Imperialism in the 21st Century

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Dhalgren
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Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Mon Jul 17, 2017 4:15 pm

Imperialism in the 21st Century

This thread is intended to explore the development of imperialism over the hundred years since the publishing, in 1916, of V. I. Lenin’s seminal work, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, and to discuss imperialism’s current status in the second decade of the 21st century.

A primary issue will be if, and if so how, the current imperialism has changed from the imperialism described and defined by Lenin in 1916. That Lenin’s great work needs updating with the developments in imperialism over the last century is obvious, whether his theory needs amending is another, and primary, question. Hopefully, this thread will address and shed light on these and a range of other questions; after all, threads usually take on a life of their own and go where they please.

This thread should be one of commentary and not one of “simple” news. If a news story dealing with imperialism is posted, it should be accompanied by commentary tying it to one of the issues being developed in the thread.

Enough preamble!

We must arrive at a definition of imperialism.

The first paragraph in the Wikipedia entry for the term imperialism is as follows:
Imperialism is an action that involves a country (usually an empire or kingdom) extending its power by the acquisition of territories. It may also include the exploitation of these territories, an action that is linked to colonialism. Colonialism is generally regarded as an expression of imperialism.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Imperialism

Dictionary.com has this usage:
the policy of extending the rule or authority of an empire or nation over foreign countries, or of acquiring and holding colonies and dependencies.
http://www.dictionary.com/browse/imperialism

And just to round out the mainstream definition for imperialism we go to Merriam-Webster:
the policy, practice, or advocacy of extending the power and dominion of a nation especially by direct territorial acquisitions or by gaining indirect control over the political or economic life of other areas.
https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/imperialism



Whenever the subject of imperialism comes up, even in discussions with leftists and Marxists, almost invariably imperialism is taken to mean “a policy”, “a practice”, “an action decided upon”. It is as though some nefarious group of evildoers, a star chamber of megalomaniacs, simply met and chose to become imperialists; decided to enact a policy of imperialism for their own benefits. This is not historical materialism – this is idealism. The idea is that the US could just stop its imperialist behavior, or that Britain, France, or Germany could just vote to quit their imperialist activities. This idea is without merit and works to the benefit of imperialists everywhere. It blunts any criticism of imperialism before the criticism even begins.
We cannot simply look at what imperialist powers do and the effects world consuming imperialism has on nations and peoples, we must have a materialist understanding of imperialism, its origins, its development, and its reasons for being. We cannot hope to effectively stand against imperialism in the 21st century if we have no accurate understanding of what it actually is and how it actually operates. Fortunately, we have a clear and concise, materialist breakdown of imperialism at our disposal: V. I. Lenin’s Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.
If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism.

p.88 (All citations are from Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism, by V. I. Lenin, 1939 ed. International Publishers Co., Inc.)
(My emphases.)
According to Lenin, imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism. This materialist definition of imperialism automatically places those who are anti-imperialism, but who are not anti-capitalism, into a quandary. If imperialism is capitalism, then working for the end of one is working for the end of both. More on this later.
Imperialism, as the highest stage of capitalism began, in earnest, at the very beginning of the 20th century. Monopolies, which ended “free” competition, had been developing in various sectors of industry and raw materials production for nearly thirty years and early in the first decade of the new century had supplanted “free” competition across the board.
Thus, the principal stages in the history of monopolies are the following: (1) 1860-70, the highest stage, the apex of development of free competition; monopoly is in the barely discernible, embryonic stage. (2) After the crisis of 1873, a wide zone of development of cartels; but they are still the exception. They are not yet durable. They are still a transitory phenomenon. (3) The boom at the end of the nineteenth century and the crisis of 1900-03. Cartels become one of the foundations of the whole of economic life. Capitalism has been transformed into imperialism.
pp. 21-22
We see clearly here that imperialism is fundamentally the development of capitalism into a new form of social relations. Instead of individual capitalists struggling against one another in “free” competition, groups or conglomerates of capitalists, working together as monopolies, effectively eliminated competition, and were able to capture larger market shares and more and more resources.
The transition to this new stage of capitalism was relatively smooth. As one commentator quoted by Lenin says:
And while at that time it appeared to be something novel, now the general public takes it for granted that large spheres of economic life have been, as a general rule, systematically removed from the realm of free competition.
p. 21
The same can be said today. While most individuals would say capitalism is based on “free” markets and “free” competition, there seems to be no outward recognition that this has not been true for more than a hundred years.
With the solidification of the industrial and raw materials monopolies the banks were not far behind. And with the rise of the banking monopolies, imperialism came into its own.
The principal and primary function of banks is to serve an intermediary in the making of payments. In doing so they transform inactive money capital into active capital, that is, into capital producing a profit; they collect all kinds of money revenues and place them at the disposal of the capitalist class.
As banking develops and becomes concentrated in a small number of establishments the banks become transformed, and instead of being modest intermediaries they become powerful monopolies having at their command almost the whole of the money capital of all the capitalists and small businessmen and also a large part of the means of production and of the sources of raw materials of the given country and in a number of countries. This transformation of numerous modest intermediaries into a handful of monopolists represents one of the fundamental processes in the transformation of capitalism into capitalist imperialism.
p. 31

Once capitalism transformed into imperialism the stage was set for the division of the planet.
The capitalists divide the world, not out of any particular malice, but because the degree of concentration which has been reached forces them to adopt this method in order to obtain profits. And they divide it “in proportion to capital”, “in proportion to strength”, because there cannot be any other method of division under commodity production and capitalism. But strength varies with the degree of economic and political development. In order to understand what is taking place, it is necessary to know what questions are settled by the changes in strength. The question as to whether these changes are “purely” economic or non-economic (e.g., military) is a secondary one, which cannot in the least affect fundamental views on the latest epoch of capitalism. To substitute the question of the form of the struggle and agreements (today peaceful, tomorrow warlike, the next day warlike again) for the question of the substance of the struggle and agreements between capitalist associations is to sink to the role of a sophist.
p. 75
Between 1914 and 1945 the capitalist world was wracked by imperialist conflict and crises of biblical proportions. By the summer of 1945 half the world lay in ruins hundreds of millions of humans were dead and trillions in capital had been incinerated. Atop this ash heap stood the United States and the Soviet Union. Since this this a discussion of imperialism, the Soviet Union will not enter into it directly, but its presence was seminal and conditioned the development of US imperialism and still does to this day.
In July 1944, US imperial hegemony was established and codified at the Bretton Woods conference in New Hampshire. Here is the US Federal Reserve’s account of the US taking over the capitalist world:
Creation of the Bretton Woods System
July 1944
A new international monetary system was forged by delegates from forty-four nations in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in July 1944. Delegates to the conference agreed to establish the International Monetary Fund and what became the World Bank Group. The system of currency convertibility that emerged from Bretton Woods lasted until 1971.

U.N. Monetary Conference (Photo: Associated Press; Photographer: Abe Fox)

by Sandra Kollen Ghizoni, Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
The United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference was held in July 1944 at the Mount Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, where delegates from forty-four nations created a new international monetary system known as the Bretton Woods system. These countries saw the opportunity for a new international system after World War II that would draw on the lessons of the previous gold standards and the experience of the Great Depression and provide for postwar reconstruction. It was an unprecedented cooperative effort for nations that had been setting up barriers between their economies for more than a decade.
They sought to create a system that would not only avoid the rigidity of previous international monetary systems, but would also address the lack of cooperation among the countries on those systems. The classic gold standard had been abandoned after World War I. In the interwar period, governments not only undertook competitive devaluations but also set up restrictive trade policies that worsened the Great Depression.
Those at Bretton Woods envisioned an international monetary system that would ensure exchange rate stability, prevent competitive devaluations, and promote economic growth. Although all participants agreed on the goals of the new system, plans to implement them differed. To reach a collective agreement was an enormous international undertaking. Preparation began more than two years before the conference, and financial experts held countless bilateral and multilateral meetings to arrive at a common approach. While the principal responsibility for international economic policy lies with the Treasury Department in the United States, the Federal Reserve participated by offering advice and counsel on the new system.1 The primary designers of the new system were John Maynard Keynes, adviser to the British Treasury, and Harry Dexter White, the chief international economist at the Treasury Department.
Keynes, one of the most influential economists of the time (and arguably still today), called for the creation of a large institution with the resources and authority to step in when imbalances occur. This approach was consistent with his belief that public institutions should be able to intervene in times of crises. The Keynes plan envisioned a global central bank called the Clearing Union. This bank would issue a new international currency, the “bancor,” which would be used to settle international imbalances. Keynes proposed raising funds of $26 million for the Clearing Union. Each country would receive a limited line of credit that would prevent it from running a balance of payments deficit, but each country would also be discouraged from running surpluses by having to remit excess bancor to the Clearing Union. The plan reflected Keynes’s concerns about the global postwar economy. He assumed the United States would experience another depression, causing other countries to run a balance-of-payments deficit and forcing them to choose between domestic stability and exchange rate stability.
White’s plan for a new institution was one of more limited powers and resources. It reflected the concerns that much of the financial resources of the Clearing Union envisioned by Keynes would be used to buy American goods, resulting in the United States holding the majority of bancor. White proposed a new monetary institution called the Stabilization Fund. Rather than issue a new currency, it would be funded with a finite pool of national currencies and gold of $5 million that would effectively limit the supply of reserve credit.
The plan adopted at Bretton Woods resembled the White plan with some concessions in response to Keynes’s concerns. A clause was added in case a country ran a balance of payments surplus and its currency became scarce in world trade. The fund could ration that currency and authorize limited imports from the surplus country. In addition, the total resources for the fund were raised from $5 million to $8.5 million.

The Mount Washington Hotel, White Mts., N.H. (Photo: Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, Detroit Publishing Company Collection, LC-D4-19762)
The 730 delegates at Bretton Woods agreed to establish two new institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) would monitor exchange rates and lend reserve currencies to nations with balance-of-payments deficits. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, now known as the World Bank Group, was responsible for providing financial assistance for the reconstruction after World War II and the economic development of less developed countries.
The IMF came into formal existence in December 1945, when its first twenty-nine member countries signed its Articles of Agreement. The countries agreed to keep their currencies fixed but adjustable (within a 1 percent band) to the dollar, and the dollar was fixed to gold at $35 an ounce. To this day, when a country joins the IMF, it receives a quota based on its relative position in the world economy, which determines how much it contributes to the fund.
In 1958, the Bretton Woods system became fully functional as currencies became convertible. Countries settled international balances in dollars, and US dollars were convertible to gold at a fixed exchange rate of $35 an ounce. The United States had the responsibility of keeping the price of gold fixed and had to adjust the supply of dollars to maintain confidence in future gold convertibility. The Bretton Woods system was in place until persistent US balance-of-payments deficits led to foreign-held dollars exceeding the US gold stock, implying that the United States could not fulfill its obligation to redeem dollars for gold at the official price. In 1971, President Richard Nixon ended the dollar’s convertibility to gold.

Endnotes
1You can see some of the documents that resulted from those meetings here, and other archival material is available here and here.

