Police, prison and abolition

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blindpig
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Wed Dec 28, 2022 3:33 pm

US University Discloses Unethical Experiments on Prisoners

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A prison in the state of California, U.S. | Photo: Twitter/ @SarahLizChar

Published 28 December 2022

The experiments included putting "pesticides and herbicides" on the men's skin and injecting them into their veins.


The University of California, San Francisco (UCSF) has unveiled an internal investigation about unethical medical experiments on at least 2,600 incarcerated men in the 1960s and 1970s.

The experiments included putting "pesticides and herbicides" on the men's skin and injecting them into their veins. In one experiment, "small cages with mosquitos" were placed close to the participants' arms or directly on their skin to observe "host attractiveness of humans to mosquitos," the investigation showed.

The men were paid for participating, but the investigation raised ethical concerns over how the research was conducted. In many cases there was no record of informed consent.

"Only one of the remaining 13 publications indicated that informed consent was obtained from its seven human subjects and that the study had been approved by UCSF's Committee for Human Research," the UCSF said in a report.

Two UCSF dermatologists -- Howard Maibach and William Epstein -- had conducted the experiments at the California Medical Facility, a prison hospital in Vacaville.


Maibach and Epstein were trained at the University of Pennsylvania by Albert Kligman, a dermatologist who conducted unethical research on prisoners, most of whom were Black men, at Holmesburg Prison in Philadelphia from the 1950s to the 1970s.

Both Kligman and Epstein died, while Maibach is currently still an active member of the UCSF faculty. Arthur Caplan, professor of bioethics at New York University's Grossman School of Medicine, said informed consent is the core protection against involuntary experimentation.

"Consent shows basic respect for dignity and autonomy of the person," Caplan said, adding that the Nuremberg Code of the late 1940s established that voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential.

"UCSF apologizes for its explicit role in the harm caused to the subjects, their families and our community by facilitating this research, and acknowledges the institution's implicit role in perpetuating unethical treatment of vulnerable and underserved populations -- regardless of the legal or perceptual standards of the time," UCSF Vice Chancellor Dan Lowenstein said.


The U.S. public, shocked by the news, expressed their concerns and said the University of California should do more.

"An apology isn't enough. Conducting harmful medical experiments on a population of incarcerated, vulnerable men is disgusting. It is inhumane, it is criminal. One of the researchers is still at the university. He should be fired immediately," said Dyjuan Tatro, a resident in New York.

Violating the Nuremberg Code "doesn't need an apology. It needs justice," said Rupa Marya, a doctor of medicine.

"The University of California system, not just UCSF, must thoroughly review its involvement in medical and psychiatric research involving incarcerated people. The same goes for all other universities," said Ray Phillips, a retired college administrator.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/US- ... -0003.html

Funny, not a 'gulag' to be seen...good old 'progressive' California ha!

Abolish the US system of incarceration, prosecute the experimenters.

Who knows what sort of atrocities the Pentagon is financing in Ukraine and elsewhere on the periphery of Russia/China. If they dare this here what they might dare under even less scrutiny elsewhere is very disturbing to consider.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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blindpig
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Sun Jan 01, 2023 5:12 pm

Political prisoners in the USA
December 28, 2022

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Artist: Josh MacPhee

Read “While claiming to defend freedom around the world, the U.S. has hundreds of political prisoners – and the majority are people of color,” a comprehensive analysis of political imprisonment in the United States today https://afgj.org/while-claiming-to-defe ... ll-article

Introduction & methodology
Below is a list of individuals currently incarcerated in the United States for actions threatening U.S. imperial power. AFGJ considers them both political prisoners and “prisoners of Empire.” We define political prisoners as people incarcerated for acts of resistance to domestic and international oppression and repression and whose cases require a political resolution. Political prisoners are imprisoned because of activities that in some way respond to systemic repression and violations of human rights. Whether the circumstances of the alleged crimes are true or false, we strenuously reject the individualized and out-of-context treatment of these cases as simply “common crimes.” Our listing of these prisoners does not constitute an endorsement of the tactics or immediate goals of every individual. We also recognize that people have a right to resist oppression, and the denial of that right can be, in itself, a crime against the people. In many cases, those incarcerated have been set up, falsely accused, railroaded, and/or denied adequate defense and basic human rights. More often than not, they have received harsher sentences than usual because of the political nature of their activities.

Our documentation of political prisoners is made on a case-by-case basis involving a holistic assessment of individual backgrounds, motives, the contexts in which their actions took place and their treatment in the justice system. The criminalization of their actions, often targeting social movement leaders and disruptors of the status quo, is a reflection of decades-old tactics of persecution, intimidation and suppression of political resistance. While it would be ideal to include all such individuals jailed in the United States today, the grim reality is that that number is too endless to document in its entirety. For this reason we’ve mostly limited the scope of our list to include individuals already formally sentenced to long-term incarceration (e.g. at least six months of imprisonment or home confinement) with the exception of emblematic cases we find important to draw attention to, such as individuals extradited and indefinitely detained in the United States for actions promoting the self-determination, liberation and defense of their territories from occupation, war, sanctions and blockades.

We are also guided by a commitment to only document individuals who are directly oppressed by the abuses and neglect of the neoliberal and militarist U.S. Empire and engaged in or somehow advancing a revolutionary program to end that Empire and the global capitalist model it serves, even if they do so unintentionally. Before the Cuban Revolution, as a private citizen and lawyer, Fidel Castro denounced a right-wing coup in 1952 by Fulgencio Batista, who maintained that his crimes were “legal” because Cuban law allowed for the legitimacy of revolution. Castro responded:

“There was no revolutionary program, no revolutionary theory, no revolutionary statements preceding the coup: (they are) politicians without people, who, in any case, became assailants seizing power. Without a new conception of the state, of society and the legal system, based on profound historical and philosophical principles, there can be no revolution deserving of the right. They cannot even be called political delinquents.”

We need your help. This list is an ongoing draft. If you see any mistakes, know people who should be listed who are not, have updates on the status of political prisoners or have any other questions or comments, please send them to James@AFGJ.org or Natalia@AFGJ.org.

Political prisoners in the USA
Abdul Azeez, Hanif Shabazz Bey and Malik El-Amin of the Virgin Island Three are from the U.S.-occupied Virgin Islands, sentenced to life in prison in 1973. After the murder of eight American tourists in the island during a period of anti-imperial struggle against the United States, the three were targeted for being supporters of the struggle, falsely accused of murdering the tourists and tortured into making false confessions.

Leonard Peltier, Indigenous leader and activist in the American Indian Movement (AIM) who participated in the AIM encampments on the Pine Ridge Reservation, was sentenced to life in prison in 1977 for murdering those two FBI agents. In 1975 a COINTELPRO style FBI operation led to a confrontation in which two FBI agents died. Evidence exonerating Peltier was withheld by the FBI. In his appeal, the government admitted it had no evidence to show he killed the FBI agents. He is the longest-held political prisoner of the American Indian Movement in United States history.

Mumia Abu-Jamal was sentenced to death in 1982 following a COINTELPRO style operation in an unfair trial for the murder of a Philadelphia policeman (later sentenced to life in prison). He was held in isolation on death row for 30 years and remains imprisoned for life. Abu-Jamal, one of the founding members of the Philadelphia chapter of the Black Panther Party, was an organizer and campaigner against police abuses in the African American community and president of the Association of Black Journalists. During his imprisonment he has published several books and other commentaries, notably Live from Death Row. After decades of suppressing evidence that would support his case and thanks to the tireless advocacy of Abu-Jamal’s supporters, his judge has ordered the disclosure of all evidence and is expected to rule on an appeal for a new trial in February or March of 2023.

Michael Kimble was sentenced to life in prison in 1987 for defending himself and his friend against a homophobic attack by a white supremacist in Alabama. His trial was typical of what could be expected from Alabama’s racist criminal justice system. Kimble, an anarchist, became politicized in prison and alongside the Free Alabama Movement has helped organize the historic national prison strike of 2016. He is an outspoken advocate for queer prisoners, assists in legal defense for his fellow inmates and coordinates political reading groups and Black history events in his prison. We consider Kimble to be a political prisoner because the criminalization of his self-defense is reflective of the legal system’s historical complacency towards white supremacist terror and the rigid lack of consideration towards his sentence reduction is likely reflective of his political persecution.

Simón Trinidad is a long-time leader of mass movements for social change and was a top negotiator for the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP) sentenced to 60 years in prison in 2008. He was arrested in 2004 in Ecuador in the process of negotiating with the UN for the release of FARC prisoners. He was then extradited to the United States on charges of narco-trafficking and kidnapping and subjected to four separate trials due to the difficulty the prosecution had in securing a conviction. A Colombian government spokesperson told Alliance for Global Justice in April 2015 that the repatriation of Trinidad to Colombia is key to the success of the peace talks between FARC-EP and the Colombian Government. So far, the U.S. government has refused to return Trinidad. He remains in solitary confinement in federal prison.

Ivan Vargas is a citizen of Colombia and former member of FARC sentenced to 20 years in prison in 2010 on bogus drug trafficking charges. He was captured by Colombian forces and then extradited to the United States, where he remains incarcerated, in violation of Colombia’s self-determination. His repatriation to Colombia is important to create the conditions for a stable peace between FARC and the Colombian government.

“Muhammad” Fred Burton, one of the “Philly 5,” was sentenced to life in prison in 1972, framed for the murder of a policeman during a time of massive police crackdowns on Black activists in Philadelphia. He is an organizer in his prison and a teacher advocating for racial justice.

Bill Dunne was sentenced to 90 years in prison in 1980 for the attempted liberation of anarchist political prisoner Artie Ray Dufur (Dunne received an additional 15 years in 1983 for attempting himself to escape prison). Dunne is politically active in prison. He organizes solidarity 5k runs with the Anarchist Black Cross, helps educate fellow inmates and writes and edits for the 4struggle magazine.

“Balagoon” John Cole and “Naeem” Christopher Trotter were prisoners who intervened directly in the 1985 Pendleton Uprising to stop the brutal beating of fellow inmate and beloved jailhouse lawyer Lokmar Abdul Wadood Yazidi (AKA Lincoln Love) at the hands of the “Sons of Light,” a white supremacist organization of prison guards. Both Cole and Trotter had less than two years to serve in their sentences at the time but as a result of their life-saving actions were sentenced to an additional 84 (Cole) and 142 (Trotter) years in 1987 and have spent 33 and 20 years in solitary confinement, respectively.

Fran Thompson is a long-time ecological defender sentenced to life in prison in 1994 for successfully defending herself against a man who had broken into her home and threatened to murder her. What she did was an act of personal defense against the patriarchal system, and she was likely targeted because of her eco-defense, given that she was not allowed to enter a plea of self-defense.

”Xinachtli” Alvaro Hernandez is a Chicano community organizer and prison activist sentenced to 50 years in prison in 1997 on trumped up charges of threatening a sheriff while resisting arrest. Hernandez was the National Coordinator of the Ricardo Aldape Guerra Defense Committee and involved in anti-police brutality activism in Houston. He was continually targeted by the police since 1976 when he was sentenced to prison for a murder he didn’t commit.

“Oso Blanco” Byron Chubbuck is a member of the wolf clan Cherokee/Choctaw sentenced to 80 years in prison in 2001 (reduced to 55 years in 2016) for expropriating over $165,000 in bank funds to give to the Zapatistas of Chiapas, Mexico. He became known as “Robin the Hood” because he would let the bank tellers know that he was taking the money to give to the poor.

Rev. Joy Powell was a consistent activist against police brutality, violence and oppression in her community, sentenced to 16 years in prison in 2006 for burglary and assault by an all-white jury. The state had provided no evidence and no eyewitnesses for her case. Powell, a Black woman, had been warned by the Rochester Police that she was a target because of her speaking out against corruption. She now faces an additional 25 years to life due to her framing in a murder case.

Ghassan Elashi, Mufid Abdulqader and Shukri Abu-Baker of the Holy Land Foundation Five were sentenced to prison in 2008 for giving more than $12 million to charitable groups in Palestine which funded hospitals and schools and fed the poor and orphans. Elashi and Abu-Baker were sentenced to 65 years in prison and Abdulqader was sentenced to 20 years in prison. The United States Government said these groups were controlled by Hamas, a group it lists as a terrorist organization. Hamas is the elected government of Gaza. Some of these charitable committees were still receiving U.S. funding through USAID as late as 2006. The defendants were originally acquitted in their first trial when the jury remained deadlocked. Testimony was later given in the case by an Israeli government agent whose identity and evidence was kept secret from the defense. This was the first time in U.S. legal history that testimony has been allowed from an expert witness with no identity, and therefore immune from perjury.

Marius Mason (formerly known as Marie Mason) is an environmental political prisoner sentenced to 22 years in prison in 2009 for vandalism of a laboratory creating genetically modified organisms for Monsanto. He was charged with arson for this and for damaging logging equipment in 1999 and 2000. No one was harmed by these actions. Mason pled guilty to arson charges, but the judge applied a “terrorism enhancement,” resulting in the longest sentence of any “Green Scare” prisoner.

Dr. Aafia Siddiqui, a Pakistani neuroscientist educated in the United States, was sentenced to 86 years in prison in 2010 for assault with intent to murder her U.S. interrogators in Afghanistan. Four British Parliamentarians wrote to President Obama that “there was an utter lack of concrete evidence tying Dr. Siddiqui to the weapon she allegedly fired at a U.S. officer,” calling for her to be freed immediately. The weapon she allegedly fired in the small interrogation room did not have her fingerprints, nor was there evidence the gun was fired.

Josh Williams was sentenced to eight years in prison in 2015 for arson, burglary and looting during the Ferguson Uprising of 2014 that followed the police murder of unarmed Black teenager Michael Brown. Williams had entered a QuickTrip convenience store previously broken into by other looters and lit fires in and outside of the store. His shockingly long sentence marked the beginning of systematic suppression and intimidation of Black Lives Matter protestors. As of May 2021, following the Black Lives Matter uprising sparked by the police murder of George Floyd, Williams has been held in solitary confinement. Felony charges have recently been issued against Josh during his last year in prison that threaten his release.

Eric King is a long-time anti-racist activist sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2016 for his activities since the 2014 Ferguson Uprising against the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. King is scheduled for release in 2023 but has been constantly targeted by authorities during his time in prison. He recently beat trumped up additional charges against him for defending himself against beatings by guards that threatened his life. He has been held in solitary confinement for three years now, “in some of the most inhumane conditions throughout the system,” according to the Civil Liberties Defense Center.

Maddesyn George was sentenced to nearly seven years in prison in 2020 for defending herself from assault by a white man who had raped her only one day before. George is a member of the Colville Confederated Tribes and a survivor of domestic and sexual abuse. We include her as a political prisoner because her case is reflective of two areas of human rights violations that demand a political solution. Women are suffering from an epidemic of misogynist violence and sexual abuse that is rooted in the patriarchal system. There are hundreds of women arrested and detained in the U.S. for their self defense against perpetrators of abuse against them. The legal system treats these as individual cases, neglecting the fact that women are both attacked and criminalized as a class for their acts of survival. George is also a native woman, a segment of the population that experiences murder rates 10 times higher than the national average. George is being punished for refusing to become another number in that grim statistic. Her incarceration is emblematic of all women, and of native women specifically, who have defended themselves against their oppressors and are being systematically ignored and, indeed, punished for their self-defense.

To learn more about the targeting of native women and criminalization of survival as an act of political repression, visit: Survived and Punished, Defend Survivors, Coalition to Stop Violence against Native Women and MMIW USA.

Daniel Hale was sentenced to nearly four years in prison in 2021 for releasing classified documents on the United States Drone Program and targeted assassinations. Hale participated in the program while with the Air Force in 2009-2013 and, upon leaving, became an outspoken critic and a defender of whistleblowers.

Daniel Baker is an anarchist and antifascist activist, yoga teacher and emergency medical technician trainee was sentenced to nearly four years in prison in 2021 for posting a call for armed defense of the state capitol against possible attacks from the far-right in the wake of the January 6, 2021 riots in Washington, D.C. Baker never organized an armed contingent to go to the Capitol, nor did he go himself with a weapon or issue any threats against any individuals. According to Natasha Lennard, “Baker will, nonetheless, face considerably more prison time than most January 6 defendants, including those who crossed state lines, small arsenals in tow, with the aim of overturning a presidential election.” Baker is also a former army veteran who went AWOL rather than continuing to fight in Iraq.

“Grandmaster Jay” John Johnson is the leader of the Black nationalist militia composed of ex-military shooters, “Not F*cking Around Coalition,” sentenced to over seven years in prison in 2022 for pointing a rifle in the direction of a federal officer during a September 2020 protest for Breonna Taylor in Louisville. The incident took place while several groups were demonstrating in Jefferson Square Park calling for the prosecution of the police who killed Breonna Taylor.

Alex Saab was extradited to the United States from Cabo Verde in October of 2021 (even though no extradition order was provided) while on a diplomatic mission to buy food and nutritional supplies to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela resulting from the illegal unilateral coercive measures imposed by the U.S. on the nation. Despite his status as a diplomat and the United Nations as well as other international human rights advocates and organizations having denounced his incarceration Saab has been denied immunity on the basis of the recently passed Bolivar Act, which set the premise for his judge’s ruling that “any claim of diplomatic immunity asserted by a representative of the Maduro regime must […] be considered illegitimate.” His defense attorney is working on an appeal.

Mun Chol Myong is a North Korean businessman extradited from Malaysia in March of 2021 for allegedly violating U.S. laws for taking measures to circumvent illegal sanctions imposed by the United States – a country he had never set foot in – against North Korea. Myong has argued that his case is being used as leverage in possible nuclear negotiations between the United States and North Korea. He is to be sentenced in January of 2023.

