in Oakland in 2018. [Source: wikipedia.org]

So, Fred was correct when he said that “you can kill the revolutionary, but you can’t kill the revolution.” Fred may no longer be with us, but the revolution continues.


1.Rush quoted in Jeffrey Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther (New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 2010), 283. ↑

2.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 85. ↑

3.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 275, 276. ↑

4.When Brian Boyer, a young reporter for the Chicago Sun-Times went to check out the apartment, he said it looked like a murder to him. He said he subsequently “asked for editors and other reporters to come down and go through the apartment, but they weren’t interested.” When Boyer returned to the paper, he reported what he saw. One of the editors responded: “If we run that story and the West Side burns down, we’ll be responsible.” Jim Hoge, the Sun-Times chief editor ordered the story to run, but in the next day’s edition, it was buried on page 32. Brian Boyer responded: “I quit.” Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 95. ↑

5.Lu Palmer of the Chicago Daily News, one of the few Black writers with his own column, visited the scene on the day of the raid and titled his column “Is There a Drive to Get Panthers?” Palmer answered with an emphatic yes. He wrote that, when he visited the apartment, “it was immediately clear that this was murder.” Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 101. Mike Royko, Daily News columnist, iconoclastic reporter but no friend of the Panthers, went to the premises and responded to Hanrahan’s claims by saying that the “Panthers’ bullets must have dissolved in the air before they hit anybody or anything. Either that or the Panthers were shooting in the wrong direction—namely at themselves.” Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 102. ↑

6.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 257. A raid survivor nicknamed Doc said he had been asleep in the front bedroom when the police came to the front door and was awakened by a knock on the door. When the police came into the apartment, they fired “a rapid succession of shots.” Doc himself was hit. From the doorway, a voice said, “we got ’em, we got ’em.” Doc said he yelled: “I’m shot and I can’t move.” Then he heard: “If Black Panthers kill police, police will kill Black Panthers.” Doc was then ordered to stand up and walk out. He had been shot four times from the knee to the stomach. When he stumbled, the police yelled: “Get up, Nigger.” In a month-long stay in the hospital, Doc was hand-cuffed to the bed. (Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 255). ↑

7.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 90. A police photo showed Fred’s body on the door in polka dot underwear and a t-shirt with blood pouring from his head wounds. ↑

8.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 173. ↑

9.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 186. ↑

10.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 282. O’Neal actually committed burglaries with Bruce. ↑

11.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 51. ↑

12.Emmett Till was an African American who was abducted and lynched in Mississippi at the age of 14 because he allegedly offended a white woman inside a grocery store. ↑

13.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 20. ↑

14.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 30. ↑

15.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 32. ↑

16.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 284. ↑

17.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 41. Fred frequently spoke about how nationalism could not replace education. In one speech, he said: “You can’t build a revolution with no education. Jomo Kenyatta did this in Africa and because the people were not educated, he became as much an oppressor as the people he overthrew. Look at Papa Doc Duvalier in Haiti. He got everyone to hate whites and he turned into the dictator himself. How will people end up without education?” ↑

18.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 282. ↑

19.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 65. ↑

20.Haas, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, 109. ↑

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