Bibliography
Bernstein, Edward. “Reflections on Bretton Woods.” In The International Monetary System: Forty Years After Bretton Woods, 15-20. Boston: Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, May 1984.
Bordo, Michael D. "Gold Standard." In The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Library of Economics and Liberty. Article published 2008.
Bordo, Michael, Owen Humpage, and Anna J. Schwartz, "U.S. Intervention during the Bretton Wood Era: 1962-1973," Working Paper 11-08, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Cleveland, Ohio, April 2011.
Eichengreen, Barry. Exorbitant Privilege: The Rise and Fall of the Dollar and the Future of the International Monetary System. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.
Kenen, Peter. “Bretton Woods System.” In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, Second Edition, edited by Steven N. Durlauf and Lawrence E. Blume. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
Meltzer, Allan H. “U.S. Policy in the Bretton Woods Era.” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review 73, no. 3 (May/June 1991): 54-83.
Patinkin, Don. “Keynes, John Maynard (1883–1946).” In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, Second Edition, edited by Steven N. Durlauf and Lawrence E. Blume. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

Written as of November 22, 2013. See disclaimer.
https://www.federalreservehistory.or..._woods_created


“The United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference was held in July 1944 at the Mount Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, where delegates from forty-four nations created a new international monetary system known as the Bretton Woods system. These countries saw the opportunity for a new international system after World War II” Indeed.
“It was an unprecedented cooperative effort for nations that had been setting up barriers between their economies for more than a decade.” Cooperation between nations either destroyed by war, economic crises, or nations who were already dependent upon one or another of the imperialist powers (or what remained of them) and the US colossus.
The Fed’s history is, of course, couched in bourgeois apologia, but the procedures and reasonings are easy to discern. The conference established the US dollar as the world’s currency, created the IMF and the World Bank and named the US as Imperial Hegemon. All under US guidance, of course. The US made the capitalist world ‘an offer it could not refuse’, so to speak.



Here is “the IMF at a Glance” - from the IMF, itself:

The IMF at a Glance
April 20, 2017
The International Monetary Fund, or IMF, promotes international financial stability and monetary cooperation. It also facilitates international trade, promotes employment and sustainable economic growth, and helps to reduce global poverty. The IMF is governed by and accountable to its 189 member countries.
Founding and mission: The IMF was conceived in July 1944 at the United Nations Bretton Woods Conference in New Hampshire, United States. The 44 countries in attendance sought to build a framework for international economic cooperation in order to avoid repeating the competitive currency devaluations that contributed to the Great Depression of the 1930s. The IMF's primary mission is to ensure the stability of the international monetary system—the system of exchange rates and international payments that enables countries and their citizens to transact with each other.
Surveillance: In order to maintain stability and prevent crises in the international monetary system, the IMF monitors member country policies as well as national, regional, and global economic and financial developments through a formal system known as surveillance. The IMF provides advice to member countries and promotes policies designed to foster economic stability, reduce vulnerability to economic and financial crises, and raise living standards. It also provides periodic assessments of global prospects in its World Economic Outlook, of financial markets in its Global Financial Stability Report, of public finance developments in its Fiscal Monitor, and of external positions of largest economies in its External Sector Report, in addition to a series of regional economic outlooks.
Financial assistance: Providing loans to member countries that are experiencing actual or potential balance-of-payments problems is a core responsibility of the IMF. Individual country adjustment programs are designed in close cooperation with the IMF and are supported by IMF financing, and ongoing financial support is dependent on effective implementation of these adjustments. In response to the global economic crisis, in April 2009 the IMF strengthened its lending capacity and approved a major overhaul of its financial support mechanisms, with additional reforms adopted in 2010 and 2011. These changes enhanced the IMF’s crisis-prevention toolkit, bolstering its ability to mitigate contagion during systemic crises and allowing it to better tailor instruments to meet the needs of individual member countries.
Loan resources available to low-income countries were sharply increased in 2009, while average limits under the IMF’s concessional loan facilities were doubled. Under a new agreement that went into effect in January 2016, members’ financial commitments to the IMF, also known as their quotas, were significantly increased (see below), and access limits under the IMF’s non-concessional lending facilities were reviewed and increased. In addition, zero interest rates on concessional loans were extended through the end of 2018, and the interest rate on emergency financing is permanently set at zero. Finally, efforts are currently under way to secure additional loan resources of about SDR 11 billion (about $15 billion) to support the IMF’s concessional lending activities.
Capacity development: The IMF provides technical assistance and training to help member countries build better economic institutions and strengthen related human capacities. This includes, for example, designing and implementing more effective policies for taxation and administration, expenditure management, monetary and exchange rate policies, banking and financial system supervision and regulation, legislative frameworks, and economic statistics.
SDRs: The IMF issues an international reserve asset known as Special Drawing Rights, or SDRs, that can supplement the official reserves of member countries. Total global allocations are currently about SDR 204 billion (some $275 billion). IMF members can voluntarily exchange SDRs for currencies among themselves.
Resources: Member quotas are the primary source of IMF financial resources. A member’s quota broadly reflects its size and position in the world economy. With the recent effectiveness of the 14th General Review of Quotas, total quota resources are now about SDR 475 billion (about $645 billion). In addition, credit arrangements between the IMF and a group of members and institutions provide supplementary resources of up to about SDR 181 billion ($245 billion), and are the main backstop to quotas. And in 2012 and 2016, member countries pledged to increase the IMF’s emergency resources through bilateral borrowing agreements; currently about SDR 245 billion (about $330 billion) are effective.
Governance and organization: The IMF is accountable to its member country governments. At the top of its organizational structure is the Board of Governors, consisting of one governor and one alternate governor from each member country, usually the top officials from the central bank or finance ministry. The Board of Governors meets once a year at the IMF–World Bank Annual Meetings. Twenty-four of the governors serve on the International Monetary and Financial Committee, or IMFC, which advises the Board on the supervision and management of the international monetary and financial system. The day-to-day work of the IMF is overseen by its 24-member Executive Board, which represents the entire membership and is guided by the IMFC and supported by the IMF staff. The Managing Director is the head of the IMF staff and Chair of the Executive Board and is assisted by four Deputy Managing Directors.

Fast Facts
Membership: 189 countries
Headquarters: Washington, D.C.
Executive Board: 24 Directors each representing a single country or groups of countries
Staff: Approximately 2,700 from 147 countries
Total quotas: SDR 475 billion (US$645 billion) (as of March 2017)
Borrowed resources: SDR 426 billion (US$575 billion) (as of March 2017)
Committed amounts under current lending arrangements (as of March 2017): SDR 112 billion (US$152 billion), of which SDR 103 billion (US$140 billion) has not been drawn US$159 billion, of which US$144 billion have not been drawn (see table).
The largest borrowers (amounts outstanding as of March 2017): Portugal, Greece, Ukraine, Pakistan
The largest precautionary loans (as of March 2017): Mexico, Poland, Colombia, Morocco
Surveillance consultations: 132 consultations in 2014, 124 in 2015 and 132 in 2016.
Capacity development spending: US$332 million in FY2016, over a quarter of the IMF's total budget
Primary aims:
Promote international monetary cooperation;
Facilitate the expansion and balanced growth of international trade;
Promote exchange stability;
Assist in the establishment of a multilateral system of payments; and
Make resources available (with adequate safeguards) to members experiencing balance-of-payments difficulties.
http://www.imf.org/en/About/Factsheets/IMF-at-a-Glance



The IMF is a US banking cartel setup to facilitate US imperialist hegemony. Most of the “members” are states in thrall to US imperialist interests. These member states are not independent states, but states subject to the US in one way or another, and through mechanism such as the IMF.

From Lenin:
Thirdly, monopoly has sprung from the banks. The banks have developed from modest intermediary enterprises into the monopolists of finance capital. Some three to five of the biggest banks in each of the foremost capitalist countries have achieved the “personal union” between industrial and bank capital, and have concentrated in their hands the disposal of thousands upon thousands of millions which form the greater part of the capital and income of entire countries. A financial oligarchy, which throws a close net of relations of dependence over all the economic and political institutions of contemporary bourgeois society without exception—such is the most striking manifestation of this monopoly.
pp.123-124

And to round-out the US imperial banking monopolies (to exclude US “owned” banking cartels, like Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, Bank of America, etc.), we have the World Bank Group. Here is its take on its own history:

The past 70 years have seen major changes in the world economy. Over that time, the World Bank Group—the world’s largest development institution—has worked to help more than 100 developing countries and countries in transition adjust to these changes by offering loans and tailored knowledge and advice. The Bank Group works with country governments, the private sector, civil society organizations, regional development banks, think tanks, and other international institutions on issues ranging from climate change, conflict, and food security to education, agriculture, finance, and trade. All of these efforts support the Bank Group’s twin goals of ending extreme poverty by 2030 and boosting shared prosperity of the poorest 40 percent of the population in all countries.
Founded in 1944, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development—soon called the World Bank—has expanded to a closely associated group of five development institutions. Originally, its loans helped rebuild countries devastated by World War II. In time, the focus shifted from reconstruction to development, with a heavy emphasis on infrastructure such as dams, electrical grids, irrigation systems, and roads. With the founding of the International Finance Corporation in 1956, the institution became able to lend to private companies and financial institutions in developing countries. And the founding of the International Development Association in 1960 put greater emphasis on the poorest countries, part of a steady shift toward the eradication of poverty becoming the Bank Group’s primary goal. The subsequent launch of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency further rounded out the Bank Group’s ability to connect global financial resources to the needs of developing countries.
Today the Bank Group’s work touches nearly every sector that is important to fighting poverty, supporting economic growth, and ensuring sustainable gains in the quality of people’s lives in developing countries. While sound project selection and design remain paramount, the Bank Group recognizes a wide range of factors that are critical to success—effective institutions, sound policies, continuous learning through evaluation and knowledge-sharing, and partnership, including with the private sector. The Bank Group has long-standing relationships with more than 180 member countries, and it taps these to address development challenges that are increasingly global. On critical issues like climate change, pandemics, and forced migration, the Bank Group plays a leading role because it is able to convene discussion among its country members and a wide array of partners. It can help address crises while building the foundations for longer-term, sustainable development.
The evolution of the Bank Group has also been reflected in the diversity of its multidisciplinary staff, who include economists, public policy experts, sector experts, and social scientists, based at headquarters in Washington, D.C., and in the field. Today, more than a third of staff are based in country offices.
As demand for its services has increased over time, the Bank Group has risen to meet them. For perspective, the World Bank made four loans totaling $497 million in 1947, as compared to 302 commitments totaling $60 billion in 2015.


This particular “history” is replete with Orwellian language and crass self-justifications; exactly what you’d expect from an instrument of imperialism.
This is no doubt enough (maybe too much) to kick-off this thread. We will add more to the tracing of the development of US imperial hegemony in the near future.

(Additional posts can be found at www.thebellforum.net/Bell2/
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Dhalgren
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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Tue Jul 18, 2017 12:37 pm

Imperialism in the 21st Century - continued.

Even though we must never consider military aggression as anything other than a "form" of imperialist aggression which usually expresses itself in the economic sphere, we must not ignore it, either. Here is a list (incomplete, no doubt) of US military interventions in foreign nations from 1945 to 2014:

IRAN
1946
Nuclear threat
Soviet troops told to leave north.

YUGOSLAVIA
1946
Nuclear threat, naval
Response to shoot-down of US plane.

URUGUAY
1947
Nuclear threat
Bombers deployed as show of strength.

GREECE
1947-49
Command operation
U.S. directs extreme-right in civil war.

GERMANY
1948
Nuclear Threat
Atomic-capable bombers guard Berlin Airlift.

CHINA
1948-49
Troops/Marines
evacuate Americans before Communist victory.

PHILIPPINES
1948-54
Command operation
CIA directs war against Huk Rebellion.

PUERTO RICO
1950
Command operation
Independence rebellion crushed in Ponce.