Black Panther Party (BPP), New Afrikan, and Black Liberation Army (BLA) political prisoners were victims of the COINTELPRO operations in the 1960s-1970s when the FBI sought to destroy the Black Liberation Movement. Those currently incarcerated include but are not limited to:

Ed Poindexter was sentenced to life in prison in 1971 on charges of killing an Omaha policeman. A leader of the National Committee to Combat Fascism, he was convicted on the testimony of a teenage boy who had been threatened with an electric chair if he did not blame the crime on Poindexter and Mondo We Langa (who died in prison). Amnesty International defends them as “prisoners of conscience.” Poindexter is the longest-held political prisoner of the Black Liberation Movement.
“Joe-Joe” Joseph Bowen was radicalized when he was jailed as a young man in 1971 for his activities in the 30th and Norris street gang. He is a member of the Black Liberation Army and remains incarcerated today as a result of acts of armed struggle since he was sentenced to life in prison in 1973 for the murder of a warden and deputy warden in Philadelphia’s Holmesburg Prison (along with political prisoner “Muhammad” Fred Burton, who was also incarcerated at the time).
Veronza Bowers was sentenced to life in prison in 1974 for the murder of a U.S. park ranger by word of two government informers. There were no eyewitnesses or evidence independent of these informants. During his trial, two relatives of the informants gave testimony insisting that they were lying, which was ignored.
“Cinque” Ruchell Magee was already imprisoned on trumped up charges when he appeared in a courtroom in 1970 to testify in a trial related to the Soledad prison revolt. There, he was spontaneously recruited into the Marin County Courthouse Rebellion, a bid to expose the racist court system and negotiate the liberation of the Soledad Brothers by taking hostages. He was sentenced to life in prison in 1975 as a result of his actions.
“Zulu” Kenny Whitmore is a former Angola Black Panther sentenced to life in prison in 1977 on false charges accusing him of the robbery and murder of the former KKK member and mayor of a rural town in the Parish of East Baton Rouge, Louisiana, during a time of heightened racial tensions. During his arrest he was held incommunicado for three days, during which he was denied food and drink, tortured and beaten into a false confession. He has endured many years of brutal solitary confinement and continues to be denied his release, despite maintaining his innocence.
Kojo Bomani Sababu, New Afrikan prisoner of war active with the Black Liberation Army, was sentenced to 55 years in prison in 1981 on charges of seditious conspiracy for attempting to free former Puerto Rican political prisoner Oscar López Rivera while they were both incarcerated in Kansas.
Imam Jamil Al-Amin, formerly H. Rap Brown, was sentenced to life in prison in 2002 for the murder of a Georgia sheriff’s deputy and other criminal charges. Al-Amin was Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Black Panther Party’s Minister of Justice. His position in the Black Liberation Movement spurred decades of bogus charges and detainments until he was convicted despite contradicting evidence overlooked by his jury.
Kamau Sadiki, community organizer for the Black Panther Party involved in its Free Breakfast for School Children Program and political education efforts, was sentenced to life in prison on trumped up charges related to the murder of an Atlanta police officer in 2003.
To learn more about Black Panther Party (BPP), New Afrikan, and Black Liberation Army political prisoners, see the documentary films The FBI’s War on Black America: COINTELPRO, Cointelpro 101, or visit the Prison Activist Resource Center or the Jericho Movement.

The Water Protectors were prisoners of Empire incarcerated for their resistance to the Dakota Access Pipeline and its threats to the Missouri River and the Standing Rock Sioux people. Today only Jessica Reznicek remains in jail.

Jessica Reznicek was sentenced to eight years in prison in 2021, convicted with a “terrorism enhancement” that added years to her sentence, for taking action in 2016 to stop the construction of Dakota Access Pipeline by dismantling construction equipment and pipeline valves.
To learn more about the Water Protectors, visit waterprotectorscommunity.org.

Defendants of the 2020 Black Lives Matter uprisings represent a new wave of political prisoners incarcerated for acts of resistance to racism and state violence. The repression of the movement by militarized police and federal law enforcement has led to thousands of protest-related arrests and detentions. Two years since the eruption of social unrest following the police murder of George Floyd, dozens, if not hundreds, of protesters have been sentenced to prison for their participation in the uprisings and actions targeting individual, institutional and symbolic centers of power, among them police officers, police vehicles, police stations, courthouses, commercial centers and racist historical monuments celebrating the U.S. legacy of slavery, genocide and colonialism.

*An Associated Press review of court documents for over 300 federal cases involving protesters following the murder of George Floyd from August of last year (2021) shows that at least 120 people have pleaded guilty or been convicted of federal crimes for their activities, at least 70 have been sentenced an average of 27 months in prison and at least 10 have been sentenced to a minimum of five years in prison. The sheer number of cases, lack of readily available information about them and limited staff capacity prevents us from being able to list every one that meets our criteria for documentation. We have to the best of our ability documented all cases we’ve found publicized by local and national news outlets and will continue to monitor the situation for new information.

Fornandous Cortez-Henderson and Garrett Patrick Ziegler were sentenced to prison for their roles in the arson of the Dakota County Western Service Center in the early morning hours of a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest that had erupted in Apple Valley, Minnesota following the police murder of George Floyd. Cortez-Henderson was sentenced to nearly seven years in December of 2020 and Ziegler was sentenced to five years in February of 2021. Henderson, a Black man, had admitted that his targeting of the building was motivated by his experiences with the justice system there and his anger towards law enforcement in light of the recent murder of George Floyd.
Steven M. Fitch was sentenced to nearly three years in prison in January of 2021 for possessing a molotov cocktail while participating in a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Omaha.
Emmanuel Quinones was sentenced to nearly four years in prison in March of 2021 for brandishing a rifle during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Lubbock, Texas, in an open-carry state. Quinones had not harmed anyone. His sentence ultimately stemmed from threatening comments he had made prior to the protest against former President Donald Trump and his intentions to “off racists” and “MAGA instigators.” Prior to his actions, Quinones had also posted on social media: “while a race riot erupted in Minneapolis the President literally retweeted a video of one of his supporters saying the only good Democrat is a dead Democrat. These people are PUSHING for America to rip itself to shreds. Disgusting. I’ll tell you right now if you keep provoking regular people we’ll make sure you never cross that line ever again. I guarantee it.” When taken into custody during the incident, Quinones could be heard shouting “this is a revolution.”
Kelly Jackson was sentenced to three years in prison in March of 2021 for using molotov cocktails to burn two police vehicles during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest that had erupted in Seattle.
Jonathan Montanezage was sentenced to two years in prison in April of 2021 for using his fists to damage a police vehicle during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Fargo, North Dakota.
Brandon Wolfe, Bryce Williams, Davon Turner and Dylan Robinson were sentenced to prison for the arson of the Minneapolis Police Department’s Third Precinct during a May 2020 protest that erupted following the police murder of George Floyd. Wolf was sentenced to nearly four years in prison in May of 2021. Robinson was sentenced to four years in federal prison in April 2021. Turner was sentenced to three years in prison in May of 2021. Williams was sentenced to just over two years in prison in June of 2021.
*A meme circulated on social media claiming that Wolfe was a white supremacist and provocateur, but the meme was anonymous and included nothing to back up the allegations. Up until now, we have seen nothing indicating that Wolfe’s motivations were that of a provocateur. Unless we receive other substantiated reports, we will consider his actions to be directed against police brutality and racism and the indictment of those involved in the act to be politically-motivated. We encourage those with more information to contact us.
Desmond David-Pitts was sentenced to almost two years in prison in May of 2021 for setting fire near a police precinct during an August 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Seattle. David-Pitts, a Black homeless youth and racial justice activist, had testified earlier that summer about the police murder of his brother and lack of accountability around police brutality impacting his communities. David-Pitts suffers from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder due to the loss of his brother and his own experience with homelessness and police violence. He participated in local protests in Anchorage and marched with protesters in Seattle before lighting garbage on fire near the entrance of the Seattle Police East Precinct.
Alexander Steven-Heil and Marc Gonzales were sentenced to prison in May of 2021 and June of 2021, respectively, for their roles in the arson of a Wells Fargo bank during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest that shortly followed the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis. Steven-Heil, who aided in the arson, was sentenced to nearly three years, and Gonzales, who started the fire, was sentenced to just over three years.
”Sire” Marquon Clark, a local organizer known by his community as a revolutionary and anti-capitalist social justice activist, was sentenced to seven years in prison in June of 2021 for tossing a lit roll of toilet paper into the City-County Building, a center of city and county government offices, during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Madison.
Andrew Garcia-Smith and Charles Pittman were sentenced to prison for their roles in setting fire to the Fayetteville Market House, a racist historical site that once served as a center for lynching and slave trade, during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Fayetteville, North Carolina. Garcia-Smith was sentenced to just over two years in prison in June of 2021 and Pittman was sentenced to five years in prison in July (2022).
Gavaughn Streeter-Hillerich was sentenced to five years in prison in June of 2021 for starting a dumpster fire near the Police Bureau’s North Precinct during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Portland.
Tyre Means was sentenced to five years in prison in June of 2021 for helping to set a police car on fire and possessing an AR-15 from another police car during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Seattle. According to Puget Sound Prisoner Support, Means explained to a judge, “the days of just rolling over to police brutality and injustices are over.”
Earlja Dudley, Justin Spry and Killian Melecio were sentenced to prison for their roles in an attempt to set fire to a police vehicle during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Trenton, New Jersey. Melecio was sentenced in June of 2021 to just over two years in prison; Spry was sentenced in October of 2021 to two years in prison; Dudley was sentenced in March (2022) to just over two years in prison.
Abraham Jenkins was sentenced to nearly two years in prison in July of 2021 for damaging police vehicles and spraying police officers with a fire extinguisher during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Charleston. Jenkins’ actions took place against the backdrop of the militarization of Charleston police forces that engaged in mass violence against unarmed protesters.
Cyan Bass was sentenced to four years in prison in July of 2021 for throwing a molotov cocktail near police during a September 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Portland. Bass, who also attempted to set fire to the Portland Justice Center, is a described antifascist. The protest he attended occurred during a violent escalation of police repression and mobilization of federal troops, namely the so-called “marine corps of the U.S. federal law enforcement community,” the Border Patrol Tactical Agency (BORTAC).
Zachary Karas was sentenced to nearly three years in prison in August of 2021 for possessing a molotov cocktail during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in La Mesa, California. Karas did not actually start any fires and was originally arrested for refusing to leave his position while law enforcement were attempting to disperse a crowd during the protest.
Shamar Betts was sentenced to four years in prison in August of 2021 for posting a flyer on Facebook calling for people to rise up against police violence following the police murder of George Floyd in May of 2020. His post had been shared hundreds of times, and on May 31, 2020 several hundred people gathered at the Marketplace Mall in Champaign, Illinois to protest racism and police brutality.
Jackson Patton, Larry Williams Jr. and La’Troi Newbins were sentenced to prison for their roles in the burning of a Salt Lake City police cruiser during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest. Patton was sentenced in August of 2021 to two years in prison; Newbins was sentenced in December of 2021 to one year in prison; and Williams Jr. was sentenced to one year in home confinement in January (2022).
Isaiah Willoughby was sentenced to two years in prison in October of 2021 for setting fire to the outside of the Seattle Police Department’s East Precinct during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest. According to his attorney, Willoughby’s own experiences with law enforcement and the police murders of George Floyd and Manuel Ellis motivated his decision to light the fire. Ellis, who was Willoughby’s friend and housemate, had been stopped by Tacoma, Washington police without cause, a confrontation that left him beaten, stunned and suffocated to death.
John Boampong was sentenced to five years in prison in October of 2021 for shooting at police officers after one of them started hitting his car with a baton while he was driving amid the eruption of social unrest in Boston in June of 2020 that followed the police murder of George Floyd. Boampong, who participated in protests earlier that day, had been driving around the area when he was ordered to leave by police officers. When he refused, they proceeded to attack his car, to which he responded by shooting in their direction. According to his attorney, Boampong’s response to the police officers was informed by anger that stemmed from multiple traumatic experiences involving police earlier that day and throughout his lifetime.
Da’Jon Lengyel and Christopher West were sentenced to prison in October of 2021 to two and four years in prison, respectively, for their roles in setting fire to a police car during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Pittsburgh.
Bruce Thompson, Dashun Martin, Delveccho Waller, Jr., Jesse Smallwood and Judah Bailey were sentenced to prison in November of 2021 for burning a police car during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Gainesville, Georgia. The five had planned their action as part of their participation in the protest. Waller, Smallwood and Bailey were sentenced to nearly two years in prison, while Thompson and Martin were each sentenced to just over a year in prison.
Brandon Pack and Romell Whiteside were sentenced to prison in November of 2021 and June (2022), respectively, for their actions during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Columbus, during which they threw commercial-grade fireworks near a group of police officers. Pack was sentenced to eight years in prison and Whiteside to three years in prison. The incident took place just hours after Columbus police had fired tear gas and wooden bullets into crowds of protesters earlier that day.
George Allen was sentenced to one year in prison in December of 2021 for hurling pieces of concrete at the window of a police vehicle during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Pittsburgh.
Kenyatta Huggins, Shamerin Johnson and Terry Dorsey were sentenced to nearly two years in prison in December of 2021 for their roles in the arson of four commercial buildings in the early morning of a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest that had erupted in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. All three defendants, who are Black, admitted that their actions were intended to “make a statement” regarding injustice related to police conduct. Their judge acknowledged that the three were motivated by “passion for the cause of justice.”
Jacob Gaines was sentenced to nearly four years in prison in December of 2021 for hitting a deputy U.S. marshal with a construction hammer during a July 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Portland while attempting to break through a barricaded entrance at the Hatfield Federal Courthouse. The deputy was among several federal agents guarding the courthouse, a site of repeated protests and violent confrontations from city and federal police during that summer.
Tyvarh Nicholson was sentenced to just over three years in prison in December of 2021 for possessing a molotov cocktail he allegedly attempted to throw at law enforcement officers during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Erie, Pennsylvania.
Andrew Augustyniak-Duncan was sentenced to just over three years in prison in December of 2021 for throwing concrete and a pipe at police officers during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Pittsburgh.
Courtland Renford was sentenced to five years in prison in December of 2021 for throwing a burning laundry basket into the City Hall and participating in the looting of a 7-Eleven store during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Buffalo. Renford’s prosecutors claim that his motive was “to cause destruction and mayhem.” Members of Renford’s community have demanded his release and collected funds towards that end, according to his attorney.
Robert Perkins was sentenced to four years in prison in December of 2021 for tossing an explosive he’d believed was a smoke bomb at the entrance of the Tippecanoe County Courthouse during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Lafayette, Louisiana. The blast did not harm any protesters and ultimately destroyed two doors.
Victor Edwards was sentenced to over eight years in prison in December of 2021 for his participation in the looting and arson of multiple businesses during an August 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Minneapolis. According to evidence presented at his trial, Victor had gathered with a large crowd following false rumors of a police shooting on Nicollet Mall, a commercial center in Minneapolis.
Joseph Harrison-Craft was sentenced to one year of home confinement in January (2022) for smashing the window of a police vehicle during an August 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Pittsburgh. At his sentencing, Harrison-Craft, who earlier that summer distributed granola and fruit to demonstrators and has a history of working for nonprofits, indicated that his intention was to provide support for other protesters and to put others before himself despite the consequences.
Cyril Lartigue was sentenced to two years in prison in February (2022) for attempting to make a molotov cocktail in the parking lot near the Municipal Court while participating in a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Austin. Lartigue has indicated that his actions were motivated by his solidarity with the anti-racist movement.
Howard Nall was sentenced to nearly three years in prison in February (2022) for property destruction and rioting after destroying a parking lot ticket dispenser and payment machine during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Grand Rapids, Michigan, the historical home of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Nall was also sentenced for breaking and entering and illegal entry for taking a beer from a bar during his participation in the protest.
Corey Smith and Elaine Carberry are anti-racist and LGBTQ activists sentenced to six months in prison followed by six months of home confinement in February (2022) for torching a homeless outreach police van during a July 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in New York City.
Ellie Brett and John Wade are anti-racist and antifascist activists sentenced to five years in prison in February and March (2022), respectively, for setting fire to U.S. Postal Service trucks in Atlanta in protest of the upcoming presidential election, which they deemed “faithless.” Brett and Wade are associated with a New York City-based anarchist group called The Base. Wade was subject to GPS ankle monitoring at the time of their actions after being released on bond during the Summer of 2020 Black Lives Matter protests for burning down the Wendy’s where Rayshard Brooks had been killed by Atlanta police, for which he is also being tried.
Dyshika McFadden and Miguel Ramos were sentenced to nearly three years in prison in August and February (2022), respectively, for their roles in the burning of a police car during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Rochester, New York. Their actions took place against the backdrop of increasing unrest propelled by law enforcement’s deployment of tear gas against protesters earlier that evening.
Margaret Channon was sentenced to five years in prison in March (2022) for setting five police vehicles on fire during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Seattle, amid the explosion of unrest that followed the police murder of George Floyd. She faced unfounded accusations from prosecutors and police throughout the course of her proceedings.
Diego Vargas was sentenced to five years in prison in March (2022) for using an explosive device to damage a closed suburban Chicago restaurant during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest that erupted following the police murder of George Floyd in Naperville, Illinois, a historically racist town.
Jordan White was sentenced to six years in prison in March (2022) for his leadership role in what the 18th Judicial District Attorney’s Office described as a “siege” on the Municipal Courthouse during a July 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Aurora, Colorado. Local protests following the murder of George Floyd had erupted in the name of Elijah McClain, an unarmed Black man murdered by Aurora police in August of 2019.
Jacob Greenberg was sentenced to five years in prison in March (2022) for his role in an arson attack on the Seattle East Precinct and for hitting an officer with a baseball bat as police moved in on a large crowd protesting the police murder of Breonna Taylor in September of 2020. The incident took place shortly after the clearance of the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHOP).
Tandre Buchanan was sentenced to four years in prison in March (2022) for robbery and evidence tampering related to his actions at a Colossal Cupcakes store during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Cleveland. According to court documents, Buchanan smashed one of the store’s windows, allowing multiple individuals to enter the building and take store inventory. Buchanan later distributed cupcakes obtained from the store to protesters. According to his attorney, Buchanan, who had been struck by a rubber bullet by police outside of the Justice Center, was “filled with rage” over law enforcement’s reactions to demonstrators.
Wesley Somers was sentenced to five years in prison in March (2022) for setting fire to the Metro Courthouse during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Nashville. She was among dozens of demonstrators who had gathered by the courthouse that night to protest police brutality and racism.
Alexander King was sentenced to over a year in prison in April (2022) for his role in the arson of a Chase bank during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in La Mesa, California that shortly followed the police murder of George Floyd.
James Massey was sentenced to over a year in prison in May (2022) for posting Facebook messages and videos mobilizing demonstrators during an August 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in downtown Chicago.
Brittany Martin was sentenced to four years in prison in May (2022) for remarks she made to police officers during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Sumter, South Carolina. Martin, a pregnant Black woman, was found guilty for “breach of peace” in a “high and aggravated manner” for chanting “no justice, no peace” in an officer’s face and exclaiming, “we [are] ready to die for this. We are tired of it. You better be ready to die for the blue. I’m ready to die for the Black.” State law defines breachers of peace as “dangerous and disorderly persons” or people who utter “menaces or threatening speeches.” There is no evidence to suggest that Martin was physically threatening or directly threatening officers’ lives. Martin’s attorneys and racial justice activists pushed for a reconsideration of her sentence expressing concern about her pregnancy and health, which Martin’s jury was unresponsive to. Martin is currently ill and facing premature birth as lack of adequate prenatal care in prison is taking a toll on her mental and physical health. In accordance with the South Carolina Department of Corrections’ policy, Martin will be separated from her child, who will be placed in foster care, within hours of delivery.
Christian Rea was sentenced to one year in prison in May (2022) for throwing a firework in the direction of police officers during a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Naperville, Illinois, a historically racist town.
Nicholas Lucia was sentenced to two years in prison in June (2022) for throwing a firecracker jurors described to be a “weapon of mass destruction” at a group of police officers during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Pittsburgh that had erupted following the police murder of George Floyd.
Malik Muhammad was sentenced to 10 years in prison in June (2022) for throwing molotov cocktails at police and smashing the windows of the Oregon Historical Society during Black Lives Matter protests in Portland in September and October of 2020. Muhammad, a local activist and army veteran, is an outspoken anti-colonialist and anti-war advocate. Firm in his ideals since his formative years, Muhammad recalls refusing to say the pledge of allegiance during his time in school. Raised by a Black Muslim family in Chicago’s south side, he first got involved in anti-racist protest in elementary school following the murder of Trayvon Martin by neighborhood watch guard George Zimmerman. During his time in the army he refused to shoot by mere command, getting himself labeled as a “conscientious objector.” Muhammad’s experience in the military only further reinforced his commitment to justice when he returned to the U.S. and began volunteering and supporting the homeless (many of whom are war veterans). Muhammad describes the deep pain he and other other BIPOC people feel when someone in their community is murdered. When learning of George Floyd’s agonizing last words, “I can’t breath,” before being choked to death by a white Minneapolis police officer, Muhammad was reminded of those same words cried by Eric Garner during his death in the hands of New York City police and felt compelled to take direct action in defense of his community.
Devarian Haynes was sentenced to two years in prison in June (2022) for setting fire to a police vehicle during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Las Vegas. His actions took place amid a week of uprisings met with an escalation in police repression and just a day after SWAT units were deployed and police fired projectiles at protesters fleeing pepper gas.
Timothy O’Donnell was sentenced to nearly three years in prison in June (2022) for torching a police vehicle during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Chicago. In a letter submitted to the court ahead of his sentencing, O’Donnell admits that his actions were triggered by anguish he felt stemming from experiences involving mental and physical abuse by law enforcement while he was homeless.
Dwight Parker was sentenced to a minimum of 20 years in prison in June (2022) for his activities during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Albany, New York that erupted following the police murder of George Floyd. Parker was participating in the protest when he threw molotov cocktails in the direction of police and set fire to a tractor-trailer. Parker, an active father, received one of the harshest sentences given to a defendant for similar protest-related activities.
Nicholas Scaglione was sentenced to three years in prison in July (2022) for torching a police cruiser while participating in a June 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Providence, Rhode Island.
Ayoub Tabri, a Moroccan immigrant, was sentenced to just under one year in prison in July (2022) for setting fire to a police SUV during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Philadelphia.
Olivia Hull was sentenced to one year in prison in October (2022) for causing damage to private property during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Grand Rapids, Michigan, the historical home of the KKK, that erupted shortly after the police murder of George Floyd. Hull was seen yelling at police officers in riot gear before bashing the windows of a storefront.
Jeremy Trapp was sentenced to nearly two years in prison in October (2022) for attempting to cut the brake line of a police van during a July 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in New York City. According to a federal complaint unsealed in August of 2020, the New York Police Department had paid an informant to befriend, surveil and persuade Trapp, who, according to his attorney, is mentally ill and was emotionally charged by the injustices he was witnessing at that time, to attack the police van.
Nikki Hubbard was sentenced to nearly five years in prison in November (2022) for defending a child and others during an antifascist counter-demonstration that coincided with a January 2021 “Patriot March” in San Diego. Among those attending the “Patriot March” were members of the far-right Proud Boys who had attended the January 6 “Stop the Steal” rally in Washington, D.C. Hubbard, a transgender woman who has been on estrogen for over three years, has been detained in men’s jails and was transferred to a men’s prison upon being sentenced.
Samantha Shader was sentenced to six years in prison in November (2022) for hurling a molotov cocktail at an occupied police van during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Brooklyn, New York that erupted following the police murder of George Floyd. The vehicle never ignited and no police officers were harmed in the act.
Alexander Contompasis is a self-described antifascist and independent journalist sentenced to 20 years in prison in November (2022) for coming to the defense of a Black man who had been tased by a member of the far-right Proud Boys during the January 6, 2021 “Stop the Steal” rally in Washington, D.C. The victims of his retaliation did not receive any life-altering injuries. According to Contompasis’ supporters, police did not intervene in the encounter until the violence had ended, after which they proceeded to arrest three Black activists, while the Proud Boys who had instigated the violence were never arrested at the scene. Law enforcement’s response to the incident was typical of what could be witnessed that day, during which police shrugged off right-wing protesters until they attempted to storm the Capitol.
Urooj Rahman is a human rights lawyer and activist sentenced to just over a year in prison in November (2022) for using a molotov cocktail to torch a police vehicle during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in New York City.
Derrick Weatherbe was sentenced to five years in prison in November (2022) for his role in the arson of a Lowe’s store during a May 2020 Black Lives Matter protest in Philadelphia that erupted following the police murder of George Floyd. While the judge who handed down his sentence claimed his actions had nothing to do with the protest against the police murder of George Floyd, Weatherbe, a Black man, admitted that he had not been “in the right state of mind” during the incident, implying that his actions were charged by passion for the cause of justice.
For more information about the 2020 Black Lives Matter uprisings defendants and support campaigns, visit uprisingsupport.org.