KOREA
1951-53 (-?)
Troops, naval, bombing , nuclear threats
U.S./So. Korea fights China/No. Korea to stalemate; A-bomb threat in 1950, and against China in 1953. Still have bases.

IRAN
1953
Command Operation
CIA overthrows democracy, installs Shah.

VIETNAM
1954
Nuclear threat
French offered bombs to use against seige.

GUATEMALA
1954
Command operation, bombing, nuclear threat
CIA directs exile invasion after new gov't nationalized U.S. company lands; bombers based in Nicaragua.

EGYPT
1956
Nuclear threat, troops
Soviets told to keep out of Suez crisis; Marines evacuate foreigners.

LEBANON
l958
Troops, naval
Army & Marine occupation against rebels.

IRAQ
1958
Nuclear threat
Iraq warned against invading Kuwait.

CHINA
l958
Nuclear threat
China told not to move on Taiwan isles.

PANAMA
1958
Troops
Flag protests erupt into confrontation.

VIETNAM
l960-75
Troops, naval, bombing, nuclear threats
Fought South Vietnam revolt & North Vietnam; one million killed in longest U.S. war; atomic bomb threats in l968 and l969.

CUBA
l961
Command operation
CIA-directed exile invasion fails.

GERMANY
l961
Nuclear threat
Alert during Berlin Wall crisis.

LAOS
1962
Command operation
Military buildup during guerrilla war.

CUBA
l962
Nuclear threat, naval
Blockade during missile crisis; near-war with Soviet Union.

IRAQ
1963
Command operation
CIA organizes coup that killed president, brings Ba'ath Party to power, and Saddam Hussein back from exile to be head of the secret service.

PANAMA
l964
Troops
Panamanians shot for urging canal's return.

INDONESIA
l965
Command operation
Million killed in CIA-assisted army coup.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
1965-66
Troops, bombing
Army & Marines land during election campaign.

GUATEMALA
l966-67
Command operation
Green Berets intervene against rebels.

DETROIT
l967
Troops
Army battles African Americans, 43 killed.

UNITED STATES
l968
Troops
After King is shot; over 21,000 soldiers in cities.

CAMBODIA
l969-75
Bombing, troops, naval
Up to 2 million killed in decade of bombing, starvation, and political chaos.

OMAN
l970
Command operation
U.S. directs Iranian marine invasion.

LAOS
l971-73
Command operation, bombing
U.S. directs South Vietnamese invasion; "carpet-bombs" countryside.

SOUTH DAKOTA
l973
Command operation
Army directs Wounded Knee siege of Lakotas.

MIDEAST
1973
Nuclear threat
World-wide alert during Mideast War.

CHILE
1973
Command operation
CIA-backed coup ousts and assassinates elected marxist president.

CAMBODIA
l975
Troops, bombing
Gassing of captured ship Mayagüez, 28 troops die when copter shot down.

ANGOLA
l976-92
Command operation
CIA assists South African-backed rebels.

IRAN
l980
Troops, nuclear threat, aborted bombing
Raid to rescue Embassy hostages; 8 troops die in copter-plane crash. Soviets warned not to get involved in revolution.

LIBYA
l981
Naval jets
Two Libyan jets shot down in maneuvers.

EL SALVADOR
l981-92
Command operation, troops
Advisors, overflights aid anti-rebel war, soldiers briefly involved in hostage clash.

NICARAGUA
l981-90
Command operation, naval
CIA directs exile (Contra) invasions, plants harbor mines against revolution.

LEBANON
l982-84
Naval, bombing, troops
Marines expel PLO and back Phalangists, Navy bombs and shells Muslim positions. 241 Marines killed when Shi'a rebel bombs barracks.

GRENADA
l983-84
Troops, bombing
Invasion four years after revolution.

HONDURAS
l983-89
Troops
Maneuvers help build bases near borders.

IRAN
l984
Jets
Two Iranian jets shot down over Persian Gulf.

LIBYA
l986
Bombing, naval
Air strikes to topple Qaddafi gov't.

BOLIVIA
1986
Troops
Army assists raids on cocaine region.

IRAN
l987-88
Naval, bombing
US intervenes on side of Iraq in war, defending reflagged tankers and shooting down civilian jet.

LIBYA
1989
Naval jets
Two Libyan jets shot down.

VIRGIN ISLANDS
1989
Troops
St. Croix Black unrest after storm.

PHILIPPINES
1989
Jets
Air cover provided for government against coup.

PANAMA
1989 (-?)
Troops, bombing
Nationalist government ousted by 27,000 soldiers, leaders arrested, 2000+ killed.

LIBERIA
1990
Troops
Foreigners evacuated during civil war.

SAUDI ARABIA
1990-91
Troops, jets
Iraq countered after invading Kuwait. 540,000 troops also stationed in Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, UAE, Israel.

IRAQ
1990-91
Bombing, troops, naval
Blockade of Iraqi and Jordanian ports, air strikes; 200,000+ killed in invasion of Iraq and Kuwait; large-scale destruction of Iraqi military.

KUWAIT
1991
Naval, bombing, troops
Kuwait royal family returned to throne.

IRAQ
1991-2003
Bombing, naval
No-fly zone over Kurdish north, Shiite south; constant air strikes and naval-enforced economic sanctions

LOS ANGELES
1992
Troops
Army, Marines deployed against anti-police uprising.

SOMALIA
1992-94
Troops, naval, bombing
U.S.-led United Nations occupation during civil war; raids against one Mogadishu faction.

YUGOSLAVIA
1992-94
Naval
NATO blockade of Serbia and Montenegro.

BOSNIA
1993-?
Jets, bombing
No-fly zone patrolled in civil war; downed jets, bombed Serbs.

HAITI
1994
Troops, naval
Blockade against military government; troops restore President Aristide to office three years after coup.

ZAIRE (CONGO)
1996-97
Troops
Troops at Rwandan Hutu refugee camps, in area where Congo revolution begins.

LIBERIA
1997
Troops
Soldiers under fire during evacuation of foreigners.

ALBANIA
1997
Troops
Soldiers under fire during evacuation of foreigners.

SUDAN
1998
Missiles
Attack on pharmaceutical plant alleged to be "terrorist" nerve gas plant.

AFGHANISTAN
1998
Missiles
Attack on former CIA training camps used by Islamic fundamentalist groups alleged to have attacked embassies.

IRAQ
1998
Bombing, Missiles
Four days of intensive air strikes after weapons inspectors allege Iraqi obstructions.

YUGOSLAVIA
1999
Bombing, Missiles
Heavy NATO air strikes after Serbia declines to withdraw from Kosovo. NATO occupation of Kosovo.

YEMEN
2000
Naval
USS Cole, docked in Aden, bombed.

MACEDONIA
2001
Troops
NATO forces deployed to move and disarm Albanian rebels.

AFGHANISTAN
2001-?
Troops, bombing, missiles
Massive U.S. mobilization to overthrow Taliban, hunt Al Qaeda fighters, install Karzai regime, and battle Taliban insurgency. More than 30,000 U.S. troops and numerous private security contractors carry our occupation.

YEMEN
2002
Missiles
Predator drone missile attack on Al Qaeda, including a US citizen.

PHILIPPINES
2002-?
Troops, naval
Training mission for Philippine military fighting Abu Sayyaf rebels evolves into combat missions in Sulu Archipelago, west of Mindanao.

COLOMBIA
2003-?
Troops
US special forces sent to rebel zone to back up Colombian military protecting oil pipeline.

IRAQ
2003-11
Troops, naval, bombing, missiles
Saddam regime toppled in Baghdad. More than 250,000 U.S. personnel participate in invasion. US and UK forces occupy country and battle Sunni and Shi'ite insurgencies. More than 160,000 troops and numerous private contractors carry out occupation and build large permanent bases.

LIBERIA
2003
Troops
Brief involvement in peacekeeping force as rebels drove out leader.

HAITI
2004-05
Troops, naval
Marines & Army land after right-wing rebels oust elected President Aristide, who was advised to leave by Washington.

PAKISTAN
2005-?
Missiles, bombing, covert operation
CIA missile and air strikes and Special Forces raids on alleged Al Qaeda and Taliban refuge villages kill multiple civilians. Drone attacks also on Pakistani Mehsud network.

SOMALIA
2006-?
Missiles, naval, troops, command operation
Special Forces advise Ethiopian invasion that topples Islamist government; AC-130 strikes, Cruise missile attacks and helicopter raids against Islamist rebels; naval blockade against "pirates" and insurgents.

SYRIA
2008
Troops
Special Forces in helicopter raid 5 miles from Iraq kill 8 Syrian civilians

YEMEN
2009-?
Missiles, command operation
Cruise missile attack on Al Qaeda kills 49 civilians; Yemeni military assaults on rebels

LIBYA
2011-?
Bombing, missiles, troops, command operation
NATO coordinates air strikes and missile attacks against Qaddafi government during uprising by rebel army. Periodic Special Forces raids against Islamist insurgents.

IRAQ
2014-?
Bombing, missiles, troops, command operation
Air strikes and Special Forces intervene against Islamic State insurgents; training Iraqi and Kurdish troops.

SYRIA
2014-?
Bombing, missiles, troops, command operation
Air strikes and Special Forces intervene against Islamic State insurgents; training other Syrian insurgents. Missile strikes against Syrian military begin April 2017.
https://academic.evergreen.edu/g/gro...rventions.html


At the outset, the US had bought-off and knuckled-under the entire capitalist world and was threatening the communist world with nuclear war. By the time the Soviets, and later the Chinese, acquired nuclear weapons the die had been cast and the boundaries had been drawn. The Soviets (and to a lesser degree the Chinese) were always supporting the independence of nations against US hegemony and this friction was one of the sources of conflict between the US and The Soviet Union - once the US could no longer unilaterally threaten nuclear destruction.

But the entitlement, that the US government takes for granted, that it can intervene in any nation anywhere has only escalated since WWII. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US was given a cart blanche to invade, murder, expropriate, steal at will - and the greater and more frequent global mayhem that has ensued is the result.

But, again, we must not view imperialism through the awful, bloody prism of war. War is just one of the tools imperialists use to acquire markets and resources. The US is currently the dominant imperialist power, it will not cease to be until and unless it is replaced by another imperialist power. Capitalism must be overthrown in order to end imperialism.
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Dhalgren
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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Tue Jul 18, 2017 12:41 pm

From 1945 to the early 1960s the US maintained a large trade surplus with the rest of the capitalist world - all other nations were either rebuilding from near total destruction or had already been dependent upon one or another of the imperialist nations which were now all but defunct. The US assumed the mantel of imperial hegemon and almost all capitalist countries accepted the new order.

In the mid to late 1960s with the Vietnam War growing and Japan and Europe recovered from their respective devastation, the US found itself without a trade surplus and actually with a trade deficit. This would not do for the hegemon. So the solution was the Nixon Shock.

Here is the Fed's historical account:
Nixon Ends Convertibility of US Dollars to Gold and Announces Wage/Price Controls
August 1971

With inflation on the rise and a gold run looming, President Richard Nixon's team enacted a plan that ended dollar convertibility to gold and implemented wage and price controls, which soon brought an end to the Bretton Woods System.

President Nixon prepares to announce new economic policies on a television broadcast.
Nixon News Conference (Photo: Courtesy of the Richard Nixon Library)
by Sandra Kollen Ghizoni, Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
President Richard Nixon’s actions in 1971 to end dollar convertibility to gold and implement wage/price controls were intended to address the international dilemma of a looming gold run and the domestic problem of inflation. The new economic policy marked the beginning of the end of the Bretton Woods international monetary system and temporarily halted inflation.

The international monetary system after World War II was dubbed the Bretton Woods system after the meeting of forty-four countries in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944. The countries agreed to keep their currencies fixed (but adjustable in exceptional situations) to the dollar, and the dollar was fixed to gold. Since 1958, when the Bretton Woods system became operational, countries settled their international balances in dollars, and US dollars were convertible to gold at a fixed exchange rate of $35 an ounce. The United States had the responsibility of keeping the dollar price of gold fixed and had to adjust the supply of dollars to maintain confidence in future gold convertibility.

Initially, the Bretton Woods system operated as planned. Japan and Europe were still rebuilding their postwar economies and demand for US goods and services—and dollars—was high. Since the United States held about three-quarters of the world’s official gold reserves, the system seemed secure.

In the 1960s, European and Japanese exports became more competitive with US exports. The US share of world output decreased and so did the need for dollars, making converting those dollars to gold more desirable. The deteriorating US balance of payments, combined with military spending and foreign aid, resulted in a large supply of dollars around the world. Meanwhile, the gold supply had increased only marginally. Eventually, there were more foreign-held dollars than the United States had gold. The country was vulnerable to a run on gold and there was a loss of confidence in the US government’s ability to meet its obligations, thereby threatening both the dollar’s position as reserve currency and the overall Bretton Woods system.

Many efforts were made to adjust the US balance of payments and to uphold the Bretton Woods system, both domestically and internationally. These were meant to be “quick fixes” until the balance of payments could readjust, but they proved to be postponing the inevitable.

In March 1961, the US Treasury’s Exchange Stabilization Fund (ESF), with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York acting as its agent, began to intervene in the foreign-exchange market for the first time since World War II. The ESF buys and sells foreign exchange currency to stabilize conditions in the exchange rate market. While the interventions were successful for a time, the Treasury’s lack of resources limited its ability to mount broad dollar defense.

From 1962 until the closing of the US gold window in August 1971, the Federal Reserve relied on “currency swaps” as its key mechanism for temporarily defending the US gold stock. The Federal Reserve structured the reciprocal currency arrangements, or swap lines, by providing foreign central banks cover for unwanted dollar reserves, limiting the conversion of dollars to gold.

In March 1962, the Federal Reserve established its first swap line with the Bank of France and by the end of that year lines had been set up with nine central banks (Austria, Belgium, England, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Canada). Altogether, the lines provided up to $900 million equivalent in foreign exchange. What started as a small, short-term credit facility grew to be a large, intermediate-term facility until the US gold window closed in August 1971. The growth and need for the swap lines signaled that they were not just a temporary fix, but a sign of a fundamental problem in the monetary system.

International efforts were also made to stem a run on gold. A run in the London gold market sent the price to $40 an ounce on October 20, 1960, exacerbating the threat to the system. In response, the London Gold Pool was formed on November 1, 1961. The pool consisted of a group of eight central banks (Great Britain, West Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Italy, France, and the United States). In order to keep the price of gold at $35 an ounce, the group agreed to pool gold reserves to intervene in the London gold market in order to maintain the Bretton Woods system. The pool was successful for six years until another gold crisis ensued. The British pound sterling devalued and another run on gold occurred, and France withdrew from the pool. The pool collapsed in March 1968.

At that time the seven remaining members of the London Gold Pool (Great Britain, West Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Italy, and the United States) agreed to formulate a two-tiered system. The central banks agreed to use their gold only in settling international debts and to not sell monetary gold on the private market. The two-tier system was in place until the US gold window closed in 1971.

These efforts of the global financial community proved to be temporary fixes to a broader structural problem with the Bretton Woods system. The structural problem, which has been called the “Triffin dilemma,” occurs when a country issues a global reserve currency (in this case, the United States) because of its global importance as a medium of exchange. The stability of that currency, however, comes into question when the country is persistently running current account deficits to fulfill that supply. As the current account deficits accumulate, the reserve currency becomes less desirable and its position as a reserve currency is threatened.

While the United States was in the midst of the Triffin dilemma, it was also facing a growing problem of inflation at home. The period that became known as the Great Inflation had started and policymakers had put anti-inflation policies in place, but they were short lived and ineffective. At first, both the Nixon administration and the Federal Reserve believed in a gradual approach, slowly lowering inflation with a minimum increase in unemployment. They would tolerate an unemployment rate of up to 4.5 percent, but by the end of the 1969-70 recession the unemployment rate had climbed to 6 percent, and inflation, as measured by the consumer price index, was 5.4 percent.

When Arthur Burns became chairman of the Board of Governors in 1970, he was faced with both slow growth and inflation, or stagflation. Burns believed that tightening monetary policy and the increase in unemployment that accompanied it would be ineffective against the inflation then occurring, because it stemmed from forces beyond the control of the Fed, such as labor unions, food and energy shortages, and OPEC’s control of oil prices. Moreover, many economists in the administration and at the Fed, including Burns, shared the view that inflation could not be reduced with an acceptable unemployment rate. According to economist Allan Meltzer, Andrew Brimmer, a Fed Board member from 1966 to 1974, noted at that time that employment was the principal goal and fighting inflation was the second priority. The Federal Open Market Committee implemented an expansionary monetary policy.

President Nixon sits with economic policy advisors at Camp David including Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Arthur Burns.
Economic Policy Meeting (Photo: Courtesy of the Richard Nixon Library)
With inflation on the rise and a gold run looming, Nixon’s administration coordinated a plan for bold action. From August 13 to 15, 1971, Nixon and fifteen advisers, including Federal Reserve Chairman Arthur Burns, Treasury Secretary John Connally, and Undersecretary for International Monetary Affairs Paul Volcker (later Federal Reserve Chairman) met at the presidential retreat at Camp David and created a new economic plan. On the evening of August 15, 1971, Nixon addressedOffsite link the nation on a new economic policy that not only was intended to correct the balance of payments but also stave off inflation and lower the unemployment rate.

The first order was for the gold window to be closed. Foreign governments could no longer exchange their dollars for gold; in effect, the international monetary system turned into a fiat one. A few months later the Smithsonian agreement attempted to maintain pegged exchange rates, but the Bretton Woods system ended soon thereafter. The second order was for a 90-day freeze on wages and prices to check inflation. This marked the first time the government enacted wage and price controls outside of wartime. It was an attempt to bring down inflation without increasing the unemployment rate or slowing the economy. In addition, an import surcharge was set at 10 percent to ensure that American products would not be at a disadvantage because of exchange rates.

Shortly after the plan was implemented, the growth of employment and production in the United States increased. Inflation was practically halted during the 90-day wage-price freeze but would soon reappear as the monetary momentum in support of inflation had already begun. Nixon’s new economic policy represented a coordinated attack on the simultaneous problems of unemployment, inflation, and disequilibrium in the balance of payments. The plan was one of the many prescriptions written to cure inflation, which would eventually continue to rise.

Bibliography

Bordo, Michael. “The Bretton Woods International Monetary System: A Historical Overview.” In A Retrospective on the Bretton Woods System: Lessons for International Monetary Reform, edited by Michael Bordo and Barry Eichengreen, 3-108. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

Bordo, Michael D. and Barry Eichengreen, “Bretton Woods and the Great Inflation,” NBER Working Paper 14532, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, December 2008.

Bordo, Michael, Owen Humpage, and Anna J. Schwartz, "Bretton Woods, Swap Lines, and the Federal Reserve's Return to InterventionOffsite link,” Working Paper 12-32, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, Cleveland, OH, November 2012.

Burns, Arthur, “The Anguish of Central Banking,” The 1979 Per Jacobsson Lecture, Belgrade, Yugoslavia, September 30, 1979.

Eichengreen, Barry. Exorbitant Privilege: The Rise and Fall of the Dollar and the Future of the International Monetary System. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Eichengreen, Barry, “Global Imbalances and the Lessons of Bretton Woods,” NBER Working Paper 10497, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, May 2004.

Eichengreen, Barry. “Epilogue: Three Perspectives on the Bretton Woods System.” In A Retrospective on the Bretton Woods System: Lessons for International Monetary Reform, edited by Michael Bordo and Barry Eichengreen, 621-58, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. “Federal Reserve Bank of New York Annual Report.”Offsite link 1971.

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. “International Monetary Policies.”Offsite link September 1947.

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. "Stemming Inflation: The Office of Emergency Preparedness and the 90-day Freeze."Offsite link 1972.

Federal Reserve Bank of New York. “Exchange Stabilization Fund.”Offsite link May 2007.

Lowenstein, Roger, “The Nixon Shock,” Bloomberg Businessweek, August 4, 2011.

Meltzer, Allan H., "Origins of the Great Inflation,"Offsite link Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review 87, no. 2, part 2 (March/April 2005): 145–75.

Meltzer, Allan H., “U.S. Policy in the Bretton Woods Era,”Offsite link Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review 73, no. 3 (May/June 1991): 53–83.

U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian. “The Bretton Woods Conference 1944Offsite link.” Accessed on October 22, 2013.

Romer, Christina, "Commentary on Meltzer's Origins of the Great Inflation,"Offsite link Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review 87, no. 2, part 2, (March/April 2005): 177-85.

Yergin, Daniel, and Joseph Stanislaw. The Commanding Heights. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998.
Written as of November 22, 2013. See disclaimer.
https://www.federalreservehistory.or...rtibility_ends


It took 10 or 15 years for the economic dust to settle, but, serendipitous or not, this ending of gold convertibility seems to have allowed the US to do whatever it wished economically - accrue huge debt, run massive deficits - the US owned the golden goose.

The value of the US dollar is based on its use as a global currency and that value will continue as long as the dollar remains the world's currency. Most nations base much of their economies upon ownership of US dollars and are in no position to disrupt that situation, even if the US would allow it. The dollar has, in effect, replaced gold as the standard of value.
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Tue Jul 18, 2017 12:44 pm

The following article shows clearly the way imperialism works and how unavoidable it is - to both the imperialists as well as the exploited nations. The author of the article laments the ravages of colonialism, but has no real answer to it, just that the exploited countries ought to be allowed to develop their own capitalist bases. The content of the article is a valid analysis of how the EU is exploiting Africa and wringing every ounce of profit from the dominated countries. But his critique of the phenomena is completely off base and goes nowhere, as happens when the nature of imperialism is not understood. Imperialism is not a “policy”, it is the current stage of capitalism.