(Continued on following post.)
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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Sun Jan 01, 2023 5:15 pm

(Continued from previous post.)

Political prisoners in occupied Guantánamo

Last updated by the Close Guantánamo Campaign in November 2022
There are still 35 inmates held at Guantanamo Prison in indefinite detention without trial, most since 2002. The Guantanamo Prison is part of the United States base there illegally occupying Cuban land and is notorious for its inhumane and degrading conditions and systemic use of torture. Following is a list of the inmates from the closeguantanamo.org website:

Please also note that the numbers before the men’s names are their ISN numbers (the “Internment Security Numbers” by which they are identified in Guantánamo).

027 Uthman Abdul Rahim Mohammed Uthman (Yemen) Recommended for continued detention and possible transfer to detention in the U.S., but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in April 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in May 2016; another review took place in December 2016, but in January 2017, just days before President Obama left office, his ongoing imprisonment was again upheld, although he has finally been approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in May 2021.
028 Moath Al Alwi (Yemen) Recommended for continued detention, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in September 2015, and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in October 2015. Another review took place in March 2018, but, shamefully, did not deliver its ruling until October 2020, when the board recommended him for ongoing imprisonment. He was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in December 2021.
038 Ridah Al Yazidi (Tunisia) Cleared for release in 2010.
039 Ali Hamza Al Bahlul (Yemen) Convicted pre-Obama, and given a life sentence, although that conviction was largely, but not entirely overturned on appeal; see Ali Hamza Al-Bahlul, David Hicks and the Legal Collapse of the Military Commissions at Guantánamo and In Contentious Split Decision, Appeals Court Upholds Guantánamo Prisoner Ali Hamza Al-Bahlul’s Conspiracy Conviction.
242 Khaled Qassim (Khalid Qasim) (Yemen) Recommended for continued detention, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in February 2015 and he was recommended for ongoing detention in March 2015, a decision that was upheld in March 2020, and was again upheld in December 2021. He was finally approved for release by a second PRB under President Biden in July 2022.
309 Muieen Abd Al Sattar (UAE) Cleared for release in 2010.
569 Suhayl Al Sharabi (Zohair Al Shorabi) (Yemen) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in March 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in March 2016. In March 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld. He was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in November 2021.
682 Ghassan Al Sharbi (Abdullah Al Sharbi) (Saudi Arabia) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in June 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in July 2016. In August 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, but in February 2022 he was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden.
685 Abdelrazak Ali (Saeed Bakhouche, Bakhouch) (Algeria) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in May 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing detention in July 2016. In January 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, but he was finally approved for release under President Biden in April 2022. He is also currently challenging his ongoing imprisonment in the U.S. courts.
708 Ismael Al Bakush (Libya) Recommended for continued detention, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in July 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in August 2016, a decision that was upheld in November 2020. He was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in September 2022.
841 Said Salih Said Nashir (Yemen) Recommended for continued detention, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in April 2016, and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in November 2016; another review took place almost immediately, in December 2016, but in January 2017 his ongoing imprisonment was again upheld. In October 2020, however, he became the only prisoner under Donald Trump to have his release recommended by a PRB.
893 Tawfiq Al Bihani (Saudi Arabia) Cleared for release in 2010.
1017 Omar Al Rammah (Zakaria al-Baidany) (Yemen) Recommended for continued detention and possible transfer to detention in the U.S., but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in July 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in August 2016. Another review took place in February 2017, but, shamefully, did not deliver its ruling until October 2020, when the board recommended him for ongoing imprisonment. He was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in December 2021.
1453 Sanad Al Kazimi (Yemen) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in May 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in June 2016. In December 2018, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, but he was finally approved for release under President Biden in October 2021.
1456 Hassan Bin Attash (Saudi Arabia) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in September 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in October 2016. In September 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, but he was finally approved for release under President Biden in April 2022.
1457 Abdu Ali Sharqawi (Sharqawi Al Hajj) (Yemen) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his first review took place in March 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in April 2016. A second review took place in February 2017, upholding his ongoing imprisonment a month later, and in February 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was again upheld. Shockingly, in 2019, he also attempted to commit suicide while on a phone call with his lawyers, and harmed himself again in March 2020. In April 2021, his fourth PRB hearing took place, and in June 2021 he was recommended for release.
1460 Abdul Rahim Ghulam Rabbani (Pakistan) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in July 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in August 2016, although he has finally been approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in May 2021.
1461 Mohammed Ghulam Rabbani (Ahmed Rabbani) (Pakistan) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in September 2016, and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in October 2016. In September 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, but he was finally approved for release under President Biden in October 2021.
1463 Abdulsalam Al Hela (Yemen) Recommended for continued detention and possible transfer to detention in the U.S., but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in May 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in June 2016, a decision that was upheld in June 2018. In March 2021, he had another hearing, and was finally recommended for release in June 2021, although he is also currently challenging his ongoing imprisonment in the U.S. courts.
10011 Mustafa Al Hawsawi (Saudi Arabia) Recommended for prosecution, he was charged and pre-trial hearings are underway.
10013 Ramzi Bin Al Shibh (Yemen) Recommended for prosecution, he was charged and pre-trial hearings are underway.
10014 Waleed Bin Attash (Saudi Arabia) Recommended for prosecution, he was charged and pre-trial hearings are underway.
10015 Abd Al Rahim Al Nashiri (Saudi Arabia) Recommended for prosecution, he was charged and pre-trial hearings are underway.
10016 Abu Zubaydah (Palestine-Saudi Arabia) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016, when his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, as it was again in March 2020.
10017 Abu Faraj Al Libi (Libya) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in September 2016. In May 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, as it was again in August 2022.
10018 Ammar Al Baluchi (Ali Abd Al Aziz Ali) (Pakistan-Kuwait) Recommended for prosecution, he was charged and pre-trial hearings are underway.
10019 Riduan Isamuddin (Hambali) (Indonesia) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in September 2016. In January 2021, just as Joe Biden took office, the Pentagon announced its intention to file charges against him in a military commission, along with Modh Farik Bin Amin (ISN 10021) and Mohammed Bin Lep (ISN 10022).
10020 Majid Khan (Pakistan) Recommended for prosecution, he accepted a plea deal in February 2012, although he was not sentenced until October 2021. It is anticipated that he will be released by February 2022.
10021 Modh Farik Bin Amin (Zubair) (Malaysia) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in September 2016. In May 2019, he failed to attend his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld. In January 2021, just as Joe Biden took office, the Pentagon announced its intention to file charges against him in a military commission, along with Riduan Isamuddin (ISN 10019) and Mohammed Bin Lep (ISN 10022).
10022 Mohammed Bin Lep (Lillie) (Malaysia) Recommended for prosecution by the task force in January 2010, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in September 2016. In June 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld. In January 2021, just as Joe Biden took office, the Pentagon announced its intention to file charges against him in a military commission, along with Riduan Isamuddin (ISN 10019) and Mohd Farik Bin Amin (ISN 10021).
10023 Guled Hassan Duran (Gouled Hassan Dourad) (Somalia) Recommended for continued detention and possible transfer to detention in the U.S., but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in September 2016, a decision that was upheld in November 2018. He was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in November 2021.
10024 Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (Pakistan-Kuwait) Recommended for prosecution, he was charged and pre-trial hearings are underway.
10025 Mohammed Abdul Malik (Mohammed Abdul Malik Bajabu) (Kenya) Recommended for continued detention, but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in May 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in June 2016. In July 2019, he boycotted his hearing, and his ongoing imprisonment was upheld. He was finally approved for release by a PRB under President Biden in December 2021.
10026 Abd Al Hadi Al Iraqi (Iraq) Recommended for prosecution and charged, even though he had been determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013.
10029 Muhammad Rahim (Afghanistan) Recommended for continued detention and possible transfer to detention in the U.S., but determined to be eligible for a Periodic Review Board in April 2013, his review took place in August 2016 and he was recommended for ongoing imprisonment in September 2016, a decision that was upheld in November 2019, and again in April 2022.
Other classes of political imprisonment
Immigrant detention centers hold undocumented workers, families and students. Every year hundreds of thousands of immigrants are detained, and on any given day tens of thousands are held in immigrant detention centers. These individuals are jailed because of the United States’ fervent anti-immigrant political ideology.

As recently as the 1980s, immigrants were rarely detained. They were either accused of misdemeanors and quickly deported or permitted to go about their lives pending immigration hearings. In recent years there has been a massive boom in both immigrant detention and deportation. While we’re experiencing a decline in immigration from Mexico into the United States, immigration from Central America has risen to the benefit of private immigrant detention centers that remain a booming and highly protected industry. The United States government has promised to supply enough undocumented immigrants to keep tens of thousands of beds in detention centers occupied all year round.

Racism, class repression and xenophobia are the political forces underlying the boom in immigrant detainees. The U.S. government has increasingly criminalized undocumented people. Rather than treating them like low-level civil offenders, the new policy is to target them arbitrarily and, once they’re arrested, lock them up. Being undocumented is a highly politicized crime. Those incarcerated in immigration detention centers are a class of prisoners of Empire too numerous to name.

Mass incarceration is a foundational element of racist and anti-worker oppression. Not every target of state repression makes it to jail or is given a chance to defend themselves in court or even be charged with a crime. Many of those who die as a result of state-sanctioned violence are guilty of nothing more than fitting an ethnic profile that makes one a suspect by virtue of the color of their skin. Every 28 hours in 2012 someone employed or protected by the U.S. government killed a Black man, woman or child.

Mass incarceration is inherently racist and classist. While non-Hispanic whites continue to comprise the majority of the U.S. population, Black Americans and Latinos comprise the majority of the U.S. prison population. Incarcerated people are also more likely to live in poverty, with their annual income being 41% less than un-incarcerated people their age.

The United States has less than 5% of the world’s population but 20% of the world’s incarcerated people. The development and growth of the mass incarceration model has taken place at the same time crime rates have declined. The primary purpose of the U.S. prison system appears to be about social control, intimidation of resistance and the maintenance of a massive and legal form of slave labor.

Conditions in U.S. prisons reflect a lack of basic healthcare, isolation from family and community, lack of educational opportunity, widespread incidents of torture and beatings, and generally degrading treatment. U.S. prisons hold over 80,000 persons in solitary confinement. In 2012 alone the Justice Department estimated there had been 216,000 victims of prison rape.

While we do not call all prisoners impacted by mass incarceration political prisoners, we must note that they are all subjects to a politically motivated system of oppression. The repercussions of the U.S. incarceration model are felt acutely far beyond the locked doors and bars of our jails. The politics of fear is diffused throughout U.S. society, particularly for poor people and racial minorities. In 2018 an estimated 6,410,000 people in the U.S. were in prison, on parole or on probation. When we consider the massive government monitoring of our population, we can justifiably call the United States a prison nation.

We want to acknowledge Stan Smith and the Chicago Committee to Free the Cuban Five ((773) 376-7521, uscubachi@yahoo.com) for initiating this project and compiling the original list in 2013.

https://afgj.org/politicalprisonersusa


But, but the commies....were literally amateurs at this sort of thing. But leave it to the true Inheritors Of Rome to maximize the oppression of the workers.

Gulags, smholags.....

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Tue Jan 03, 2023 2:11 pm

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New Documentary on Late Sixties Civil Unrest is a ‘Rosetta Stone’ for Decoding the Modern Day Police State
By Marjaan Sirdar, Contributor December 30, 2022

Minneapolis, MN – A new documentary film shines light on the history of the militarization of American police in an era defined by civil unrest, drawing sharp parallels to today.

Without mentioning recent events in the entire film, Sierra Pettengill’s new documentary “Riotsville, USA” still invokes striking parallels between the late 1960s and the George Floyd protest uprisings in 2020. The film was produced during 2015-2021, premiered at Sundance Film Festival in January 2022 and was widely released in September by Magnolia Films; it’s attracted more coverage in lists of top documentaries for the year. [See our editor’s note below for more Unicorn Riot original reporting on domestic military and police training programs.]

Crowd Control & Military Anti-Riot Training in the 1960s

In 1967, the U.S. Army built a makeshift town on a military base in Virginia (later replicated at Fort Gordon, Georgia). A mock urban center sporting fake liquor stores, pawn shops, and turned-over cars, it was made to simulate a real “ghetto” and the riots that raged in city streets that summer. Resembling a movie set with storefront facades, it was created to train officers in responding to civilian uprisings. They named it “Riotsville.” The filmmakers craft an intimate view of this training program, weaved through long-lost and now recovered archival footage.

The uprisings throughout 1967, like most of the unrest throughout that period, have their roots in police violence against African Americans. Uprisings in Detroit and Newark saw the most violence that year, which were both triggered by instances of police brutality against Black people.

Minneapolis experienced three consecutive nights of unrest in July 1967, the second year in a row where cases of police brutality against Black residents led to “rioting” along Plymouth Avenue in the historically Black Near North neighborhood.

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Photo of a riot simulation at a military base. Riotsville, USA. Image Courtesy of Magnolia Films.

“Riotsville, USA” shows us how Vietnam-era law enforcement was obsessed with maintaining “law and order” at all costs.

One officer speaking on a televised forum on police/community relations parroted a line that every social justice activist from 1967 until today has heard: “And I say to you, it’s only one thin line between crime and society, and that’s us policemen.”

The broken-record repetition of the same script today, 55 years later, begs the question – just how much has America changed since the 1960s? And is change being prevented by design?

Back at Riotsville, as police attempt to replicate parts of the 1965 Watts Rebellion in Los Angeles, a squad car blaring its sirens pulls over two men driving a 1960s model sedan. Four officers exit the police car and immediately throw the driver and his passenger up against their vehicle as they manhandle and search the two men. A large crowd of apparently outraged bystanders quickly forms, outnumbering the officers.

Soldiers in street clothes, costumed as hippies, played the rioters. Military actors demonstrated their version of the beginning of the 1965 Watts Rebellion in front of a live audience of generals and politicians, as if it were a government-produced Broadway play. The spectators seated in bleachers are shown smiling, clapping and laughing as servicemen carried out simulated violence against simulated dissidents.

“Cop City” & Modern Day ‘Riotsville’

Mock towns are still used today for riot simulations in law enforcement training. One official term for these installations are “tactical scenario villages.” (Two similar facilities are in northern California and Cuyahoga County, Ohio.)

Sarah Saarela, a former Minneapolis cop turned police abolitionist, told Unicorn Riot that the film reminded her of riot training at Minnesota’s Fort Snelling before becoming a cop, and another location in the east Twin Cities metro area after becoming a sworn officer.

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Photo by Marjaan Sirdar.

“They had makeshift store fronts that we had to go into, and random targets would pop up that said either ‘good guy’ or ‘bad guy,’ and we had to decide within like a millisecond whether to shoot or not. That’s how they train paranoia.”

Sarah Saarela, former Minneapolis cop


Over two decades ago, Saarela and fellow Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) officer Bill Palmer were in an officer-involved shooting. Saarela and Palmer shot and killed Barbara Schneider after responding to a disturbance. Schneider was inside her Uptown apartment having a mental health crisis when officers claimed she ran towards them with a knife.

The Barbara Schneider Foundation, a nonprofit that was formed after her killing, has partnered with the police to develop and implement crisis intervention training (CIT) for cops, supposedly to prevent these types of killings. This partnership resulted in the creation of a police nonprofit called the Minnesota Crisis Intervention Team (CIT). Barbara Schneider’s killing and CIT were the catalysts that led to MPD carrying less-lethal taser weapons and the development of the Safety and Mental Health Alternative Response Training Center (SMART Center), where MN CIT is headquartered.

The SMART Center is a law enforcement training facility in Inver Grove Heights, MN, that recently opened up. Although the SMART Center was built for training law enforcement in responding to mental health crises, Saarela believes it will inevitably be the one-stop shop where cops undergo active shooter drills, riot and crowd control training, and more. She thinks the SMART Center is nothing but a police “grift” that trains cops how to legally get away with murder. “Take police out of the mental health community,” Saarela said in an interview shortly after Floyd was murdered.

The cities of Woodbury and Cottage Grove, in partnerships with Washington County and the State of Minnesota, recently built the HERO Center, a “state of the art immersive training center” for police and first responders which includes a “tactical scenario village.” This facility cost taxpayers more than $20.5 million and boasts of having over 700 “scenarios” to choose from.

A couple hours’ drive from Fort Gordon, where the second Riotsville was built five decades ago, lies the new proposed site just south of Atlanta, Georgia, where the Atlanta Police Foundation plans to destroy a massive forest to build a more than $90 million 85-acre law enforcement training center. Atlanta residents and activists have been organizing to shut down the proposed site, nicknamed “Cop City.”

Officially named The Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, the widely opposed project is slated to include a mock village with a gas station, bank, bar, nightclub, school, residential homes, apartments, park, and splash pad. It would also feature a warehouse for training in crowd control tactics.

Recently, a SWAT team carried out a violent raid on activists occupying the Atlanta forest, who now face a range of severe charges including domestic terrorism. [Watch Unicorn Riot’s short documentary about the struggle in Atlanta to shut down the proposed “Cop City,” here.]

The idea of “tactical scenario villages” was a direct result of the uprisings that swept through cities across the U.S. in 1967.


Trailer for Riotsville, U.S.A.

Kerner Commission: Key Recommendations Ignored

President Lyndon Johnson formed the Kerner Commission which investigated the 1967 rebellions and submitted a report on March 1, 1968 identifying the reasons for the unrest and its recommended remedies. The commission was named for its head, then-Illinois Governor Otto Kerner, to investigate the root causes of fiery unrest that swept through cities like Newark and Detroit in ’67.

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Screenshot from Riotsville, USA

Johnson blamed the riots on “outside agitators,” a theory ultimately dismissed in the report. The commission looked for a lot of things including nefarious agitator conspiracies behind the unrest. Instead, the committee frankly concluded that the unrest was a predictable, understandable response to systemic racism and inequality.

The film features the commission’s famous prognosis, in which it proclaimed: “Our nation is moving toward two societies, one Black, one white. Separate but unequal.”

An unidentified newscaster featured in the film summarized the committee’s findings as painting “an image that is more like the other side of the ‘Iron Curtain’ or the garrison states of Latin America than our image of the United States.”

The commission called for nothing short of a massive redistribution of wealth, including large increased federal investments in schools, public housing, jobs programs, and a guaranteed minimum income.

“The commission proposed a program of unprecedented vastness. A call to raise taxes, spread the wealth, lighten the burden on the burning ghettos.”

Riotsville, USA


However, the only recommendations from the Kerner Report Congress followed through with was massive federal funding to militarize police departments across the country.

“At the end of the Kerner Commission’s report, there was an addendum titled ‘Supplement on the Control of Disorder.’ Its recommendations were one of the only parts of the report that Congress would ever implement. It called for extensive new federal funding for police.”

Riotsville, USA


Similarly, after George Floyd’s murder and the 2020 uprising, the Minneapolis Police Department’s budget increased by $3 million, even though MPD failed to spend their entire budget the previous fiscal year.

“A door swung open in the late ‘60s. And someone, something, sprang up and slammed it shut,” the narrator said in the opening lines of the film, referring to the garrison state that was crystalized by lawmakers in the years and decades following the post-civil rights era uprisings.

Mo’ State Sanctioned Violence, Mo’ Unrest
When the Kerner report was released on March 1, 1968, sanitation workers in Memphis, Tennessee were on strike. The demonstrations, which faced violence from sanitation bosses and the police, demanded better working conditions and wages after two African American sanitation workers were crushed to death in a garbage compactor while seeking refuge from the rain.

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Photo of a Riotsville simulation at a military base. Riotsville, USA. Image Courtesy of Magnolia Films.

Many still remember these as the famous marches where demonstrators carried “I am a man” protest signs. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. made his famous last speech, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop,” the night before he was assassinated at the Lorraine Motel.

“Riotsville, USA” captures outrageous audio of late U.S. Senator Robert Byrd (D-WV), a former Ku Klux Klansman, using inflammatory rhetoric against protestors and protest leaders on the U.S. Senate floor. Byrd claimed Dr. King started a riot in Memphis, rhetoric that likely set the stage for King’s killing.

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Flier of a March for Justice and Jobs during the 1968 Sanitation Strike, featuring Dr. King, days before his murder. Photo Courtesy of the National Archives.


“…Massive rioting erupted during a march which was led by Martin Luther King. It was a shameful and totally uncalled for outburst of lawlessness. Undoubtedly encouraged by his words and actions and his presence. When the predictable rioting erupted Martin Luther King fled the scene leaving it to others to cope with the destructive forces he had helped to unleash. I hope that well meaning negro leaders will now take a new look at this man who gets other people into trouble and then takes off like a scared rabbit. If anybody is to be hurt or killed in the disorder which follows in the wake of his highly publicized marches and demonstrations, he apparently is going to be sure that it will be someone other than Martin Luther King.”

U.S. Sen. Robert Byrd (D-WV)


Pettengill played Byrd’s speech over vintage videos of actors performing acts of rioting, turning over cars and causing destruction in a residential area of a military base. Six days after that speech, Dr. King returned to Memphis where he was gunned down.

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Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at the 1963 Civil Rights March in Washington, D.C. Photo Courtesy of the National Archives.

King’s murder was a flashpoint and the major source of the civil disturbances in 1968. For two nights after Dr. King was killed, race rebellions ravaged several cities across America, less than one year after the so-called “race riots” analyzed by the Kerner Commission rocked the nation.

Although police responded in their predictable brutal fashion, the 1968 tumult seemed different, with more deliberate organized repression from the authorities. To this day, many people believe Dr. King was assassinated by the government because of his increasing opposition to the War in Vietnam and U.S. imperialism, and in 1999 a Memphis jury declared his murder was indeed the result of a government conspiracy.

A scenario where the predominantly white anti-war movement and Black struggle converge was an underlying concern that the Riotsville simulations were preparing for.

“Both Riotsvilles centered on a scenario of concern to law enforcement: that anti-war protesters would be incited by Black ‘agitators.’”

Riotsville, USA


A Chicago police chief is featured in the film visiting Riotsville as a reporter asks him about preparedness for the upcoming 1968 Democratic National Convention (DNC) and political demonstrations. He told the reporter that he’ll take what he learned from Riotsville and integrate it into his department.

The film also features archival footage of the Chicago law enforcement buildup and recruitment process in preparation for the DNC demonstrations. It’s reminiscent of how the 1969 film Medium Cool (Dir: Haskell Wexler) also focused on similar exercises before the fateful convention.

Pettengill noted that the massive anti-war street protests that overshadowed the Democrats’ convention inside Chicago’s International Amphitheatre was a test-run for law enforcement who had been training at Riotsville.

For many viewers who experienced the recent unrest in 2020 after George Floyd was murdered by officer Derek Chauvin, the parallels are striking.

During Chauvin’s murder trial, less than a year after what some have said were the largest demonstrations in world history, an officer a few miles from where Floyd was murdered “mistakenly” used her gun instead of her taser and killed a fleeing suspect.

On April 11, 2021, Brooklyn Center police officer Kim Potter shot and killed unarmed Daunte Wright, once again inciting mayhem across the Twin Cities. Protests and looting broke out across the metro that night, resulting in two more murders under suspicious circumstances.

The Justice for Daunte Wright protests were the perfect opportunity for Minnesota law enforcement to roll out the unaccountable multi-agency Mobile Field Force (MFF) deployment branded as ‘Operation Safety Net.’ (OSN)

Gaslighting in Miami and Minneapolis

The 1968 Chicago anti-war protests were led by white student activists who wanted to expose police brutality to the world. But the film emphasized the unrest in Miami where just a few weeks earlier a more brutal Riotsville test-run happened during the Republican National Convention (RNC), which received little publicity at the time and has been largely forgotten.

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Photo of a Riotsville simulation at a military base. Riotsville, USA. Image Courtesy of Magnolia Films.

The film showed video of Miami-Dade law enforcement dressed in riot gear, preparing for “the big one.” Up to that point, Miami had never experienced large-scale unrest in its history.

On the second day of the ’68 Republican convention, Black people demonstrated peacefully in Miami’s Liberty City neighborhood against police brutality and for community control. The city sent five police units to respond after a white reporter was ejected from a rally.

Filmmakers made it clear that it was the Miami police who initiated the violence and incited the riot after they murdered two Black people and wounded four others. However, reports by mainstream media during the RNC were chock full of lies.

Cops initially alleged that they were under sniper attack from community members and in turn killed two people, a lie which was repeated across national television.

This narrative relied on an already debunked lie that police across the country regularly repeated to justify violence. In its investigation, the Kerner Commission concluded that nearly every credible instance of sniper attacks on police during the 1967 rebellion were from fellow officers. And that it was actually law enforcement who had shot and killed three unarmed women through their apartment windows during the ‘67 upheaval, and blinded one child, presumably all Black.

Despite this, the film notes, “there was a sniper scenario in every Riotsville.”

“They still claim there’s going to be a bogeyman on the rooftop with a gun,” Saarela, the former Minneapolis cop, told Unicorn Riot. “One time [during training] a sniper shot me in the leg with a paintball,” she said, recalling how Minneapolis police (MPD) riot simulations would always have a cop who would hide on the rooftop and pretend to be a “rogue sniper.”

Saarela said the “rogue sniper” trope was crafted by cops so they can continue to kill with impunity.

“The boogeyman sniper on the rooftop has always been a cop. That’s who assassinated Tekle Sundberg,” she said, referring to the 20 year-old Minneapolis man who was shot and killed by MPD snipers on July 14, after experiencing a mental health crisis and having a long standoff with cops.

Saarela and Palmer killed Barbara Schneider 22 years before Sundberg was shot and killed by MPD snipers Aaron Pearson and Zachary Seraphine.

Following the dramatic archival footage of the 1968 uprising in Miami, the segment concluded with a white news reporter describing Liberty City as a war zone. With sinister music playing in the background, Pettengill noted that, “Police Leadership in Miami trained at Riotsville.”

Going Deeper Down the Rabbit Hole

A decade ago, a military training manual from the U.S. Army Military Police School at Fort McClellan, Alabama was leaked to the public describing an emergency declaration and the government’s coordinated response to massive civil disturbances in the event of a financial collapse and breakdown of society. The manual mentioned the word sniper 82 times. It was published in 2006, two years before the actual global financial crisis and recession.

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Photo of a riot simulation at a military base. Screenshot from Riotsville, USA.

This became newsworthy within “alternative media” due to its emphasis on using the military against Americans to quell domestic disturbances, and an attention grabbing line under the section regarding “Use of Deadly Force” which reads “warning shot will not be fired.”

On page 27, the army manual lays out the military’s consideration for confiscating firearms from stores in case of an emergency declaration – a strategy also demonstrated in the film at the Riotsville simulation.

Today, when racist authoritarianism in the U.S. is comfortable enough to unmask itself and blend in with the mainstream, “Riotsville, USA” is like a trail of breadcrumbs taking viewers back towards the start. With this film, people today get to see the genuine intentions and thoughts behind policing and race relations in America, two generations ago.

Saarela, the former cop, said, “‘Riotsville, USA’ makes a ninety minute long argument for abolishing the police.”

The film’s pointed commentary was written by the essayist Tobi Haslett and read by Charlene Modeste. By the end of the film, the footage of the fake rioting is almost indistinguishable from the footage of the very real Miami rebellion. “Riotsville, USA” can easily leave viewers who lived through the recent unrest feeling gaslit.

During a recent Q & A at the Film at Lincoln Center, Pettengill said that audiences described the gaslighting, telling her that it’s really helpful to see this all compiled together. “‘This is what we suspected was happening and it’s really helpful to feel like we’re not crazy.’ ‘Cause this country can really make you feel like you’re crazy,” she added.

Haslett said it’s important that the film showed what law enforcement was up to behind the scenes. “It’s just as important to show… [that] the events preceding and succeeding a riot are all being planned for.”

In another interview, Pettengill pointed out how historically most riots in the U.S. have been caused by white vigilantes, not by Black people, but quite often against Black people. She said that the unrest of the 1960s provoked a very different response from law enforcement and she used the film to demonstrate that this was not by coincidence.

“To be able to show the military recreating and rehearsing something and then see it play out in real time shifts the narrative: instead of the police and military responding to an outbreak of violence, it’s presented as an attack on civilians by the police backed by a massive explosion of money and interest towards repressing Black rebellion.”