How the EU starves Africa into submission
26 October 2015
By Calestous Juma
It is estimated that of all the food items imported by African countries, nearly 83 per cent comes from outside the continent. The rest comes from other African countries.
African leaders are seeking ways to feed their peoples and become players in the global economy.
In the second edition of The New Harvest: Agricultural Innovation in Africa, I argue that Africa can feed itself in a generation. However, efforts to achieve such an ambitious goal continue to be frustrated by policies adopted by Africa’s historical trading partners, especially the European Union.
There are at least three ways in which EU policies affect Africa’s ability to address its agricultural and food challenges: tariff escalation; technological innovation and food export preferences.
African leaders would like to escape the colonial trap of being viewed simply as raw material exporters. But their efforts to add value to the materials continue to be frustrated by existing EU policies.
Take the example of coffee. In 2014 Africa —the home of coffee— earned nearly $2.4 billion from the crop. Germany, a leading processor, earned about $3.8 billion from coffee re-exports.
The concern is not that Germany benefits from processing coffee. It is that Africa is punished by EU tariff barriers for doing so. Non-decaffeinated green coffee is exempt from the charges. However, a 7.5 per cent charge is imposed on roasted coffee. As a result, the bulk of Africa’s export to the EU is unroasted green coffee.
The charge on cocoa is even more debilitating. It is reported that the “EU charges (a tariff) of 30 per cent for processed cocoa products like chocolate bars or cocoa powder, and 60 per cent for some other refined products containing cocoa.”
The impact of such charges goes well beyond lost export opportunities. They suppress technological innovation and industrial development among African countries. The practice denies the continent the ability to acquire, adopt and diffuse technologies used in food processing. It explains to some extent the low level of investment in Africa’s food processing enterprises.
Usually, the know-how accumulated from processing exports such as coffee could be adopted for use on other crops and in other sectors. This in turn would help to stimulate industrial development and generate employment. Being defined as raw material exporters undermines technological innovation in the wider economy, not just in agriculture.
The second example where EU policy undermines African agricultural innovation is in the field of genetically modified (GM) crops. The EU exercises its right not to cultivate transgenic crops but only to import them as animal feed. However, its export of restrictive policies on GM crops has negatively affected Africa.
The adoption of restrictive policies across Africa has been pursued under the pretext of protecting the environment and human health. So far there has been little evidence to support draconian biosafety rules. It is important that the risks of new products be assessed. But the restrictions should proportionate and consistent with needs of different countries.
Africa’s needs are different from those of the EU. There are certain uniquely African problems where GM should be considered as an option. Let us look at the examples of Uganda and Nigeria.
The Xanthomonas banana wilt bacterial disease causes early ripening and discoloration of bananas, a staple crop for Uganda. This costs the Great Lakes region nearly US $500m annually in losses. There is no treatment for the disease, which continues to undermine food security.
Ugandan scientists at Kawanda Agricultural Research Institute have developed a GM approach but their efforts to further their research in the technology are hampered by opposition to it. Those opposed to the technology advocate the adoption of an EU biosafety approach that would effectively stall the adoption of the technology. In fact, some of opponents using scare tactics against the technology are EU-based non-governmental organizations.
The moth Maruca vitrata destroys about US $300 million worth of blackeyed peas in Nigeria. The country is forced to import pesticides worth US $500m annually to control the pest. Scientists at the Institute for Agricultural Research at Nigeria’s Ahmadu Bello University have developed a Maruca-resistant, GM blackeyed pea variety. Nigerian policy makers are hesitant to pursue a technology that they fear might put them on a collision course with the EU.
Pursuing EU-inspired biosafety policies denies Africa the capacity to leverage biotechnology and use it to meet its own local needs. GM technology has wider application in fields such as medicine and can be used in the development of diagnostics.
Zmapp is an example of an experimental drug for use against the Ebola virus that was developed using GM technology. In this case, EU policies on food safety may have unintended consequences of suppressing innovation in Africa not only in agriculture, but also in healthcare.
There are areas of EU-Africa agricultural trade that on the surface appear to offer hopeful signs. One of them is trade in organic produce. In fact, part of the opposition to GM technology is linked to the perception that it might compromise Africa’s export of organic produce to the EU.
The surge in demand in organic produce around the world does offer parts of Africa the opportunity to increase their food exports. Over the last two decades, Africa’s share of world food exports has dropped from 11 per cent to less than 3 per cent. Thailand exports nearly as much food as all of sub-Saharan Africa.
But boosting food exports is not going to be satisfied by dependence on niche organic markets provided by the EU. Africa needs robust efforts to upgrade its agriculture through technology adoption and not simply reliance on the exploitation of Africa’s “cheap ecology”.
To achieve its technological objectives, Africa needs to partner with countries such as the United Kingdom that have historical knowledge of the continent. But collective EU policies make it difficult for Africa to engage productively with the UK in areas such as agricultural biotechnology.
One of the impacts of the policies has been to nudge Africa towards new partnerships with countries such China and Brazil that have pioneered the adoption of new agricultural technologies. This, in turn, has the long-term potential of eroding trade relations between the UK and Africa. The time has come for the EU to rethink the impact of its policies on African agriculture in general and technological transformation in particular.
Calestous Juma is a professor of the practice of international development at Harvard Kennedy School. He is author of The New Harvest: Agricultural Innovation in Africa.
https://capx.co/how-the-eu-starves-afri ... ubmission/



This article is supposed to be about how EU exploits African agriculture for the benefit of EU capitalists’ profits, and to some extent, it is about this issue. But it is also about the African capitalists’ “rights” to do their own exploitation of others.
African leaders are seeking ways to feed their peoples and become players in the global economy.
My sense is that the emphasis is more on the later than the former.

African leaders would like to escape the colonial trap of being viewed simply as raw material exporters. But their efforts to add value to the materials continue to be frustrated by existing EU policies.

Imperialism is a “trap” to this author, an “escapable” one, at that. This author is either lying or has no clue as to how imperialism works or why it exists, at all. The African bourgeoisie can no more escape imperialism than the EU can stop imperialism. To this author there is simply no alternative to capitalism.

The author uses a couple of examples of different commodities that the Africans export to EU and which EU policies assure that the bulk of profits go to EU capitalists and not African ones.
The impact of such charges goes well beyond lost export opportunities. They suppress technological innovation and industrial development among African countries. The practice denies the continent the ability to acquire, adopt and diffuse technologies used in food processing. It explains to some extent the low level of investment in Africa’s food processing enterprises.
The EU, collectively and individually, do not care about African development, beyond EU needs.


Next, the author goes into detail on the GM food policies of EU and how they negatively affect African agriculture. The EU bans on GM foods mean that African food commodities must be non-GM. These bans, according to the author, are negatives to African agriculture in that GM agriculture could produce much of the foods that Africa needs. As the author says:
Africa’s needs are different from those of the EU. There are certain uniquely African problems where GM should be considered as an option.
Again, the EU does not care what Africa “needs”, nor what anyone considers a thing that “should” be considered. Why this is so hard for a “Harvard” economist to grasp, may be obvious, but is still pitiful.


For the author, the only way Africa can be helped and allowed to progress is if EU changes its policies. The idea that the EU cannot change its policies in regard to imperialism is not even conceptualized by this author - he cannot even see it.

“The capitalists divide the world, not out of any particular malice, but because the degree of concentration which has been reached forces them to adopt this method in order to obtain profits.” Lenin, p.75

Imperialism is capitalism and capitalists will not abandon their profits unless forced to do so. The fact that the EU is exploiting Africa without regard to the affect their exploitation has on those exploited is what capitalists do, it is who they are. The lamentations of this author is a display of the complete ineffectiveness of liberal bourgeois approaches to imperialism. If this author suddenly understood what imperialism actually was, he would not abruptly become anti-capitalist, no, he would become first, slack-jawed, then disbelieving, then he would change the subject.
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Tue Jul 18, 2017 7:39 pm

To show how the largest corporation in the world (Walmart, of course) engages in imperialism, the following couple of articles outline good examples. Walmart is currently engaged in acquiring market share and monopolizing resources all over the world. Walmart is exporting capital at a growing rate and reaping the profits, hand over fist - literally.

AUG 18, 2016 @ 04:26 AM
Walmart's Reaction To India's 100% FDI Rules Will Benefit The Indian Economy And Consumer
Tim Worstall


The news out of India is that the government has changed the rules on foreign direct investment and therefore Walmart is considering stepping up its efforts in the country. This will be beneficial to the Indian economy and also to the Indian consumer - the consumers being the people we should be trying to run the Indian economy in favour of. For the truth here is that the Indian economy is grossly inefficient in its logistics chains. And that's really how we should consider a company like Walmart. As experts in logistics chains. Having the global experts come in to improve an underperforming part of the domestic economy does sound like a pretty good idea really.
The news itself:
New Delhi: Global retail major Walmart has shown interest in entering India's food processing sector after the government relaxed foreign investment norms, a top official said Wednesday.
"Walmart is showing lot of interest. Now we are hoping that they will come on their own and they will add to the growth story of this country," Food Processing Secretary A K Srivastava said while briefing reporters about the investments in the sector in the last two years.
The change in the FDI rules is that:
US retail giant Walmart and one of the world’s largest food companies based out of Brazil are interested in setting up stores in India following the government’s decision to allow 100% foreign direct investment in the marketing of locally-produced food items, food processing secretary Avinash Srivastava said on Wednesday.
And what Walmart is thinking about:
In an earlier conversation with ET, Walmart India spokesperson Rajneesh Kumar had described the FDI policy as "very progressive". "We will study the policy document when government finalises and issues it," he said. The company is keen to sell food products directly to Indian consumers through brick-and-mortar and online stores.
Walmart already has tested the waters of the Indian economy and it hasn't gone entirely and wholly well over the years.
However, time to take a step back into more general economic analysis. We're all well used to those reports about how much food is wasted. The manner in which the world already grows enough food for everyone to eat but it's not efficiently distributed and thus some suffer from a dearth. However, when we consider this we must understand the basic division that people like the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation try to make. The FAO, along with various others, does indeed make the point that we in the rich world waste a lot of food. We buy too much, don't eat it, then throw it out. And some of what is grown is just never picked up by the food retailing chain - misshapen vegetables are often just ploughed back into the fields.
OK, that's one form of food waste. We in the rich world have an abundance of food and thus waste some of it. In the poor world there's a very different problem. This is where 50% of the food grown rots or is otherwise destroyed in the movement from farm to fork. This is food which, if it hadn't been wasted, people would have been delighted to eat. This is a very different problem - it is the basic inefficiency of the logistics systems which causes this problem, not consumer preferences.
And this is where we should consider what a supermarket chain really is. Sure, we look at the stores themselves and think that that's what Walmart is. But in an economic sense the stores themselves are only a small part of the system. And not the most important part of it either. What Walmart, and other such supermarket chains, really is an efficient logistics chain. That's actually how Sam Walton built it in the first place, being one of the first to grasp the importance of bar codes and the information about what to stock that provided. That early mastery of computing, added to fearsomely efficient methods of distribution from producer to store, is really what built Walmart.
At which point we can see the value of Walmart and other such chains to the Indian economy. Here we have the operators (and to emphasise, Walmart is only an example here, other supermarket chains like Aldi , Lidl, Tesco and so on are doing much the same thing in their own way) of the world's most efficient logistics chains. India has a desperate and crying out need for a more efficient series of logistics chains to get food from farm to fork. The marriage of the two is obviously going to increase efficiency. And we all know what increased efficiency means - the consumer becomes better off.
Thus the freeing up of these FDI rules and Walmart's likely reaction to said liberalisation is going to be of benefit to the Indian economy and to the Indian consumer. Given that we are supposed to be running the economy to the benefit of said consumer this is therefore a good idea.
One final thing we can say here. Walmart is just an example of supermarkets - and FDI in the food processing industry is just an example of FDI liberalisation. Those benefits to the consumer will always flow from FDI liberalisation - therefore India should move to 100% allowable FDI in every sector of the economy.
https://www.forbes.com/sites/timworstal ... 63854595b5


Immediately the author expresses his true feelings and gives the 21st century imperialists’ version of the “whiteman’s burden”: “This will be beneficial to the Indian economy and also to the Indian consumer - the consumers being the people we should be trying to run the Indian economy in favour of.

“We should be trying to run the Indian economy”. Yes, indeed. Think of the entitlement and hubris that would allow some ugly American to make this statement so blithely and with complete security of expression. But it gets better (or worse, depending).