Sierra Pettengill, Riotsville, USA director


Pettengill’s film confirms what Black people have been saying for generations. The online review and ratings website Rotten Tomatoes summed it up well:

“…RIOTSVILLE, USA…offers a compelling case that if the history of race in America rhymes, it is by design.”

‘Riotsville, USA‘ is distributed by Magnolia Films. It’s available for streaming purchase or rental via Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, YouTube, Google Play, Microsoft Store, Vudu, and Verizon Fios.

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The 1978 version of Garden Plot (PDF – 338 pages)

Editor’s Note — ‘Civil Disturbance Operations’ Planning Updated
The U.S. military’s set of civil disturbance planning templates from the 1960s were called “GARDEN PLOT.” After 2002 the US Northern Command reorganized this into “NORTHCOM CONPLAN 3502”.

These little known planning frameworks are covered in Unicorn Riot reports about the 2016 Republican National Convention and National Special Security Events; Our Dec. 2021 report about the U.S. Capitol January 6 attack covers emergency military mobilizations; Our Nov. 2016 report covers “Field Force Operations,” a nationalized system for training local police including a full manual published by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA).

Our 2018 report, Icebreaker Pt. 5, includes a full ICE Homeland Security Investigations Undercover Operations manual, which specifies exactly how agents and informants are instructed to stage fake scenarios in stings and investigations.

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A graphic from the Military Police Journal, 1968

Like a Rosetta stone for the development of “civil disturbance” doctrine, the documentary led us to uncover more historical evidence. A “Military Police Journal“ (5MB PDF) from October 1968 covers the original Riotsville “Civilian Disturbance Course,” also known as “SEADOC.” (Originally located here.) A box indexed at the Minnesota Military and Veteran’s Museum has more SEADOC materials. The 2014 research paper “Beyond Militarization and Repression: Liberal Social Control as Pacification” (PDF) by Markus Kienscherf at Freie Universität Berlin in Germany covers SEADOC and counterinsurgency tactics.

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Cover of the October 1968 Military Police Journal, featuring an “Emergency Operations Center”

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Mon Jan 09, 2023 2:32 pm

United States: Two Barrels Aim at African People’s Socialist Party
JANUARY 8, 2023

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Members and supporters of the African People's Socialist Party stage a demonstration after an FBI raid on the party headquarters and leaders' homes in July 2022. Photo: African People's Socialist Party.

Green Party leader and Cuba solidarity activist Don Fitz writes about the US DOJ repression against the African People’s Socialist Party.

With new FBI and Department of “Justice” (DOJ) attacks expected in early January, a defense, mobilization and information session attracted hundreds of allies of the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP). On December 23, 2022, they zoomed into the “Emergency Mass Meeting: Hands Off Uhuru! Hands Off Africa!” The APSP told its supporters that it expects indictments in early January and possibly sooner.

Indictments could include many more than the four names listed as “unindicted co-conspirators” during raids on July 29, 2022: Chairman Omali Yeshitela, Party Director of Agitation and Propaganda Akilé Anai, African People’s Solidarity Committee Chair Penny Hess and Uhuru Solidarity Movement Chair Jesse Nevel.

At 5am that day, the FBI invaded multiple St. Louis locations, including the private residence of Omali Yeshitela and his wife and APSP Deputy Chair Ona Zené Yeshitela, and the Uhuru Solidarity Center, as well as the Uhuru House in St. Petersburg, Florida.

During a webinar on December 23, Yeshitela vividly recalled that flashbang grenades were set off and laser points were directed at his chest when he opened the door of their home, and a drone almost hit Ona when she came down the stairs. Both of them were handcuffed and the entire Black working-class St. Louis neighborhood was under siege for hours. The federal agents seized all of their devices, such as computers and phones, thereby seriously hampering their political work.

As reported by Toward Freedom, in St. Petersburg, FBI agents lured Akilé Anai “outside her home, saying her car had been broken into. Upon opening her car, they forced her to hand over her devices.”

The FBI and DOJ claimed that the raids were sparked by Yeshitela’s having conversations with with Aleksandr Ionov, a Russian they accused of spreading “Russian propaganda.” During the webinar Yeshitela described how insulting and demeaning it was to insinuate that the APSP is unable to analyze African people’s state of oppression and make decisions for itself but can only reach conclusions after Russians tell it what to think.

This is particularly chilling for those who do solidarity work with Latin America, Africa and Asia. According to the precedent set by the July 29 raids and indictments, anyone who meets with any representative of another country could face criminal charges under the Foreign Agent Registration Act, which the APSP expects to be used to justify their bullying. Actions against the APSP could lay the foundation for indicting me for interviewing and writing about Cuban doctors.

Legal abuse could be leveled against everyone else who has visited Cuba and explained what the Revolution has accomplished. The FBI/DOJ could indict Monthly Review for publishing my book on Cuban Health Care along with every other publisher who releases books on Cuba, Venezuela, Colombia and other countries that have resisted US imperialism.

A noticeable exception would be citizens and lawmakers who meet with and are influenced by agents of Israel. They have no reason to fear harassment. Of course, it might be quite different for those having the temerity to meet with Palestinians.

After the raids, the Black Alliance for Peace announced that it would “concentrate its efforts on not only opposing the US war agenda globally but the war and repression being waged on Black and Brown communities within US borders.”

A major purpose of the December 23 webinar was to build nationwide and international support for the July 29 victims so people are prepared to respond when the indictments come down. In light of this, the Green Party of St. Louis issued a statement which appears further below. Following it are the APSP’s “Principles of Unity,” which it asks organizations to endorse. You can communicate your support at the website handsoffuhuru.org.

What is written above only describes one barrel of the corporate state’s shotgun. The other barrel consists of efforts to shut down the many projects under the APSP umbrella. They simultaneously offer meaningful life-changing needs for those in poor Black US communities and provide examples of what a socialist society could look like.

The projects are part of what the APSP calls its “Black Power Blueprint” (BPB) and what socialist theorists might call “concretization” of its ideas which “prefigure” a post-capitalist society. The BPB’s efforts may be the most extensive integration of theory and practice occurring in the US today.

Perhaps the prime example is Uhuru Wa Kulea (African Women’s Health Center) which has a vision “to provide health and self-care programs that reinforce our traditional African culture, and invest in the future of our community with doula and childbirth educator certification programs along with opportunities for employment and entrepreneurship.” Concepts for the Center rely heavily on the health care system of Cuba, which now has life expectancy greater than the US, due to its focus on women and children.

APSP-related efforts also include

The Uhuru House Community Center, which transformed a condemned building into a three-story community event and program space named Akwaaba Hall;
A Community Basketball Court to allow for “spirited youth programs” and tournaments;
Murals at the Gary Brooks Community Garden that has been in operation for two years and at the recently completed Community Basketball Court which depict “Black families controlling our own culture and food economy by planting, growing and harvesting food from the garden;”
Completed renovation of a 4-plex apartment building devoted to housing for the African Independence Workforce Program which creates jobs for those re-entering the Black community from the prison system;
The Uhuru Jiko Kitchen and Bakery/Caféwhich, once the refurbishing of an existing commercial structure is completed, will bring African economic and cultural life to a depressed commercial area and will help stop gentrification;
A planned program for the Black Power Square where condemned buildings have been removed to make way for retail opportunities by utilizing shipping containers to house community-based small businesses and create jobs.
The above are in St. Louis. APSP also runs Uhuru Foods and Pies in Oakland CA and St. Petersburg FL, a community garden/farm in Huntsville AL, furniture stores in Oakland CA and Philadelphia PA, a radio station in St. Petersburg FL and the Burning Spear newspaper.

The goal of attacking the APSP leaders is to exterminate every project and every component of the BPB which Omali Yeshitela speaks of as “building duel and contending power,” funded to a significant degree through reparations raised by the Uhuru Solidarity Movement (USM). The government, of course, has virtually unlimited police and legal resources at its disposal to drown out dissent. If it can force the APSP to divert its energies and limited budget to its legal defense, the FBI/DOJ can undermine projects and terrorize solidarity activists even if it imprisons very few.

This is the message from one barrel of the snarling state:

Don’t hope for a new life …
don’t imagine a new world…
and certainly don’t try to build one …
because capitalism is all you can look forward to.

The other barrel of the shotgun screams that efforts by US citizens to build solidarity with victims of global oppression will be met with the most vicious attacks the corporate state can muster.

Statement by Don Fitz on behalf of the Green Party of St. Louis, December 23, 2022
The Green Party of St. Louis fully agrees with the right of African people to advocate and organize for the unification, liberation and self-determination of Africa and African People as laid out in the “Principles of Unity.”

The FBI raid of July 29 was not just against the APSP. It was an attack on all working for social justice and liberation.

As has happened many times before, governmental violence was unleashed first against Black/African victims to serve as an example.

The Biden administration is fully responsible for opening one of the most repressive eras in US history.

We would have to go back to the racist president Woodrow Wilson and his imprisonment of Eugene Debs to find a caseof people being arrested so blatantly for their political beliefs.

Even during the US war against Viet Nam, people were not arrested merely for listening to Vietnamese views or visiting North Viet Nam.

The current actions of the Biden administration are a message that no one can question his proxy war against Russia – a message that Americans have lost the right to make their own decisions.

The events of July 29, 2022 are meant to intimidate any who stand in solidarity with movements and countries who are struggling for their liberation, such as Cuba.

They are warning that the same could happen to supporters of revolutionary Venezuela.

The FBI raids are a threat to those who defend the right of Nicaragua to chart its own course.

Indictment of Uhuru members aids and abets those criminals who overthrew the democratically elected government in Peru on Dec 7, 2022.

Biden’s proxy war against Russia gives lie to his supposed opposition to climate change. One of the real reasons for Biden’s “Hate Russia!” campaign is to allow US corporations to corner the market of fossil fuels in Ukraine and force Europe to buy US natural gas at absurdly high prices.

Under Evo Morales, Bolivia sought to control its own lithium, a critical element for “alternative” energy. When he was violently overthrown, the Trump/Biden supporter Elon Musk (of Tesla fame) proclaimed “We will coup whoever we want!”

The great majority of the world’s cobalt, also essential for “alternative” energy, lies in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (home to many other essential minerals). Efforts of the Biden administration to destroy the APSP reveals his plan for anyone who advocates self-determination for Africa.

APSP Principles of Unity

*We unite with the right of African people to advocate and organize for the unification, liberation and self-determination of Africa and African People.

*We denounce the FBI and US government’s attacks on the African Liberation Movement historically and currently
*We demand that the US government drop the charges against any member of the African People’s Socialist Party, the Uhuru Movement and those named and implied in the indictment and warrants
*We demand the return of all confiscated property to the Uhuru Movement and compensation for damages and payment of reparations for the attacks
*We demand an end to FBI surveillance and infiltration of the Uhuru Movement and release of all documents on the Uhuru Movement since the 1960s
*We denounce the assault on the anti-colonial activity and programs of the African People’s Socialist Party/Uhuru Movement such as the Black Power
Blueprint and other economic institutions and projects.


Find out more about the repression! At 6 pm CT, January 9, 2023 join the APSP update on the indictments and defense. Click on https://handsoffuhuru.org/ and scroll to “Hands Off Uhuru! Hands Off Africa!” to register. At 7:30 pm CT, January 11, 2023 the Missouri Green Party will have a webinar on “The Long Story of Repression in the US.” Email outreach@missourigreenparty.org to get information and to register.

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Tue Jan 10, 2023 4:30 pm

While claiming to defend freedom around the world, the U.S. has hundreds of political prisoners – and the majority are people of color
December 29, 2022

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Source: newblackmaninexile.net

By James Patrick Jordan, Eduardo Garcia, Natalia Burdyńska-Schuurman (National Co-Coordinators)

Originally published on Covert Action Magazine

Racism is still the driving force behind U.S. political imprisonment
Political imprisonment in the United States exists primarily as a tool of racist repression. It’s aimed disproportionately at people of color as well as others engaged in anti-racist struggle. Whether in the fight against racism at home or against racist foreign policies, wars, occupation and colonialism, the overarching purpose of political imprisonment is to intimidate and try to crush militant forms of anti-racist struggle.

By treating U.S. political prisoners as “common criminals,” our criminal justice system individualizes and de-contextualizes these cases, ignoring root causes and impeding the development of political solutions to the underlying causes political prisoners have fought for.

Readers can discern for themselves what is revealed in the findings presented here and in the political prisoners list this article analyzes. The large number of people of color and others involved in the anti-racist struggle arrested and incarcerated for their activities is sadly predictable. Our entire history and political and economic establishment is founded and advanced squarely on the foundations of racism.

Indeed, it’s the entire system that must change. Only when that happens will political prisoners find justice and true liberation in the U.S. We fight for the liberation of Leonard Peltier and Mumia Abu-Jamal. But as wonderful as winning freedom for individuals may be, without a political solution, little is accomplished regarding the causes for which these prisoners have sacrificed their freedom.

Not all U.S. political prisoners are in jail for explicitly anti-racist struggles. There are those in prison for opposing the whole fabric of militarism and war, women who have defended their bodies from abuse, striking blows against patriarchy, and eco-defenders, among others. Recognizing the racism that permeates U.S. political imprisonment does not diminish the validity of the struggles for which these prisoners are incarcerated.

Nonetheless, without exception, racism and anti-racism plays a role in all U.S. popular movements. All anti-war and anti-imperialist struggle has a fundamentally anti-racist aspect. The one existing imperial power in the world today is the U.S./NATO Empire, an Empire centered among mostly white nations, in service to global capitalism and western geopolitical hegemony. That Empire is the primary global purveyor of the exploitation and dispossession of Black, Brown, Indigenous and all colonized peoples in the nations of the Global South.

We further recognize that we can and must look to anti-racist struggles, especially Black and Indigenous liberation, for guidance, lessons and leadership, regardless the area of activity. A political prisoners analysis AFGJ published in August of 2020 explains:

“We are convinced that African people, including the African diaspora, play a leading role in all revolutionary and transformational struggles. African and Indigenous peoples have been specially targeted for repression and exploitation from the very beginning days of the global spread of capitalism. Today in the United States, the movement for the rights and self-determination of Black people has, above all else, shown that it’s not a temporary struggle – it has staying power.

There’s a thread that connects the struggles of the very first enslaved people through the historic Civil Rights Movement to the Black Lives Matter uprisings today. The struggle for Black liberation in the U.S. is huge, mature yet young: multi-generational, experienced, politically savvy and enduring. The successes of Black liberation struggles have always, in every instance, opened the way for other struggles. The struggles against slavery and for Black voting rights led directly to the women’s suffrage movement. The Civil Rights Movement was foundational for the advancement of many present-day struggles, including anti-war, anti-capitalist, women’s liberation, Latin American and Asian liberation, disability rights, LGBTQ rights and more. (Indigenous defense of the land and its people is, of course, the oldest movement in resistance to Empire in the Americas.) Thus, we can say that the prominence of political prisoners of African American heritage in the U.S. is a situation that concerns all of us.”


AFGJ has maintained a list of U.S. political prisoners since 2013, when Stan Smith of the Chicago Committee to Free the Cuban Five put that list together for the first time, counting 38 political prisoners in the U.S. Ours is not the only political prisoner list, and we’ve always consulted the work of others while augmenting those with our research. We’ve relied especially on the advice and feedback of Claude Marks from the Freedom Archives and have regularly referenced the Jericho Movement, the Nuclear Resister, Earth First! and the Anarchist Black Cross.

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Source: The Jericho Movement

How we define a “political prisoner” is a classification always open to debate. We note that some organizations, such as the Jericho Movement, do not list people as political prisoners unless they have asked or agreed to be listed. As noted in our August 2020 analysis:

“There is a concern that prisoners may experience further targeting and harassment as a result of attention brought by well-meaning supporters. We very much respect that. For our purpose, we are trying to build a comprehensive list that reflects the overall extent and reality of politically motivated incarcerations in the United States. We are (for the most part) not involved in direct advocacy.”

We’re not attempting to maintain an exhaustive list of all U.S. political prisoners. Instead, we document political prisoners who are also prisoners of Empire. There are, for instance, animal rights activists whom we don’t include. A person arrested for direct action against the inhumane conditions suffered under the conditions of factory farming, or for the liberation of animals from pens where there is no freedom of movement, is not included unless there is some element of their case directly related to the struggle against the underpinnings of Empire. Even under socialism, under nations in resistance to Empire, sometimes even under locally autonomous communities, there are animals kept and exploited under conditions that can only be described as cruel. But one cannot simply blame Empire for this, even when and if it exacerbates the problem.

How, then, do we define political prisoners who are also prisoners of Empire? Our August 2020 analysis states:

“Our definition of political prisoners refers to people who are incarcerated for alleged crimes related to resistance and liberation from oppression and repression. We believe that these cases should not be treated as isolated, ‘common’ crimes, but as cases that require a political solution. In many cases, those in jail are there because of false allegations or because they were framed and railroaded through the courts. Our list contains political prisoners who we also consider ‘prisoners of Empire.’ By that, we mean people who are jailed because of activities that constitute a direct challenge to the national and international dominance of U.S., NATO and transnational imperialist capitalism.”

Our political prisoners list notes:

“We define political prisoners as people incarcerated for acts of resistance to domestic and international oppression and repression and whose cases require a political resolution. Political prisoners are imprisoned because of activities that in some way respond to systemic repression and violations of human rights. Whether the circumstances of the alleged crimes are true or false, we strenuously reject the individualized and out-of-context treatment of these cases as simply “common crimes.” Our listing of these prisoners does not constitute an endorsement of the tactics or immediate goals of every individual. We also recognize that people have a right to resist oppression, and the denial of that right can be, in itself, a crime against the people. In many cases, those incarcerated have been set up, falsely accused, railroaded, and/or denied adequate defense and basic human rights. More often than not, they have received harsher sentences than usual because of the political nature of their activities.”

Although the origins of our political prisoners list date back to 2013, this is only the second comprehensive analysis we’ve published. We admit that what we have could be significantly augmented. We need another major and exhaustive review of the definitions, criteria, and categories we employ. Towards that end we’ve established a committee that will spend the next year revising all aspects of our list. This is an ongoing process, and if you have suggestions for improvements, we want to hear what you have to say. Feel free to send your suggestions to James@AFGJ.org.

One must also look at the back stories behind the numbers and trends. Our last major update in 2018, before the eruption of the Black Lives Matter uprisings, listed 62 political prisoners. As of December (2022) that total has risen starkly to 120 political prisoners. That’s a 94% increase over just four years, despite numerous deaths and releases since then of long-time political prisoners jailed during government crackdowns on the Black Liberation Movement. Defendants of the 2020 Black Lives Matter uprisings comprise 68% of that total (82 people) – representing a massive new wave of anti-racist political prisoners which alone exceeds the total number of prisoners we documented in 2018.

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Source: Lucas Jackson (Reuters)

That’s also likely an underestimate and falls short of conveying the true magnitude of the latest wave of racist and political repression, as it doesn’t include numerous other political prisoners who have since the summer of 2020 already served prison time; nor the thousands who have been arrested, charged and detained as a result of their participation in protests; and likely overlooks dozens of protesters who have been formally sentenced but whose cases have not been made public. In our December 2022 update of our political prisoners list, we note:

“An Associated Press review of court documents for over 300 federal cases involving protesters following the murder of George Floyd from August of last year (2021) shows that at least 120 people have pleaded guilty or been convicted of federal crimes for their activities, at least 70 have been sentenced an average of 27 months in prison and at least 10 have been sentenced to a minimum of five years in prison. The sheer number of cases, lack of readily available information about them and limited staff capacity prevents us from being able to list every one that meets our criteria for documentation. We have to the best of our ability documented all cases we’ve found publicized by local and national news outlets and will continue to monitor the situation for new information.”

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Source: Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network

Today Black political prisoners comprise 52% (62) of the total count, while the overall number of people of color who are political prisoners is 80 (67%). Of the other political prisoners who are people of color, nine percent (11) are Latine (one is identified as both Black and Latino); three percent (three) are North “American” Indigenous; one percent (one) are Asian American (non-Arab, Middle Eastern, North African, African Muslim or Central Asian); and 9% (11) are Arab, Middle Eastern, North African, African Muslim or Central Asian (one is identified as both Latino and Arab and six are identified as both Black and African Muslim).

As for the last category, we’ve grouped these together because we’ve found it difficult to find statistics related to these specific racial groups. Instead, we find the closest readily available statistics have to do with Muslims in prison – and Muslim is not a race and can include people from all over the world, including those who are not necessarily people of color.

Although Muslim or perceived-as-Muslim peoples don’t necessarily share the same race, they are often discriminated against as if they were, as well as targeted as a class because of their actual or perceived religious identification. Similarly, prison population statistics regularly confuse the count of Latine prisoners by counting most of them simply as “white.”

To understand the racism revealed in these percentages, we must compare them to the demographic percentages of the U.S. population as a whole. Respectively, we find that the U.S. general population is 14% Black, 19% Latine, one percent Indigenous and one percent “Muslim.”

The racist application of “criminal justice” in the United States is a feature of the entire political system, not just of political incarceration, which in itself reflects the larger reality of mass incarceration in the country. For instance, we find that Black people are incarcerated at a rate 3.5 times higher than whites.

We need to place the differences and the total number of political prisoners within context. Among those we list as political prisoners in the United States, it’s significant that just about 68% of the total are those incarcerated for their participation in the 2020 Black Lives Matter uprisings. There are at least two political prisoners that remain in jail for activities related to the Ferguson uprising in 2014 that followed the extrajudicial killing of Michael Brown. If we add those together, we find that about 70% of political prisoners in the U.S. have been jailed in relation to charges stemming from the birth and continued growth of the Black Lives Matter movement.

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Political prisoners “Oso Blanco” Byron Chubbuck (left) and Leonard Peltier (right). Source: freeosoblanco.org

How do we determine who and how many are political prisoners of the anti-racist struggle? We count 101 of 120 political prisoners, or 84%, arrested for domestic anti-racist actions. As an international solidarity organization, AFGJ is keenly aware that U.S. foreign policies and international relations are extensions of the same policies, attitudes and actions that drive domestic racism. U.S. wars, sanctions, blockades, and prison imperialism are overwhelmingly wielded against nations with a large majority of people of color, countries of the Global South.

We count five political prisoners in jail for actions of international solidarity with specific nations targeted by Empire and 11 political prisoners involved in activities of self-determination, liberation and defense of their territories from occupation, war, sanctions and blockades. Among them are Simón Trinidad and Ivan Vargas from Colombia, Alex Saab from Venezuela, the Virgin Island Three, Mun Chol Myong of North Korea and Leonard Peltier (in defense of the Lakota nation in occupied South Dakota). Altogether these represent about 11% (13) of those engaged in struggle directly against the United States’ international application of racist and political repression. When we combine those arrested for domestically and internationally, we find that 114 of 120 political prisoners, a striking 95%, are incarcerated for acts of anti-racist resistance.

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Simón Trinidad. Source: prenasural.com

We also count three political prisoners jailed for eco-defense (3% of the total). Two percent (two) are incarcerated for activities generally or directly opposed to U.S. militarism and wars. Two percent (two) are in prison for generalized resistance to the U.S. political system and global capitalism. We count two women (two percent) for whom we believe political repression and targeting played a role in their incarceration for defending themselves against their abusers or rapists.

As for the last category, the reality is that there are many more we might include in that category. We need to pose several questions and investigations to determine who and how many of these there are and who, if not all, are also considered prisoners of Empire. We ask the reader to be patient with us as we delve deeper into this complex and challenging area of research. For now we include Maddesyn George and Fran Thompson as emblematic cases for which we know there’s probably a much higher total.

We also note that there is overlap in some of these categories. For instance, Fran Thompson is included as a woman incarceration for self-defense and as an eco-defender, exacerbating her prosecution and sentencing. We classify Maddesyn George, as an Indigenous woman whose very existence and survival constitutes an act of resistance, as an anti-racist political prisoner in addition to our classification of her as a woman criminalized for self-defense against patriarchal oppression. There are other cases in which people are counted in more than one category.

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Maddesyn George, a native woman sentenced to nearly seven years in prison on manslaughter charges after she defended herself against a white man who raped and threatened her life. Source: freemaddesyn.org

At the 2013 Tear Down the Walls conference in Tucson, Arizona, Margaret Prescod of Global Women’s Strike argued that all those interned under the inherently racist and classist U.S. model of mass incarceration are political prisoners. That may not be our criteria for documentation, but she certainly has a point.

In our list of classes of political imprisonment, we include those held in immigrant detention centers and those still held in occupied Cuba at the Guantánamo prison. But they are not counted among the 120 political prisoners we analyze here.

We do know this: even if we counted the 35 inmates in Guantánamo, the thousands held in immigrant detention centers and the many other women jailed for defending themselves against the patriarchal underpinnings of the Empire, these inclusions would only underscore what we already know: political imprisonment in the United States is a tool of racist as well as other easily identified forms of repression employed both at home and abroad, and all of these cases require political solutions, not individualized and decontextualized punishment. Ultimately, systemic change is needed, which is another way of saying revolution.

References

Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ). (2022, August 15). Political prisoners in the USA. AFGJ.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022, from https://afgj.org/politicalprisonersusa

Anarchist Black Cross Federation. ABCF.net. Retrieved August 15, 2022.

Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). (2021, December). Jail inmates in 2020 – statistical tables. BJS.OJP.gov. Retrieved December 29, 2022, from https://bjs.ojp.gov/library/publication ... cal-tables

Earth First! Journal. Earthfirstjournal.news. Retrieved December 29, 2022.

Freedom Archives. Freedomarchives.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022.

Jordan, J. (2014, June 11). Empire of prisons: how the United States is spreading mass incarceration around the world. AFGJ.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022, from https://afgj.org/empire-of-prisons-how- ... -the-world

Jordan, J., Garcia, E., & Cervantes, V. (2020, August 5). Racism, liberation, and U.S. political prisoners. AFGJ.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022, from https://afgj.org/racism-liberation-and- ... -prisoners

Mohamed, B. (2018, January 3). New estimates show U.S. Muslim population continues to grow. Pewresearch.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022, from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2 ... s-to-grow/

National Jericho Movement. Thejerichomovement.com. Retrieved December 29, 2022.

The Nuclear Resister. Nukeresister.org. Retrieved December 29, 2022.

United States Census Bureau. (n.d.). U.S. Census Bureau quickfacts: United States. Census.gov. Retrieved December 29, 2022, from https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/ ... /VET605220

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Wed Feb 08, 2023 2:43 pm

Capitalism in Black and Blue
John Parker 08 Feb 2023

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Policing is inextricably linked to racism and to capitalism.

There are two very frightening realities faced by the capitalist ruling class - their smaller numbers in relation to the majority, and their inability to derive profit without exploited human labor. Since they are the sole owners of the means of production (the factories, land and machines) – with an essential armed force to protect that ownership – they have irreconcilable differences with the majority of people who, instead of owning those means, are exploited by them. We can’t even decide how the profits created by our labor, which turns into the wealth of the nation, gets used. Only the capitalist class gets to decide that with their bought and paid for politicians in Washington.

So, the problem for the ruling class is how to hide that reality from the human labor they depend on for profit. How do you keep the majority from understanding that their misery is based on their not owning the means of production and having no role in how the wealth produced from those means is spent? Should it go towards endless wars, WWIII, more police, joyrides to space? Or, for healthcare, jobs and housing?

And, more importantly, how do you hide from this class of people that they reside in the same boat sharing a reality of economic exploitation, increasing with every utility gas hike, deteriorating social services or diminishing wages?

That is the role of racism, to keep those in the boat from recognizing each other’s similarity. Like a magician’s use of misdirection, they hide that truth by defining the parameters of difference for us, then giving those who meet the preferred parameters of the ruling class more. They get more in terms of quality of life, allowing them the tools and opportunities to develop a fantasy of superiority. However, even with all those benefits the preferred in that boat are still simply the human labor necessary to develop profit for those owners of the means of production - the ruling class. They will continue to have no say so in how the wealth they create is used, and eventually their benefits will hit up against austerity - losing their pensions, jobs and quality of life to maintain the profits of the ruling class - forcing even the “preferred” to react. This is when the wealth founded on their labor is ironically used to pay for the police or military now taking aim at them.

Let’s get back to that racism thing.

Racism is a tool to weaken our working class through division in general. It’s specifically used as a whip that inflicts pain to the oppressed for the purpose of maintaining the system of Capitalism and it’s neocolonial relationships. In order to attempt to feel less of that pain some cowardly people of color will willingly lend themselves as the lash of that whip, hoping to divert their pain onto another’s back.

They will lend themselves as mercenaries for the ruling class, but they must meet the higher standards of allegiance to their white masters by frequently having to prove a willingness to match the psychopathic violence of their white supremacist peers. They are traitors for sure.

Sometimes they serve as presidents or legislators serving their imperial masters at Lockheed, Raytheon and the various financial and oil monopolies making up the ruling class. They willingly participate by commanding drone assassinations even on the continent of Africa. And many of them are found wearing a uniform they should never adorn – the Blue one.

But no matter who has transformed into the lash of that whip, they are all under strict orders to aim their greatest violence towards the oppressed, wielded for a ruling class desperate to maintain and enforce the ideology of white supremacy.

That ideology had its primary beginnings in the 17th Century when it became clear that the numerous slave revolts consisting of a combination of enslaved Africans, Indigenous and poor and indentured whites jeopardized not only the slave owners and the monarchy, but the developing capitalist class.

In order to break up that unified struggle, slavery, where it had its greatest institutional development in the Americas, had to begin to be defined for an exclusive few using skin color and African and Indigenous ethnicity. However, the greatest emphasis - in regards to maintaining a continued supply of this free labor – was reserved for those from the African continent. This meant that Europeans would soon no longer be considered for slavery (as some were in the 17th and earlier centuries) and only as indentured. And, even if indentured, would be morphed into overseers, or slave catchers for runaway slaves; eventually given the title of police shortly after Reconstruction targeting Black people in the South using ¨legality.” The Southern ruling class created laws designed to justify imprisonment for the purpose of continuing the slave labor they were economically addicted to.

Racism also aims at the mental health of the oppressed. It’s used as a means to destroy its targets from the inside with self-loathing and self-doubt and a general belief of inferiority. This also is sometimes a motivation for Black, Brown, and Indigenous peoples to put on that blood-drenched uniform of Blue: to become something different. But, even if by ignorance people of color join U.S. police forces, they will quickly learn the genocidal role of their employer and either quit or remain with a clear understanding that they are an enemy of their own ethnicity and class.

Those murdering cops who killed Tyre Nichols, just like their peers who killed George Floyd knew the role they were playing in protecting, not us, but a racist murderous system of Capitalism. The only color that mattered in those incidents and the multiple incidents this year set to create another record of police killings, was the color of their uniforms.

As the U.S. economy sinks further into crisis of overproduction, inflation and war economy - austerity will continue to increase and generalize the want that oppressed people in this country have always endured. This is when racism is of utmost importance, whether it's used here or in Ukraine (with different parameters – Russian ethnicity is part of the subhuman race as defined by Nazi Germany and the current neo-Nazis leading a significant portion of the government and military in Ukraine). Racism is an integral part also of fascism and it will do us no good to deny its existence. It exists for Black and Brown people on a daily basis when we are treated horribly by those receiving more in society and when we apply for a job not meant for us or come home to communities occupied by military forces of the ruling class. How can we be told that our rage against prejudice, disrespect and the targeting of our children by police is simply a reaction to a phantom? We cannot disconnect the gun from the bullet as if they exist independently. Capitalism and Imperialism and Colonialism and Neo-Colonialism depend upon their bullet of racism - and they cannot exist for very long without each other.

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Mon Feb 13, 2023 3:09 pm

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Harris County Jail Crisis in Houston, Texas Kills Dozens
This in-depth investigative report examines the crisis at the Harris County Jail analyzing the causes, inaction, and coverup of at least two deaths


By Arturo Dominguez, Contributor February 9, 2023.

Houston, TX – The Harris County Jail is the third-largest jail in the U.S. and the largest jail in Texas. Located in Houston, it also confines the most people with mental illness in the state. Despite its complicated history, the public is largely unaware of the myriad issues at the jail. This report covers how the massive backlog of felony cases and pretrial detention contribute to the deaths of dozens of detainees amid overcrowding, medical crises, and a lack of mental health services.

Multiple times between September and January, the Texas Commission on Jail Standards (TCJS) slapped the jail with notices of non-compliance. While Harris County Sheriff Ed Gonzalez remains dismissive about what led to many deaths in the jail that he is responsible for, he and county leaders refuse to be held accountable. Gonzalez’s chief of detention resigned on January 11 (more on that below).

“We’re dealing with an intersection of many different issues that our society is grappling with, from mental illness to addiction. Many times people that come into a jail aren’t necessarily in the best of health. There’s underlying issues, there’s a lot of chronic illness. For example, we have over 100 individuals that are in their 60s right now.”

Harris County Sheriff Ed Gonzalez to Houston Public Media (Jan. 2023)


An investigation by a local news outlet found 14 percent of incoming detainees wait in booking units much longer than the allowed 48 hours. The unit typically supplies only a plastic chair while long lines of detainees are processed. Currently, overcrowding at the jail is much higher than usual with an average of 10,000 people in county custody each day – a 12-year high.

In September, inspectors for TCJS highlighted 64 people (PDF) who spent more than the maximum 48 hours in booking holding cells. The Harris County Sheriff’s Office was given 30 days to submit a corrective plan of action to book detainees faster. County officials responded in September saying they plan to employ the use of telemedicine, additional health care staff, and take other steps to speed up medical screenings during the booking process.

“That has been part of their corrective plan of action and they are implementing those. They have requested a reinspection and we have documentation demonstrating that they have been putting in place those processes. They were comfortable in requesting a reinspection but they were issued a subsequent second order of non-compliance. They remain in non-compliance at this point in time.”

Brandon Wood, Executive Director of the Texas Commission on Jail Standards


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Harris County Jail total population | January 13, 2023 | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

Because of overcrowding at the jail, Harris County recently signed a contract to move more than 600 people to a jail facility in Garza County in West Texas — 480 miles from Houston — the second contract of its kind in 2022. The county previously sent 597 detainees to a Louisiana jail in LaSalle Parish where one man, Billie Davis, died.

Detainees not housed in the county jail were not included in the TCJS reports.

“Detainees are ripped away from their families and their lawyers,” said Krish Gundu, Executive Director of Texas Jail Project about housing inmates hundreds of miles away. “We’re hearing about missed court dates due to transportation issues and lawyers struggling to meet with their clients via Zoom or in person.”

While overcrowding is a major issue, the high number of in-custody deaths at the jail isn’t being adequately addressed by local officials. Meanwhile, the lives of those who were released and later died in what appears to be a move to minimize the number of in-custody deaths are also cause for concern as those deaths are likely to be under-reported.

Data provided by the Civil Rights Corps shows 40 people have died either in jail, during apprehension, in the custody of the Harris County Sheriff’s Department, or housed at facilities outside the jail in 2022. Four people have died in the jail so far in 2023.

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Harris County Jail population requiring psychotropic medication | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

As police killings continue to rise across the country, Harris County and other municipalities will inevitably have to answer for in-custody deaths at the hands of police, jailers, and inmates due, not to a lack of funding, but to overcrowding, inadequate training, and a lack of proper security.