“For the truth here is that the Indian economy is grossly inefficient in its logistics chains. And that's really how we should consider a company like Walmart. As experts in logistics chains. Having the global experts come in to improve an underperforming part of the domestic economy does sound like a pretty good idea really.”
Walmart is going to swoop in and “save” the “grossly inefficient” Indian economy. Because Walmart, as a company, are “experts in logistic chains” efficiency. And the fact that Walmart wrings massive profits out of exploiting the Indian economy is just an ancillary, unimportant side effect.

“At which point we can see the value of Walmart and other such chains to the Indian economy. Here we have the operators … of the world's most efficient logistics chains. India has a desperate and crying out need for a more efficient series of logistics chains to get food from farm to fork. The marriage of the two is obviously going to increase efficiency. And we all know what increased efficiency means - the consumer becomes better off.”
The idea that the Indians could do this themselves, without allowing Walmart’s imperialism to invade their country is just beyond credulity. The Indians simply aren’t capable of achieving this level of “efficiency”. Of course, there are numerous Indian capitalist and bourgeois functionaries who will make huge amounts of profit from Walmart’s exploitation of Indian markets and resources. The exploited nation will always have those from within who profit.
“And we all know what increased efficiency means - the consumer becomes better off.” This is the imperialist mantra, the capitalist ‘whiteman’s burden’ - we do it all for the consumer. Not getting food to the “people” or for feeding “humanity” - no, for the “consumer”.

Number of foreign assets owned by Walmart, by country, as of 1/31/2017:
5 retail chains in Argentina
3 chains in Botswana
12 chains in Brazil
3 chains in Canada
5 chains in Chile
5 chains in China
4 Chains in Costa Rica
4 chains in El Salvador
1 chain in Germany
1 chain in Ghana
4 chains in Guatemala
4 chains in Honduras
1 chain in India
4 chains in Japan
1 chain in Kenya
1 chain in South Korea
2 chains in Lesotho
1 chain in Malawi
1 chain in Mauritius
9 chains in Mexico (= 2411 stores, as an example)
3 chains in Mozambique
3 chains in Namibia
4 chains in Nicaragua
2 chains in Nigeria
12 chains in South Africa
1 chain in Swaziland
1 chain in Tanzania
1 chain in Uganda
5 chains in the United Kingdom
2 chains in Zambia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_a ... by_Walmart
Imperialism is capitalism at that stage of development in which the dominance of monopolies and finance capital has established itself; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun; in which the division of all territories of the globe among the great capitalist powers has been completed. p.89
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by blindpig » Thu Jul 20, 2017 7:33 pm

Hey Dhal, you seen this?

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/analys ... -0014.html

Also, there's a nasty spat brewing between KKE (& Mex CP) vs some faction (ferget which party) over just the issue we've bounced around. Calling KKE 'idealist' sure got their attention.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Thu Jul 20, 2017 9:11 pm

Looks like we were beaten to the punch!
This looks pretty good, I guess I'll buy it.

(To blindpig - I just posted the whole thing!)

20 July 2017 - 11:55 AM
465
Analysis
'Lenin's Imperialism in the 21st Century': New Book Explores 1917 Classic 100 Years Later 0Comentarios +
A new book released in the Philippines collects the work of eight authors who re-examine modern imperialism and monopoly capitalism a century after Lenin's groundbreaking title was published.


One hundred years ago, Russian revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin's seminal 128-page work, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, was published for the first time in pamphlet form. Written a year prior from his place of exile in neutral Switzerland and released in then-Russian capital Petrograd, the pamphlet took shape amid the world's first truly global conflict – when cities were reduced to rubble, empires were toppled and millions of lives were claimed.

IN PICTURES:
A People's History of the First Global Imperialist War

Far be it from a pacifist manifesto denouncing the evils of war through emotional platitudes, Lenin presented caustic arguments against what he called the highest stage of capitalism – modern imperialism or monopoly capitalism.

Looking at “the summarized returns of irrefutable bourgeois statistics, and the admissions of bourgeois scholars of all countries” through a Marxist lens, Lenin explained how it was this new form of capitalism that forced the world's major capitalist powers to engage in rivalries that eventually boiled over into open military conflict.

Lenin ripped the mask from both the war propaganda at the time as well as from his pro-war social-democrat opponents, describing a global politics shaped first and foremost by parasitic, profit-driven motives that eventually culminated in the First World War, which was “imperialist (that is, an annexationist, predatory, war of predatory, war of plunder) on the part of both sides.”

Lenin defined modern imperialism as: 1) The concentration of production and capital into monopolies that dictate economic life; 2) the merger of bank capital with industrial capital and the resulting “financial oligarchy,” or domination of finance capital; 3) the higher priority attached to the export of capital versus commodity exports; 4) the formation of groups or “cartels” of international capitalist monopolies and associations that divide global markets; and 5), The territorial division of the whole world among the greatest capitalist powers.


Photo Illustration of V.I. Lenin set against Reuters photos of New York City, and Mosul in ruins. | Photo: Elliott Gabriel / teleSUR

Published in countless editions and nearly every language in the world, Lenin's contribution to Marxism became a theoretical pillar for workers' movements and anti-colonial national liberation struggles throughout the globe.

A century after the publication of Lenin's Imperialism, the concentration of capital in the hands of an ever-shrinking minority continues to reach obscene levels while the majority of the world remains mired in poverty, bloodshed and crisis.

IN PICTURES:
'Colonialism is Doomed!' Poster Art from the USSR

“Sectarian” bloodshed in the Middle East, paramilitary massacres in South America, ribbon-cutting ceremonies for the latest superhighway, the endless clamor for war in the U.S. press – these sorts of events can only be properly contextualized in light of modern imperialism and capitalism. As Lenin said, “unless this is studied, it will be impossible to understand and appraise modern war and modern politics.”

Placing Lenin's study in a contemporary framework, Manila-based Institute of Political Economy in cooperation with IBON International has just released a collection of essays grappling with the various facets of imperialism for today's audience.

Titled, “Lenin's Imperialism in the 21st Century” and accompanied by a reprint of the original “Highest Stage,” the volume explores the imperialism of 2017 through eight in-depth chapters collecting essays from a range of scholars whose lives have been devoted to the revolutionary struggle against imperialism.


Quote from "Notes on Monopoly Capital in the 21st Century: 100 Years since Lenin’s Imperialism" | Photo: IBON International

“We hope that this book contributes to a deeper understanding of the violent, destructive, dying system that is imperialism and inspire the advance of anti-imperialist, democratic and socialist movements to seize victory for the only lasting alternative to capitalism,” IPE Executive Editor Antonio Tujan, Jr. notes in the preface.

Contributing authors include Antonio Tujan, Jr., Paul Quintos, Demba Moussa Dembele, Pao-yu Ching, Fred Engst, Roland Simbulan, Pio Verzola Jr. and Jose Maria Sison.

In the first essay, Tujan investigates “The Second Century of Imperialism” spanning the post-World War II boom to the present era of neoliberal “globalization” in crisis.

OPINION:
Scandinavia’s Covert Role in Western Imperialism

Using a wealth of data, the chapter lays out the rise and fall of neoliberal “free market” ideology and the state of permanent crisis it has entailed for the Global South, as well as the crisis of permanent war which has only grown more acute following the 2008 financial crisis, leading to global flashpoints which are drawing in U.S. rivals like Russia and China.

Paul Quintos' piece focuses on the economic aspects of Lenin's study of monopoly capitalism.

Quintos reinforces Lenin's conception of imperialism by examining the predatory role played by the flagship multinational corporations of the imperialist countries (Apple, Monsanto, Dow, Toyota, DHL, HP, Amazon and so on) and their ability to derive superprofits from low-wage workers in the underdeveloped Global South primarily through their supremacy over international production networks across the globe.


Quote from "New Forms of Exploitation of Africa by Monopoly Capitalism: From Lenin’s Imperialism to the Imperialism of the Triad in the 21st Century" | Photo: IBON International

Like many authors in the book, Quintos accompanies his analysis with an appeal for revolutionary systemic change.

“For Marxists, it is not a question of reinvigorating the 'developmental' state to tame the unbridled markets, which is as far as most anti-neoliberals are willing to push for,” Quintos advises. “Fundamentally it is about the working classes capturing state power, democratizing ownership and control over the means of production and transforming class relations towards socialism and ultimately communism.”

OPINION:
Enough of CIA’s 'Enough Project' in Africa

Demba Moussa Dembele's essay presents an African take on the current forms of imperialist exploitation in the continent. Examining Lenin's original formulation of monopoly capitalism as well as the works of African anti-imperialist Marxists Walter Rodney, Kwame Nkrumah and Samir Amin, Dembele details imperialism's litany of crimes against the long-suffering and subjugated peoples of Africa, which Dembele explains is currently seen as a “new frontier of global capitalism … (whose) resources are key to resolving the systemic crises of capitalism.” Dembele concludes that without peoples and governments prepared to resist imperialist military intervention, “the world may witness the recolonization of Africa.”

Two chapters are devoted to China. In Pao-Yu Ching's essay, she delves into the “new phase” of imperialism, which remains dominated by U.S. dollar hegemony and the U.S. domination of financial markets. Ching details distinct qualities of the present era, such as the internationalization of production and the creation of a new global capitalist class, before exploring China's integration into the world capitalist system following the 1979 “reform and opening-up,” its transformation into an emerging imperialist power, and its current relationship with rival imperialist powers.


Quotation from "The Current Phase of Imperialism and China" | Photo: IBON International

Fred Engst also examines the rise of China, posing various questions in the process: Does “globalization” render Lenin's theory of imperialism obsolete? Is state monopoly capitalism just a life preserver for a floundering global imperialism? Is the rising “State Capital Conglomerate in China” a socialist force, or the backbone of a new hegemonic power? What can we learn from the Cold War in regard to the approaching Sino-U.S. confrontation?

The health and fitness of the United States global empire is scrutinized by Roland Simbulan in his contribution, which casts a withering gaze on a United States desperate to stave off its hegemonic decline, using the still-potent range of tools at its disposal: economic, cultural (brands, media, ideology, academia) as well as its military assets, such as its formidable logistical capabilities (bases, infrastructure, troops) and “super-priced super-technologies of warfare.”

OPINION:
China and Trumpism: The Political Contradictions of Global Capitalism

Simbulan projects a fearsome depiction of U.S. imperialism, which engages in “murder and lawlessness around the world that would chill the bones of anyone who cares about justice, liberty and human rights."

“Lenin's contribution to understanding capitalism's tentacles in the global arena is scathing and effective in exposing and undressing U.S. foreign policy,” Simbulan notes.

“If we do not learn from this, we will continue to live in the specter of fear that our young generations will again face the prospect of being used as cannon fodder in inter-imperialist wars, in a war where there are no borders, and with destructive consequences that we can no longer just imagine, especially if nuclear war becomes the option.”

In Pio Verzola, Jr.'s essay, the past hundred years of conflict, rivalry, proxy wars and “regime change” interventions are presented as evidence of the correctness of Lenin's theory of imperialism. The paper primarily focuses on Lenin's “fifth feature” of imperialism: that global capitalism necessitates the division of the world among the great capitalist powers, spawning inter-imperialist rivalries and conflict.


Quotation from "A Century of Rivalries and Wars " | Photo: IBON International

Capping off the volume, exiled founding chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines Jose Maria Sison's essay describes the future of a stagnating imperialism that continues to discredit itself with its ever-worsening recurring crises, while issuing an optimistic call to continue engaging in the building of a resurgent socialist project capable of leading the fight to decisively end imperialism.