Bail Reform – Misdemeanor Death Sentence

Local media hasn’t focused on the notices of non-compliance and politicians have been fixated on pushing false narratives about out-of-control crime. They blame bail reform while ignoring or refusing to address jail overcrowding altogether. Failure to intently scrutinize the criminal justice system creates a real and present danger as more and more people die at the hands of that system.

In March, Damian Lopez was charged with a misdemeanor and detained after neither he nor his family could pay his $5,000 bail – a violation of the O’Donnell Consent Decree (which found that misdemeanor bail is unconstitutional). The decree is the first federal court-supervised remedy governing bail. It was only after Lopez was unconscious and on a ventilator that his family found out he was hospitalized. In what appears to be an attempt to ensure Lopez wouldn’t be counted as an in-custody death, he was granted a Personal Recognizance Bond (PR Bond) as he died.

A month later, Kristan Smith was arrested. Smith later died in May (PDF) while in custody after she couldn’t afford her bail – which wasn’t lowered to $5,000 until after she died. Smith was on disability and supported herself and her four children when she was detained. The jail’s incident report doesn’t provide any information except that she was in the hospital for eight days before she died.

“I really would like to see [the Harris County Jail] shut down,” said Deborah Smith, Kristan Smith’s mother. “I don’t think if given another opportunity they will be able to get it right and maintain. Shut it down.”

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Harris County Jail population by race/ethnicity | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

On August 30, Willie Fizer died (PDF). Fizer, who suffered from mental illness, died in the intake room of the jail, a day after his 30th birthday. Although the county is required by state law to produce a death report within 24 hours, information regarding his death was withheld for much longer.

On March 27, Matthew Ryan Shelton (PDF) died of diabetic ketoacidosis five days after turning himself into the Harris County Jail on a DWI charge. Shelton was granted a personal recognizance bond (PR Bond) and technically “released” in his Harris County DWI case. However, he was held in the jail due to his inability to pay a $10,000 secured bond relating to an out-of-county DWI charge. Shelton arrived at the Harris County Jail with the insulin and syringes he needed to treat his diabetes, yet the diagnosis suggests he never received his medication.

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Harris County Jail population by bond amount | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

Also counted in the tally of Harris County deaths are those killed by Harris County Sheriff’s deputies. That includes two young men, Jeremiah Young and Dacorian Marshall, who were killed in a crash (PDF) in April after being pursued by Harris County Sheriff’s deputies for allegedly stealing catalytic converters, a misdemeanor crime.

It remains unclear how many people were released to avoid being counted as deaths occurring in the jail, a tactic that has become more common in recent years. The deaths kept off the books highlight a broader problem. The inhumane treatment of people suspected of a crime and presumed innocent until proven guilty is a typical byproduct of overcrowding and improper care.

While false narratives about crime are intentional and politically motivated by a handful of elected officials and influential wealthy local business owners, legislation at the state level coupled with the encouragement of certain judges in Texas’ largest county plays an outsized role in a jail that cannot properly care for detained individuals.

Violent crime in the Houston area is dropping and misdemeanor bail reform is working. In August 2022 during a presentation to the city council, Houston Police Chief Troy Finner informed the council of a 10% drop in crime in 2021. Yet, like the conditions at the jail, neither is adequately reported and widely ignored by local leaders.

“Robbery, down 7%. Sexual assault, down 28%. Grand total violent crime is down 10%. The numbers don’t lie. They tell the truth, and this is what we want to do,” Chief Finner said.

As of Aug. 29, 2022 – the most recent data provided by the county (PDF) – almost 1,500 people were being detained on bonds of $20,000 or less. Half of them were being detained on bonds of $10,000 or less, including 364 people whose bonds were $5,000 or less. There were 446 people in the jail charged only with non-violent theft or drug possession charges.

What’s Happening
In-custody deaths are the result of a system that is being flooded with pretrial detainees largely due to the decisions of a group of local judges and prosecutors who handle felony cases. In sharp contrast, actionable reforms by Harris County misdemeanor judges have reduced crime and incarceration. Officials responsible for felonies reject overwhelming evidence and pursue policies of greater pretrial detention, thus, creating the catastrophe that is occurring at the jail.

The Texas legislature passed a bail law in its last session known as Senate Bill 6 (SB-6). The law bears a substantial portion of the blame for the horrific conditions inside the state’s jails. Two provisions of the bill are having a significant impact on the jail population. It prohibits PR bonds for broad categories of people arrested. This mandates the pretrial detention of the poor and requires counties to generate a criminal history report for every person arrested.

The latter is a provision that some jurisdictions, including Harris County, interpret as prohibiting anyone from being released prior to a bail hearing even if they can pay their fines. The two provisions, combined with a historic backlog due to Hurricane Harvey followed by the COVID pandemic – along with the arrest and prosecution of low-level offenses by the Houston Police Department and District Attorney Kim Ogg – culminated into a whirlwind of issues escalating into the human rights nightmare in the Harris County Jail.

Yet, despite this, local leaders are portraying an image of an out-of-control crime problem to justify what is to be inevitably exposed from inside the jail.

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Harris County Jail population by pretrial risk score | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

“SB-6 was born of Governor Abbott’s Executive Order GA-13 which barred PR bonds for a broad range of charges. Not only did it deny PR bonds, but it also took away discretion from judges and disallowed PR bonds for people with any prior arrests or convictions no matter how old they are.”[/b]

Krish Gundu, Executive Director of Texas Jail Project

The notion that pretrial releases cause a rise in violence has been repeatedly debunked. Yet, politicians and pundits alike continue to present false narratives in order to win elections and secure billions in funding for police and systems of incarceration. Spikes in gun violence are easily and justifiably attributable to lawmakers who in the last two years allowed individuals to carry firearms without a license or a permit.

Mounting evidence shows cash bail reform helps keep crime down and reduces recidivism. For every story that is overblown about someone committing a crime while out on bail, there are thousands more that take the opportunity of pretrial release to continue with their lives, jobs, and family connections. Those refusing to believe bail reform works are driving unfounded narratives through local media based on clearly biased views.

But because of SB-6 and the policies of area judges, Harris County refuses to release arrestees prior to bail hearings. This means that everyone arrested in Harris County for any offense can be stuck in the processing center for days with no access to medications, showers, beds, or counsel while separated from their children and families.

“Generating criminal history reports has led to record numbers of people held in pretrial detention. The reports are being used to set bail hearings creating a delayed process. No one can be released without a bail hearing even if they can afford to pay their bail. People are better off fighting their charges from a place of freedom. If we want to maximize public safety, we must find a way to minimize cash bail. Instead of pretrial incarceration, we must build pretrial services such as text reminders and offering transportation services to help ensure people can make it to their court dates.”

Krish Gundu, Executive Director of Texas Jail Project

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Harris County Jail Population by category | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

In April, Shannon Herklotz, Chief of Detention for the Sheriff’s Office, told local advocates the average amount of time it takes for someone to get a bail hearing quadrupled in the first four months of 2022. Since then, the problem has only gotten worse, leading to at least 29 deaths, and even more immediately after being released. These are issues that speak to broader system-wide problems despite funds being allocated to properly run the jail.

Herklots resigned on January 11, 2023. In a letter to Harris County Sheriff Ed Gonzalez, he cited staffing deficiencies and a “large felony case backlog which led to overcrowding and outsourcing.” In the letter, he references a “new direction” for the jail but does not feel he has a place in that vision. The new direction he is speaking of remains unclear.

There are currently just under 40,000 criminal cases pending in the District Courts.

Horrifying Conditions at Harris County Jail

Conditions at the jail are abysmally inhumane. People detained in the processing center are left without access to needed medications for as long as several days after they’re housed. These delays have for years been prevalent in jails across the country with predictable consequences that lead to medical and mental health crises. Many with severe mental health issues are often left in isolation cells at the processing center for days.

There are also increasing reports from inside the jail about violence among inmates and by guards. In one case, a 30-year-old with a documented history of severe mental health diagnoses was arrested for several misdemeanor charges amid a mental health crisis. His sister reported to Texas Jail Project that he was continually assaulted by guards.

“We don’t talk about the safety of people in jail,” said Gundu. “They’re not in the public so they typically don’t count in public safety discussions; we never talk about their security.”

A 56-year-old woman who asked to remain anonymous reported to Texas Jail Project that the jail was so overcrowded that people were sleeping on the floor and the jail failed to give her mental health medications.

She feared she would die if she wasn’t released from custody. In one incident, she says the jail gave her someone else’s medications by accident. She was eventually released when someone managed to pay a surety bond six weeks after her arrest.

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Harris County Jail population with mental health indicators | Data provided by Harris County, Texas

Not a Lack of Funding and Little-to-No Mental Health Services

The Harris County Commissioners Court approved budget increases for every law enforcement agency in Harris County since 2017. The budget for the fiscal year 2022 for all agencies was a whopping $1.3 billion – 65% of the county’s budget. Law enforcement in the county will see an increase to $1.4 billion in 2024. The county is paying an additional $39 million to house people in private jails in Louisiana and West Texas.

The Harris County Sheriff’s Office operates the Harris County Jail and despite the incredible amount of funding, the jail fails to treat mental health accordingly. Many confuse the idea that since the jail is the largest mental health facility in the state it offers mental health services for detainees. However, nothing could be further from the truth. There is a lengthy waitlist of people not competent to stand trial awaiting evaluations.

“Sheriff’s departments don’t want to deal with people who have mental illness and rightly so. They’re not trained or equipped to care for them,” Gundu said.

In addition to the failure of providing adequate mental health services, the Harris County Jail also houses an incredible number of low-level offenders that can’t afford bail leading to an overcrowding problem – creating tensions that result in violence among detainees and jailers alike.

“In the coming legislative session, there will be a push to change the Texas Constitution,” Gundu warned. “Many legislators want to further expand pretrial detention.”

Overcrowding leads to increased stressors that exacerbate issues within jails. More detainees mean more staff are needed to properly operate a jail. Hiring more staff is a luxury not easily afforded due to the politically motivated whims of local and state elected officials as they refuse to acknowledge that their policies cause harm. Rather, county leaders continue to point the finger at each other.

“The inmate population is one of those conditions that in turn creates challenges for the county jail to operate. The higher your inmate population, if you don’t have adequate housing for them, that, in turn, can result in overcrowded conditions which elevate the stress level and temperament within that county jail.”

Executive Director of the Texas Commission on Jail Standards, Brandon Wood

Ignoring Solutions

In June 2020, independent consultants with the Arlington, VA-based Justice Management Institute (JMI) issued a report finding that the criminal justice system in Harris County was on the “brink of collapse” and that the growth in the jail population was “clearly an indication that your criminal justice system is quickly faltering,” said President of JMI, M. Elaine Borakove.

“The criminal cases that are piling up are getting older, and with each passing day the likelihood of the case being ‘winnable’ if taken to trial is decreasing, and the best possible outcome is probably a plea deal. This situation isn’t effective justice, this isn’t a fair way to treat victims, and this isn’t fair to the individuals whose lives are on hold or who are sitting in jail waiting for the court system to adjudicate their case.”

President of Justice Management Institute, M. Elaine Borakove (Letter PDF)
As predicted by JMI, the slowdown in the court system over the last three years helped to create the current backlog. As of August, over 15,000 pending felony cases (35%) were more than 360 days old. In July, Sheriff Ed Gonzalez suggested on Twitter that area judges consider releasing 1,000 people detained on $10,000 bond or less and the approximately 200 people who “are sitting in jail just waiting for a treatment center elsewhere.”

JMI has also suggested dismissing non-violent felony cases older than nine months to alleviate some of the backlog in a more expeditious timeframe. In the report, JMI noted that widespread dismissal seems “unfathomable” to some but points out that only 42% of cases disposed of in 2019 resulted in a conviction. According to the report, even when a person was convicted, “the most likely outcome was release back into the community on probation.”

Yet, despite the recommendations offered, District Attorney Kim Ogg has refused to adopt any of them – ignoring even the county’s top cop. Instead, Ogg sought and was awarded additional funding for prosecutors to review old cases. Meanwhile, her office is filing more cases than ever and opposes releasing detainees in virtually every case. In response to a request for comment, the Harris County District Attorney’s office argued they play no role in pretrial detention.

“Judges determine who is detained in jail pending trial and who is not,” said Joe Stinebaker, Communications Director for the Harris County District Attorney’s Office. “Reducing the court backlog and clearing dockets has been and will remain a top priority for this office.”

While the felony backlog in Harris County increased by more than 2,300 cases per year from 2010 to 2016, after Hurricane Harvey, the backlog continued to grow by an average of 7,632 cases per year. Yet, District Attorney Ogg’s office refuses to dismiss non-violent cases while felony judges refuse to hold bail hearings to consider releasing people on PR bonds. This culminates in the problems in the Harris County Jail that we continue to see today.

“Making sure you have sufficient staff and jailers available working each and every shift has been a continuing issue and concern. In order to provide a sufficient number of staff, a lot of counties, including Harris, have resorted to mandatory overtime and all sorts of approaches to try to provide enough officers on the floor to carry out functions necessary to operate a safe and secure jail.“

Brandon Wood, Executive Director of the Texas Commission on Jail Standards

In December 2022 alone, a man who appears to have been beaten, Adael Gonzalez Garcia, was left in a coma after what jailers say were two separate incidents involving him falling and hitting his head while another man’s death, Evan Lee, was ruled a homicide after being hospitalized for four days. Jail officials say Lee participated in a game of “slap boxing” before his death while his custodial death report suggests that he complained of having “symptoms that he described as possible food poisoning” before he was hospitalized.

“The county jail is only one part of the criminal justice system and if the parts and pieces of that criminal justice system aren’t working as effectively and as efficiently as possible … major issues are probably going to occur in the county jail reflected by your inmate population. County jails don’t have a lot of say about who’s coming in the back door, who’s being brought to them by the jurisdictions that they serve, and they can only release people as they’re authorized to do so. The jail doesn’t have control over who’s coming in or who’s leaving.”

Brandon Wood, Executive Director of the Texas Commission on Jail Standards


In 2023, conditions at the jail remain largely unchanged from last year.

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Tue Feb 14, 2023 3:29 pm

ederal Bureau of Intimidation vs. International Solidarity: Interview with Omali Yeshitela (APSP) and Joe Iosbaker (FRSO)
FEBRUARY 13, 2023

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Banner for Orinoco Tribune's interview with Omali Yeshitela (APSP) (left) and Joe Iosbaker (FRSO) (right), with a caption that reads: "Federal Bureau of Intimidation vs. International Solidarity." Photo: Orinoco Tribune.

Caracas, February 13, 2023 (OrinocoTribune.com)—Last Friday, Orinoco Tribune had the honor of interviewing Omali Yeshitela, chairman of the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP) in response to recent repression and intimidation tactics launched by the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) against him, the APSP, and the Uhuru Movement.

On July 29, 2022, the FBI raided Yeshitela’s residence in St. Louis, Missouri, where he was living with his wife and APSP Deputy Chair Ona Zené Yeshitela. Yeshitela described his chest being littered with “red dots of lasers” immediately upon opening the front door, where he was greeted by law enforcement officers armed with stun grenades, and automatic farearms, and armored vehicles. The raid disrupted the entire neighborhood, where the Uhuru Movement had been involved in a long trajectory of community work, and was also replicated in other APSP and Uhuru facilities across the US.

Despite the FBI using “Russian influence” as an excuse for the excessive use of force and intimidation tactics that could have ended Yeshitala’s life, after more than six months, neither Yeshitela nor other members of the movement have been summoned to court or charged for any crime. The FBI reported to the press that the incident was part of an investigation against a Russian national named Alexander Viktorovich Ionov, implying that the decades-old APSP has somehow served as a Russian front.

Jesus Rodriguez-Espinoza, Orinoco Tribune’s editor, was in charge of conducting the interview and brought into the conversation Joe Iosbaker, a longstanding and well respected Chicago organizer for the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO) that in 2010, along with several other anti-imperialist and anti-war activists, were subjected to the same intimidation tactics in different parts of the US Midwest.

(Video at link.)

In 2010, the organizations and activists targeted by the FBI were put in front of a grand jury and were accused of providing material support to “terrorist organizations” due to the international solidarity work they did and still do in defense of the Palestinian cause and the Colombian people. Up to this day, the legal battle has not been officially closed.

Orinoco Tribune, in understanding the basic rules of international solidarity, wants to highlight with this interview the hypocrisy and double standards employed by the US government to neutralize and sabotage any legitimate anti-imperialist black and brown liberation movement identifying with socialist ideas. At the same time, Orinoco Tribune aims to showcase the robust fight that those targeted by the FBI in 2010 endured to dismantle the Machiavellian machinations that the US empire employs.

Omali Yeshitela is a leader and activist for anti-colonial thought and black reparations and chairman of the APSP. He is also leader of the Uhuru Movement, a worldwide organization fighting for the self-determination of African people. He founded The Burning Spear newspaper, which has been in continuous publication since the 1960s.

Following the 2014 murder of 18-year-old Mike Brown in St. Louis, the Uhuru Movement’s Black Power Blueprint has transformed vacant properties in the black community by building a community center, a basketball court, housing for the formerly incarcerated, a community garden, and an outdoor events venue, and are planning to work on a women’s health center in the future.

Joe Iosbaker is a Chicago-based district organizer for FRSO and a retired rank-and-file trade unionist. He is also co-chair of the Labor Committee for the Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (CAARPR). In 2010, the FBI raided his home, and he and his ex-wife were subpoenaed to a federal grand jury who investigated their movement for “providing material support to foreign terrorist organizations“ in Palestine and Colombia.

Before jumping into the questions, Rodriguez-Espinoza explained the international context of the July 29 raids, which were framed by intense Russo-phobia and anti-Putin rhetoric injected by the White House into US public opinion via the government-controlled mainstream media just five months after the beginning of the Russian military operation in Ukraine.