“By going into various kinds of offensives, especially the neoliberal economic policy offensive and the neoconservative policy of full spectrum aggressiveness, the United States has incurred self-defeating costs and accelerated its strategic decline and has descended from being the sole superpower to being one of the major powers in a multipolar world,” Sison explained to teleSUR from Utrecht, Netherlands.

OPINION:
Joma: Duterte Threatens to Impose Martial Law on Whole of Philippines

“We are still in the era of modern imperialism and proletarian revolution, especially because of the strategic setback inflicted by modern revisionism on the anti-imperialist and socialist cause,” he continued. “It is therefore of decisive importance to keep on studying and applying the theory of Lenin about imperialism as the highest and final stage of capitalism and as the eve of socialist revolution.”

“As a result of the ever worsening crisis of the world capitalist system and the ceaseless wars of aggression, the proletariat and people of the world are suffering intolerably from the ever-rising levels of oppression and exploitation and are driven to fight for national liberation, democracy and socialism against imperialism and reaction,” Sison continued, adding that this shows the need for “the study and application of the teachings of Lenin, especially in the less developed countries like the Philippines, Venezuela and the rest of Latin America.”

Note: To order a copy of the book, contact IBON International at i3d_bookshop@iboninternational.org. Paperbacks are US$5. New reprints of Lenin's original "Highest Stage" are US$2.

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/analys ... -0014.html
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Thu Jul 20, 2017 9:20 pm

blindpig wrote:
Thu Jul 20, 2017 7:33 pm
Hey Dhal, you seen this?

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/analys ... -0014.html

Also, there's a nasty spat brewing between KKE (& Mex CP) vs some faction (ferget which party) over just the issue we've bounced around. Calling KKE 'idealist' sure got their attention.
Do you have a link or Twit thing for the KKE issue?
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by blindpig » Fri Jul 21, 2017 11:58 am

Dhalgren wrote:
Thu Jul 20, 2017 9:20 pm
blindpig wrote:
Thu Jul 20, 2017 7:33 pm
Hey Dhal, you seen this?

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/analys ... -0014.html

Also, there's a nasty spat brewing between KKE (& Mex CP) vs some faction (ferget which party) over just the issue we've bounced around. Calling KKE 'idealist' sure got their attention.
Do you have a link or Twit thing for the KKE issue?
Here's some stuff:

Position of the KKE on the events in the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE)

The KKE has been informed and follows with great attention the events in the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE). We understand that today in the communist movement, in each communist party very strong pressures are being exerted, in conditions of negative correlation of forces at the international level, with the aim of abandoning the revolutionary strategy, assimilated in the capitalist system, which Become a force that manages the system. This is not something new in Spain, which has known the strong opportunist current of Eurocommunism in the ranks of the Communist Party of Spain. The PCPE, emerged as a force that faced the current of Eurocommunism, has been developing long camaraderil relations with the KKE, which waged a great political struggle with the respective opportunist current in our country,

In addition, our party, which has begun the International Meetings of Communist and Workers Parties in 1999 in Athens, which have been consolidated with the support of several communist parties as an important event for the international communist movement, had proposed and fought for the integration of PCPE in the list of invited parties on these, the well-known SolidNet list. Later, when the forces of opportunism in Europe established their own center, the so-called "Party of the European Left" and the need to form a communist pole in defense of Marxism-Leninism, the need for revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and Construction of the new socialist-communist society, was founded the international magazine "International Communist Magazine"

In this new effort, the KKE fought together with the PCPE, as well as for the new form of regional cooperation of communist parties of Europe (Communist Initiative) that is based on a Common Founding Declaration and is in confrontation with the forces of the opportunism in Europe .

In addition, the KKE has been building close camaraderiles with the PCPE, has visited Spain many times and has invited cadres of this party in Greece. KKE delegations have participated in multi-day visits to workplaces in many cities in Spain, also supporting the PCPE with speeches at rallies and meetings for electoral battles and other activities. In this course we have come to know better the PCPE, its cadres and members, the fighters who support the PCPE and the Collectives of Young Communists who have developed important internationalist relations with the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).

In the conditions that have arisen with the internal crisis in the PCPE, our party will try to maintain relations with the party that considers that there is a proximity of political positions or an approach in terms of objectives and priorities that contribute to the development of the struggle and the Regrouping of the international communist movement. In this sense, our party from now on will develop bilateral relations with PCPE with comrade Ástor García as Secretary General, bearing in mind that the positions expressed by this Party correspond to the long camaraderil relations that we have developed with PCPE comrades.

At the same time, it is worth noting the negative impression that the group of comrades Carmelo Suárez and Julio Díaz is following, as evidenced by the text recently published by the "Political Secretariat" under the title: "Some want to use the PCPE as part of its strategy to break the International Communist Movement (ICM). " Through this text and other similar interventions, an effort is made to reverse reality. Thus the parties claiming to form a pole in defense of Marxism-Leninism and whose forces are committed to the regrouping and unity of the communist movement, with the strengthening of proletarian internationalism, are accused of dividing the International Communist Movement, and not those parties which Are communist parties only in name,

In addition, the publication of Trotskyist positions in the newspaper Unidad y Lucha, as well as the contacts and joint events that has begun this group with the opportunist PCE that has supported and continues to support the anti-popular government of SYRIZA in Greece and has fought against the KKE, Have nothing to do with the PCPE that our party has known and with what they have fought together.

It should be noted that during the preparation of the 7th issue of the International Communist Review (RCI), dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Great October Revolution, this group presented an article with certain strange positions such as the socialist revolution .. Or other positions that reduce the importance of the Marxist-Leninist cosmovision, supporting, among others, the mistaken strategy of stages towards socialism, etc. During the meeting of the Editorial Board and later, the KKE as well as other parties focused their criticism to these positions. The intention of the KKE and other communist parties, such as the PC of Mexico, to publicly express themselves in the RCI's "Space for Dialogue" against these positions, Made the group of Carmelo Suárez and Julio Díaz withdraw their article so that there was no criticism, hiding from the members and cadres of the PCPE the unacceptable positions expressed in his article.
After all this and other things that have happened in Spain and of which we are informed, regarding the role of this group, after the provocative attack against the PC of Mexico that has been next to the PCPE in very difficult conditions, after the Calumnies of the group against the KKE and the hostility with which they are directed against our party and the joint international initiatives that we have taken and in which both parties participate,

The RR.II. Of KKE CC


04.05.2017

also, links within links:

https://communismgr.blogspot.gr/2017/07 ... es-of.html

I've read the original offending article but can't seem to lay hand on it at the moment.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Imperialism in the 21st Century

Post by Dhalgren » Mon Jul 24, 2017 3:53 pm

http://www.iccr.gr/en/news/Class-charac ... n-America/

From the International Communist Review, issue no. 6,
Class character of interstate unions in America

11/5/15 5:39 PM

A class approach that puts aside populist criteria is necessary, and this is done on a scientific basis, using the Marxist method of analysing reality, considering the degree of development of capitalism, the process of concentration and centralization in the imperialist phase, emphasizing what is general, without neglecting the peculiarities, and avoiding to place the part above the all. Marxist doctrine establishes the mutual connection between the phenomena of nature and society rather than analyse them in isolation. As V.S. Molodtsov noted "to deny the interdependence of phenomena goes against the possibility of knowledge as a single whole, as opposed to metaphysics Marxism-Leninism developed a truly scientific method of knowledge and transformation of reality. This method requires, first of all, considering all the phenomena of nature and society in mutual connection and interdependence"[1]. These features of Marxist-Leninist analysis are not always followed and dogmatic approaches remain, for example, with regard to the study of imperialism. For example, the relationships of economic dependences are considered fixed, immovable. In addition it neglects an essential quality of imperialism, that Lenin clarified, that it is monopoly capitalism, beating away free competition[2]; five traits are expressed in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, and they only cling to one, dodging other traits of critical importance. This leads to distortions in the analysis of contemporary interstate unions and the anti-imperialist struggle itself, strictly limiting it to the conception of weak countries versus foreign powers, or economic subordination relations, without considering that capital is developing and there are constant changes, and interdependence phenomena.



Since the beginning of the North American Free Trade Agreement (Canada, USA , Mexico) in 1994, interstate unions are being promoted in America, bilateral, multilateral and even those of continental character, with economic, trade, customs, immigration, regional integration, police and military collaboration.



Latin America is not an exclusive "backyard " of US monopolies, though its economic and political interests are still dominant, there is an increasingly growing presence of capitals from the European Union, China, and even the coordinated presence of monopolies of South America, and monopolies of each the countries involved, which are benefitted and who will occupy key places in the economic areas in which they participate.



Approaches on the class character of these interstate unions are plagued by confusion, because perceptions are mechanically supported by previous elaborations, dogmatically, as corresponding to a different time of development of capitalism rather that in its imperialist stage, and even to historical analogies such as colonial domination. This leads to ambiguity in strategic development by several communist and workers' parties, and to the marsh in the class struggle, tasks and allies are mistaken, and promoting class collaboration, ideological misrepresentation, postponing the historic goal that was already mapped out in 1848 in the program for the communists which Marx and Engels wrote.



A first issue, is the way the Leninist theory of imperialism is assumed. Reductively it is focused as a relation of domination, and not the highest and final stage of capitalism, as monopoly capitalism. Imperialism is thus identified with "Yankee imperialism", as a new colonial power, and maintains that the first task of the Communists is to fight for national independence, a task in which a spectrum of cross-class alliances is designed and the bourgeoisie is divided between "national" and "pro-imperialist"; by anti-imperialist sectors they mean anti-American, not necessarily antimonopoly because that would be involving many "national" monopolies, with which opposition platforms are forged against “foreign” monopolies. It is clear to the Communists, that regardless of nationality, whether they hold a higher or lower place, any monopoly is an essential component of the international imperialist system.



The main conclusion of this misperception is that Latin American countries are dependent, neo-colonies of American imperialism, and this conclusion is signed by a significant number of communist and labour parties of the region, and shared by reformist, opportunistic, and even political expressions of the bourgeoisie, not only at national scale but regional and seeking a continental character, plus it is no coincidence that these formations[3] have correspondence with projects or mechanisms of some interstate unions, claiming its alternative nature to the American imperialist centre.



It is assumed that the dominant role of the US is static, without considering the inter-imperialist contradictions and intense battle between sharks to occupy the top of the pyramid. True, today in America the monopolies from US are dominant, but they are not as much as 50, 25 or even 10 years ago, because every time they are losing ground to competitors on the rise of other nationalities. Leninist law of uneven development is checked.



When influencing the strategy and tactics, the opportunist character that contains class struggle manifests itself for it sections capital, considering that the national capital must be protected from abroad and leads to loss of class independence of the workers, placing them at the tail of the bourgeoisie.