The international and internal context has been shifting in recent months due to the high risk of military escalation in Ukraine spreading the conflict beyond Eastern Europe, but also in part due to US economic deterioration and ordinary US citizens witnessing how resources that could be used to improve their lives are being sent to Ukraine and the corrupt sect around Vladimir Zelensky.

Rodriguez-Espinoza also mentioned that in Venezuela, a new law is being evaluated to control the international financing of “pro-democracy” non governmental organizations (NGOs) that, in the case of Venezuela and many other countries, are part of the US arsenal of imperialist actions to oust democratically-elected leftist governments, promote color revolutions, and push for “regime change” in nations whose governments refuse to submit to US imperialism.

He emphasized the hypocrisy of the US, the international NGOs it controls, and mainstream media’s characterizations of this law as a new authoritarian move by Venezuela’s “tropical dictator” when the US has been implementing its own Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) since 1938 precisely to regulate these kinds of situations on US soil. However, the US implementation of these regulations are used to justify its criminalization and sabotage of legitimate organizations, activists, and community leaders for denouncing the atrocities the US “democracy” commits against millions of US citizens.

At this point in the session, the questions began as follows:

For Omali Yeshitela (OY): Please update us about the details of the FBI raids that might not have been highlighted enough in media coverage, and update us about the status of the intimidation process against you and the APSP.

Chairman Yeshitela began by highlighting that the US’s status as a settler-colony that built concentration camps called “reservations” for indigenous people and transported Africans across the Atlantic at gunpoint, subjecting these two groups to colonial terror that in recent years has culminated in the assassination of Malcom X and many others. This all began in an era that was pre-Putin, pre-Lenin, pre-Soviet Union.

He added that this is the nature of the capitalist and imperialist systems that have perpetuated colonial domination, exploiting not only Africa but the whole world, including Latin America. These systems are the driving forces behind NATO’s imperialist wars and provocations, first against the Soviet Union, and now against Russia and China, whose only “crimes” have been their ability to serve as an alternative to US imperialist domination.

Yeshitela explained that since the 1990s, the US claims that its division of the world is not between communists and capitalists but between “democracies and autocracies, and the United States is the chief of the democratic world, and of course anybody that opposes the United States, that has different interests that are articulated and politicized, is an autocrat, like in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Iran, Russia, and China. All of these are autocrats because they are trying to go in other directions, but how can you be this great democracy when every day you see another African being killed by the police department, by white people, or by colonizers?

“They [the US government] are attacking us because we are trying to do the same things in our communities that Malcom X, the Black Panthers, Fred Hampton, and many other black liberation leaders and organizations did, and ultimately some governments like China, Venezuela, and Nicaragua also do,” Chairman Yeshitela added.

He went on to add that the attack was motivated not by the Uhuru or the APSP being “Russians in black,” but by their community work the work they do in helping people understand better what is going on. “Since this happened, hundreds, thousands of people expressed support and solidarity with our party and our movement, and we’re still working; we’re still building communities,” he explained.

On the status of the “investigation” that allegedly motivated the attacks, the chairman expressed that the US government recently posted on Twitter a notice of $10 million reward for any information about Alexander Viktorovich Ionov and his alleged interference in US elections.

Up until today, there has been no indictment, but lawyers are expecting it soon. Chairman Yeshitela believes that the government is “surprised because we did not surrender, we did not let them crucify us, and we are letting the world know there is a lynching happening right now against us by the US government.”

For Joe Iosbaker (JI): Please tell us about your experience as leader of the movement opposing FBI repression and what can be learned from that experience to avoid repetition of these intimidation practices but also to secure legal victories.

“I want to begin by expressing our total solidarity with the African People’s Socialist Party, the Uhuru Movement, and your righteous resistance defending your rights as a movement, as an organization, to campaign for black liberation and to seek aid and support from any quarters. All freedom struggles have the right to seek aid from any quarters,” said Iosbaker at beginning of his answer.

He then explained the three lessons he believes any activist and organization should learn from the experience he and several organizations and activists had to endure during the FBI raids and grand jury they had to face in 2010.

• We can’t expect the FBI is going to stop attacking the people’s movement

“An animal like that does not change. This is what they were designed to do, this is what they were brought into existence to do, they are the political police, and what we have to do is not hope or expect that they will cease this repressive behavior. What we have to do is—as a movement—prepare ourselves for attacks, and we have to—as the chairman and the Uhuru Movement are doing—rally progressives to defend anyone attacked by the FBI, and to insist on opposing imperialism, fighting for black liberation, and embodying international solidarity with national liberation struggles abroad,” the Chicago political activist added.

He underscored that those are not crimes, and that what the FBI and the Department of Justice is doing is criminal behavior that is in violation of the rights of an organization engaged in political activity protected by the US Constitution.

• Anyone who is subject to the FBI raids or even just a visit by the FBI has to do what the Uhuru movement has done which is to speak up

In his response, Iosbaker compared the FBI to cockroaches: “If they are exposed to light, they will scatter.” He added that it is very common to hear people explain that even though they were visited or called by the FBI, they don’t want their employer or parents and don’t want it sent to the press. On the contrary, for Iosbaker, targeted people should be more willing to fight back, bring FBI activity to light, and report it.

When the FBI comes to talk to you, don’t talk to the FBI. If you’ve noticed in the scandals around the Trump administration, there’s only been a few people who’ve gone to prison that were part of the Trump regime. All of them went to prison for lying to the FBI; it is a felony to lie to the FBI, so when they come to you and say, “We just want to ask a few questions,” [you should] say, number one: “I’m not talking to you; the only thing I have to do is give you my license and prove that I live here or prove that I am who I am,” and second, say: “I want to talk to my lawyer,” and if you don’t have a lawyer, call the National Lawyers Guild hotline: you can Google it and tell them that you’re being questioned by the FBI and you need an attorney.

Do not talk to the FBI, and there’s a corollary: do not talk to a grand jury. A grand jury is an anti-constitutional body; there’s a an old expression about grand juries which is: a grand jury will indict a ham sandwich. 99% of suspects who were brought in front of a grand jury [were brought] back guilty. They bring back indictments against them, not guilty, but indictments against them. 99%.

• Do not provide information about your international connections to the FBI
Iosbaker explained that the organizations and activists intimidated by the FBI in 2010 not only oppose US imperial wars but all wars, and, going a step further, expressed solidarity with the heroic people of Colombia and Palestine in their resistance against imperialism, and, in the case of the Palestinians, their resistance to the settler colony called Israel.

“When we were raided, we immediately responded and said not only that we did nothing wrong, but that opposing war is not a crime, that international solidarity is not a crime …. Many of our friends in the peace movement suggested to us, ‘Yes, defend your anti-war activity, but you really shouldn’t talk about the right of the people of Palestine and the people of Colombia to resist by any means necessary,’ and we had to be very clear: when people are occupied, resistance is justified. That’s one of the key slogans that we raised,” he added.

“When we were threatened by the assistant US attorney, we never talked, none of us who were there. We were eventually subpoenaed, and none of us talked to the grand jury or to the US attorneys. They talked to our attorneys, and they told our attorneys [that] they had enough to indict us, put us on trial, and convict us for the crime of providing material support to foreign terrorist organizations.”

“These US government attorneys also threatened to bring civil contempt or criminal contempt charges against us, and [we would] face 18 months in prison if we refused to talk to the grand jury, but we never did.”

Joe Iosbaker added that among the 28 activists attacked by the FBI, there were three families with parents subpoenaed who were forced to give temporary custody of their children to friends or comrades, in case of the worst outcome.

He explained that although they were ready for the worst outcome, they decided not to tell the US government the names of the people they worked with in Palestine or Colombia because the violent raids and the prison time they faced would still be lighter than the consequences comrades in Colombia and Palestine would have to endure if they betrayed them, with torture and assassinations being real possibilities.

He finished his answer by expressing that discipline in refusing to cooperate with US government intimidation campaigns should be one of the top priorities of leftist movements. Furthermore, the movement should campaign in every corner to bring light to criminal proceedings perpetrated by the FBI to sabotage initiatives like the Uhuru Movement, to whose activists he, representing FRSO and the CAARPR, reiterated his full solidarity and support.

For both: What can be done to strengthen the socialist and anti-imperialist movement in the US? Why was the response to the Tyre Nichols assassination so stale?

Chairman Yoshitela explained that colonialism and racism are fundamental aspects to consider regarding these issues because there is no freedom of speech or freedom of assembly for black communities and black people in general in the US. Black people in the US do not have the privilege of democracy, and for that reason, people like George Floyd and Tyre Nichols are continually assassinated by police and US government agents, he said.

Additionally, the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), or the police for migrants along the Mexican border—again, a police force designed specifically to criminalize brown people—commit all sort of atrocities that are normalized by the colonial system but that would cause an uproar if the same tactics were to be applied to white people. “Basically, [these tactics are normalized] because racism is the ideological foundation of the colonial capitalist system, and [are similar to repression] the indigenous people living in the concentration camps called ‘reservations’ face everyday,” Yoshitela added.

“The Uhuru Movement has created solidarity committees in 141 cities around the US, among the colonizers, among the white communities, and that solidarity movement has fought back, showing strong solidarity in supporting the Uhuru Movement during this FBI intimidation campaign.” Yoshitela went on to emphasize that the movement also shows solidarity with international movements in Iran, Nicaragua, El Salvador, the occupied territories of Palestine and Venezuela.

Iosbaker explained that the CAARPR under the leadership of Frank Chapman organized rallies in Chicago in response to the release of the video showing the brutal assassination of Tyre Nichols, despite the “law and order” campaign launched by the US plutocracy and its mainstream media just after the George Floyd rebellions.

Iosbaker also emphasized that another front to struggle toward beyond protests is changing the police force’s free rein in urban communities, with movements attempting to pass resolutions to create committees for police community control. These initiatives are currently happening in Chicago while disregarding Mayor Lightfoot’s initial resistance, which might open the door to allow the people to rewrite the norms for the Chicago Police Department.

Chairman Yeshitela expressed his support for the developments in Chicago because they reminded him of a similar initiative the Uhuru Movement set in motion in 1984 in Oakland, California, showing that sometimes street protests are not the only tool to push for changes, and that we can push progressive initiatives in favor of the people despite the service of the politicians involved in these initiatives for the US imperialist government.

For OY: Why do you think they targeted you? What do you see for the future of the international anti-colonial socialist struggle?

Chairman Yeshitela mentioned that Oxford University invited him to a conference in 2019 because they saw the work APSP and the Uhuru Movement was doing, a repeat of their invitation of Malcom X to a similar conference back when he split from the Nation of Islam. He expressed his interpretation of the reason for the invitation being that they recognized the work Uhuru and the APSP were doing not only in the US but also in the Caribbean, in Europe, and in Africa.

“That might be in part what lies beneath this FBI campaign, but also something similar to what happened to the Black Panthers in 1969, [who were] declared the greatest threat to internal security,” Yeshitela said.

“I think they see a re-emergence of a a particular kind of trajectory within the African Liberation movement, and they see us at the forefront of that. I think that’s one of the reasons that they attacked along with the whole convergence of ‘the perfect storm,'” added Omali Yeshitela, referring to the recent decline of US hegemony, both politically and economically.

This decline was evidenced by the Capitol building storming, which highlighted ruptures and disorganization within the US system. “They will do anything to hide it, and use us as scapegoats as well as also anyone who criticizes them,” said Yoshitela.

“Thousands of white people are influenced by our movement directly in the institutionalized processes we’ve created and in the organization of our solidarity committee … so I think that’s also a problem for [the US government]. They could kill Malcolm X, and there was not going to be any demonstration for the white community; they could kill Martin Luther King, and you wouldn’t have massive uprisings from white people; Fred Hampton: no, you didn’t see that. But we’ve built a movement now that makes it difficult for them to isolate the struggle of black people in the way they were able to in the 1960s, so I think that’s one of the things that makes us a problem,” expressed Chairman Yeshitela.


Orinoco Tribune Special by staff

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Re: Police, prison and abolition

Post by blindpig » Fri Feb 24, 2023 3:07 pm

Massachusetts Bill Would Give Prisoners Time Off Sentences For Organ Donation
By John Kiriakou - February 23, 2023 0

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[Source: dailymail.co.uk]

Fits into dubious history of medical coercion and experimentation on vulnerable populations in the U.S.
Two Democratic members of the Massachusetts state legislature have proposed a bill that would give state prisoners between 60 and 365 days off their sentences if they donate a kidney, bone marrow, skin, or “other organs” to people in the general population who have a need for those organs.

A statement by the bill’s sponsors, Reps. Judith Garcia and Carlos Gonzalez, says that the “act to establish the Massachusetts incarcerated individual bone marrow and organ donation program…would restore bodily autonomy to incarcerated folks.”

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Carlos Gonzaelz [Source: malegislature.gov]

That nonsensical statement did not address the fact that both the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the federal government have a sick history of medical coercion and experimentation on vulnerable people. And those vulnerable people are usually people of color. It also did not address the fact that the bill is likely illegal in the first place.

Advocates for the incarcerated, as well as medical ethicists, were quick to condemn the bill. Project Turnaround founder Romilda Pereira told the Boston Globe that the idea behind the bill was akin to organ harvesting. An epidemiologist for Brigham & Women’s Hospital called the entire idea “perverse.”

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[Source: dailymail.co.uk]

The Federal Bureau of Prisons has long allowed prisoners to donate organs to immediate family members only.

The state of Utah allows the families of deceased prisoners to donate their organs. But that’s the extent of prison organ donation programs nationwide. No other state allows organ donations for any reason. The nonprofit Ethics Committee of the United Network for Organ Sharing issued a statement in response to the bill saying, “Any law or proposal that allows a person to trade an organ for a reduced sentence raises numerous ethical issues.”

The fact that the bill would create a five-person panel, only one member of which would be a prisoner’s rights advocate, to determine how much time the prisoner gets off for his donation makes the entire plan smell worse.

Indeed, the whole idea is deeply disturbing. But it’s not at all new.

In 1942, Harvard Medical School Professor Edwin Cohn injected 64 Massachusetts state prisoners with cows’ blood to see how they would tolerate it in an experiment for the U.S. Navy. The results were catastrophic. All of the prisoners became ill and six died.

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Edwin Cohn [Source: link.springer.com]

Between 1937 and 1972, the U.S. Public Health Service took advantage of hundreds of unwitting African-American men who, in exchange for free “medical care,” food, and a burial service, were injected with syphilis to treat their “bad blood.” None of the participants were told that they had syphilis, nor were they ever given penicillin, which had already been proven to cure the disease.

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[Source: ajc.com]

There are a number of these examples from throughout American history. But perhaps the worst offender has been the CIA. Just a quick sampling shows that the CIA has experimented on unwitting Americans and others over the course of decades.

MK-ULTRA is probably the best-known example of government experimentation on unwitting individuals. The official explanation to Congress of the purpose of MK-ULTRA was the development of drugs to aid in interrogations. But it wasn’t quite that simple. Under MKULTRA, the CIA experimented on unwitting Americans, including their own employees. Investigators for the Church Committee concluded that MKULTRA “aimed to develop mind-controlling drugs for use against the Soviet bloc” and “to produce a perfect truth drug for interrogating suspected Soviet spies and to explore other possibilities of mind control.”

A similar operation, dubbed MKOFTEN, started off as a study on dopamine before morphing into something far more sinister. By the end of the “study,” it had expanded to include the hallucinogen ibogaine and to LSD in the hopes of “creating a new pharmacologically active drug affecting the central nervous system to modify men’s behavior.” Thousands of active duty US servicemen were unwittingly dosed during this operation.
Operation Midnight Climax was a program in the 1960s and 1970s, carried out in CIA safehouses in San Francisco, to dose non-consenting individuals—mostly homeless men and prostitutes—with LSD and other drugs, monitor them from behind one-way glass, and determine if they would voluntarily reveal secrets. The prostitutes eventually were also taught to dose their clients and were then debriefed as to whether or not the johns had revealed any personal secrets.
The CIA’s very first foray into drug experimentation was Project CHATTER, in which both animals and humans were dosed with the drugs anabasine (a product of the tobacco plant, it is chemically similar to nicotine,) scopolamine (a drug used to treat motion sickness and post-operative nausea,) and mescaline (a hallucinogen similar to LSD and psilocybin) to see what the effects might be. The operation ended in 1953.
TIL in a CIA program called "Operation Midnight Climax", Prostitutes were enlisted by the CIA to lure men to 'safehouses' in San Francisco where they were administered LSD without their consent. CIA

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The obvious question for the Democrats who have sponsored the Massachusetts bill is, “Have you learned nothing from history?” I would add, “Have you no decency?

Gonzalez, one of the bill’s authors and chairman of the state Joint Committee on Public Safety and Homeland Security, which has jurisdiction over the state Department of Corrections, told a local television station, “I’ve put more effort into this bill after visiting a friend, who I consider a brother, in the hospital who is required to have dialysis three to four times a week while he awaits a kidney transplant. He’s the father of three children and he is in stage 4 of kidney failure. I love my friend and I’m praying through this legislation that we can extend the chances of life.”

But who’s life? Do you coerce an incarcerated person who is poor, disadvantaged, and probably a person of color into giving a literal piece of his body, jeopardizing his own health, in an immoral and unethical manner because you feel sorry for your friend?

My educated guess is that this program is not about “giving bodily autonomy to incarcerated folks” or about providing a “path for organ or bone marrow donation for incarcerated folks in Massachusetts,” as Garcia, the other author, tweeted.

Instead, I think the truth was spoken by a medical researcher in 1973 in a private talk with Jessica Mitford, author of the book Kind and Usual Punishment. That researcher said, “Prisoners are fine experimental material…and much cheaper than chimpanzees.” That’s the bottom line.

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2023/0 ... -donation/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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