Let us take the case of NAFTA, against which the Communists have been fighting since 1994, and even before, when it was a project proposed by the government of George Bush. Overall popular class forces, including us[4], subscribed that Mexico being a dependent country the free trade area meant that Mexico went from being a semi colony into a process of direct annexation by the United States. The struggle perspective stood with the flag of national independence and sovereignty and conceived a broad front with part of the bourgeoisie of the country. If you see the resolutions, declarations issued by PCM then you will find that we had more concern for the future of the industrial manufacturing, textiles, agriculture, small industry, bourgeois facing foreseeable ruin, and you will notice very little reference to the situation of Mexican, Canadian, American and migrant working class. More than two decades later the assessment that history provides allows us to confirm that this approach was wrong, because not only the American monopolies made huge profits, but also Canadian and Mexican monopolies, which strengthened and absorbed the weaker ones in the USA, in the field of telephony, America Movil, and in the mining branch, Industrial Minera Mexico, both dominant Mexican monopolies that plunder, export capital to and exploit workers of the in the US and in Latin America, and have a multifaceted character as they have expanded their investments from telephony to the press, and in general communication services, food, pharmaceuticals, etc. In the case of Industrial Minera Mexico it absorbed several monopolies in the mining and metal-mechanical branch in the US, Peru and Chile. Other instructive examples are the monopoly of the Mexican Bimbo, the food industry, which already dominates the sector in Spain and ventures into China; Construction monopoly ICA, in competition with Brazilian Odebrecht dispute monopoly control of the sector in building roads, bridges and infrastructure; a sobering example is the state monopoly Pemex also locks in that direction, it expanded its line of control in ports and shipyards in Spain. They are not exceptions, you could list other, and check that regardless of nationality monopolies increased their profits, advanced concentrating and centralizing in their field and expanding to others, likewise workers, regardless of nationality, are exploited, impoverished, and are affected by the measures taken by the interstate unions - in this case the NAFTA, to affect their labour rights, reducing them to ashes, devaluing the work and sharpening the capital / labour contradiction, in addition to other measures such as privatization and cutting public sectors of education, health, etc. But not only in the case of NAFTA, Plan Puebla-Panama, bilateral treaties, tried and failed in the FTAA, but also in agreements with the EU, and even in the "alternative" called as MERCOSUR, UNASUR and ALBA, where monopolies of these countries have consolidated as dominant in important branches of agriculture, construction, energy, and also concatenated with blocks, which in the inter dispute with the US, as the case of the BRICS, consider them strategic partners climbing the imperialist pyramid.



Is it correct to speak of Mexico as a dependent and semicolonial country when it ranks 11th in the gross world product? When monopolies are consolidated after a long process of concentration and centralization? According to our findings, set out in the program adopted by the V Congress of the PCM, Mexico is a country of average development in which capitalist relations are fully consolidated, intermediate in the imperialist pyramid, with interdependent relationships that ensure the development of monopolies.



As the Communist Party of Greece states: "History has shown that monopoly as a result of the concentration of capital, as a fundamental law of the present stage of capitalism is a general trend worldwide and can coexist with forms of pre-capitalist economy and property.[5]" That is, in Mexico there are characteristics of economic backwardness, though it is not dominant, as is usually intense and growing capitalist development; there are relationships of dependence and interdependence, stronger with the US economy, and growing with the European Union. We reiterate, there are very strong, dominant Mexican monopolies.



We are convinced of the fight against interstate unions, because these are unfavourable to the people and the working class, and that it has to start from a rigorous class analysis, otherwise, if wrong analyses and perceptions prevail, a wrong strategy will lead to the delay of antimonopoly, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist objectives.



Among the ideological components of non-class analysis we find the following:



a) Placing the fundamental contradiction as dependence / independence and erroneously displacing the essence of the era which is capital / labour antagonism.



b) Overideologizing the independence and anti-colonialist struggle of the nineteenth century, looking to extract out poetry of the past, and not from the future[6]. The action and the program of Hidalgo, Bolivar, Juarez, San Martin, Sucre, etc., corresponding to a particular time, two centuries ago, when the rising bourgeoisie found in favour of their class interests the need to form their States freeing them from the colonial domination of the Spanish crown, moving immediately to establish domination of the bourgeois class over the exploited and oppressed. Recognizing the revolutionary-democratic struggles and characterizing these as progressive in its time, is downright insufficient wanting to find in the programs of old the flags that workers must now take up to achieve their emancipation. Concepts such as "Monroeism vs bolivarianism" for example, contribute to conceal that at the time the antagonist is socialism vs. capitalism, and the same applies to projects of "Gran Colombia", etc, etc, today raised by political forces that do not fight against monopolies, but on behalf of those of their respective nationalities.



c) By placing independence as the immediate objective and broad cross-class alliances as the political subject to obtain it, intermediate stages are set, and although those who advocate them may adhere to the socialist-communist goal, they only do so formally for siding with any specific section of the bourgeoisie contributes to the prolongation of capitalist society.



d) Categories such as neoliberalism, globalization, multipolarity, which provide space to the improvement and "humanization" of capitalism, managing it differently, hiding the class conflict in international relations and leading the working class and peoples to take sides in the inter dispute by a block opposite to the US, a more "friendly" one.



e) When considering imperialism as a metropolis, the class struggle in each country is left aside, for the sake of "national unity", to focus on the struggle against foreign domination.



Another important issue is the following. There is a consensus among the opportunist forces that interstate agreements promoted by the US imperialist centre must be fought in favour of national sections of the bourgeoisie. However when these intergovernmental agreements are with other imperialist centres the position changes, they are presented as the passage of a unipolar to a multipolar world, wording which hides the need to fight for a new world, where other social relationships exist, where workers' power imposes new conditions favourable to the peoples in open dispute against imperialism. The same is true when the State Union is e.g. MERCOSUR, UNASUR and ALBA-TCP. The equation is simple, the sum of capitalist economies results in an inter-block and cannot result in a popular alliance opposed to monopolies. Where is the alternative there? Let us go to the case of ALBA-TCP that arouses expectations; the presence of Cuba, qualitatively, the economic weight, due to the difficulties it had as a result of the imperialist blockade, has no decisive economic weight relative to the other participating countries that are qualitatively capitalist countries. The ALBA-TCP also recommends capital investment in Latin America itself; true, the Bolivarian political processes of Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, arouses expectation on the course they can take; but until today, in the Venezuelan case, after 16 years, the bottom line is that the capitalist structure remains intact and monopolies still dominate. Just as wrong is "socialism of the XXI century" (market socialism, bourgeois state, multi-class party, defence of private property and profits of monopolies), as thinking that these processes have a nature distinct of the capitalist one.

ALBA actually functions as a supranational structure just as the EU, and has established an economic base in capitalist relations of production that leads them to undertake joint economic projects as the development of monopoly enterprises with state investment from member countries of ALBA, and private investment to a lesser extent, as are the so called grand-national projects and grand-national companies that have raised venture in mining and metallurgy of aluminum, iron and steel. The boost they propose to give the cement industry with the construction of a cement plant with portland type production capacity of 1,000,000 tons / year, in the departments of Oruro and Potosi with the participation of Cuba and Venezuela is also significant, as it makes clear that the expropriation of CEMEX[7] in Venezuela responds to capitalist economic interests such as the creation of a cement monopoly.[8]



Although the ALBA declares that "The concept of grand-national companies emerged in opposition to transnational companies, therefore, its economic dynamics will be directed to favour the production of goods and services to satisfy human needs" and believes that opposes the logic of capital accumulation, the reality is that economic cooperation does not change the basis of the economic system, so the Grannacional projects are actually a way to develop the industrialization of the countries participating in the ALBA which will lead to the development and strengthening of monopolies, consolidating the ALBA as an imperialist bloc.[9]



Let us recall that Lenin in Imperialism, Highest Stage of Capitalism, warned that "the monopolies have never pursued as an end, nor have resulted, in providing benefits to consumers or, at least, make available to the state a part of employer benefits, rather they have served for the State to bailout private industry, which has come almost to bankruptcy", in this case the states of the ALBA alliance are seeking to encourage monopolies.



Another example that interstate alliances are of inter-imperialist nature is that for example the special ALBA 2014 Communiqué on states affected by transnational interests does not pronounce against the power of monopolies in general but against those most closely linked to US capital, promoting indirectly with the Southern Observatory on Investment and Transnationals that monopolies that exploit workers in the region respond to the interests of the ALBA, i.e. the exploitation of the working class of the ALBA countries enrich the grand-national companies.[10]

The economic alliance takes ALBA to close military links to defend their economic interests, as NATO is the armed wing of the member countries of the EU, which is why it counts with a defence and sovereignty committee composed of the defence ministers of the member countries seeking "popular joint comprehensive defence strategy and to establish a school of dignity and sovereignty of the armed forces" behind the popular sovereignty and integral defence is the defence of monopoly interests.

Appreciated in their economic characteristics, interstate agreements in the Americas, without exception, have a capitalist class nature and cannot be presented as alternatives to the working class and peoples.

In the fight against them, i.e. in the struggle against the international imperialist system Communists must always specify the antimonopoly and anti-capitalist content and take into account that the struggle is national in form and international for its content. That is, to put a current example, part of the anti-imperialist struggle for the Mexican proletariat is fighting the monopoly Industrial Minera Mexico that now exploits the Peruvian and American proletariat through the Southern Cooper Company. Of very little use it is to break with NAFTA if it is to benefit the monopolies of national origin. Fighting interstate agreements, in our conception and strategic analysis, is linked to the struggle for socialism and workers' and people’s power, i.e. with a clear anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist vision.



The overthrow of capitalism, of monopoly power is the basic condition to break the plundering of peoples and the exploitation of the proletariat, to forge relations of equality among peoples and ensuring development with socialism-communism will bring welfare of the working class and popular sectors.



[1] V.S. Molodotsov; Marxist dialectics and the mutual connection and interdependence of nature and society phenomena, in Dialectic Materialism; Science Academy of the USSR, under the editing of V. P. Tchertkov, V. S. Molodtsov, D.M. Trochin, K.V. Moroz, F.I. Kalochin, etc; Moscow 1954.



[2] Let us remember that the features that Lenin assigns to imperialism are the follwing: “(1) the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a decisive role in economic life; (2) the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation on the basis of this “finance capital”, of a financial oligarchy; (3) the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance; (4) the formation of international monopoly capitalist associations which share the world among themselves, and (5) the territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed.”

Lenin, Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism, LCW Volume 22





[3] For example the Conference of Organizations and Political Parties of Latin America (COPPAL), the forum of Sao Paulo, which has strong ties with the Left European Party, and that to a great extent are functional for the collaboration of Latin American capitals with European, fundamentally between the MERCOSUR-EU agreements. Organizations that in the 60’s, 70’s and 80’s of the XX century, led armed struggles in Central America and that have evolved towards social-democracy, and not as a degeneration, rather a logical result of its class origin and its program, are also inscribed in this analysis. It is in general the position denominated as left, concept that the PCM does not use for it does not express with clarity the class position and it does cloud ideologically, for it misleads, as for left today is also understood liberal formations, socialdemocrats and even capitalist options of neokeynesian management.



[4] The Communist Party of Mexico kept from 1994 and until the year 1999 a platform of struggle against NAFTA baseed on the misleading position that it was an anticolonial struggle for independence to break chains of imperialist domination, from 1999 the focus of struggle acquired a class character, and the rupture with monopolies that exploited the working class not only of Mexico, but also of USA and Canada. It was however until the IV Congress in the year 2010, when the position of rupture with NAFTA and any inter-state agreement was linked with the struggle for socialism-communism and for workers and people’s power.



[5] The Leninist approach of KKE on imperialism and the imperialist pyramid. Written Contribution of KKE to the 9th International Conference “Lenin and the contemporary world”



[6] As Marx well emphasized in the 18th Brumaire of Louise Bonaparte

[7] Mexican monopoly expropriated by the bolivarian government of Venezuela, ¿Do we the working class communist have to choose between the monopoly of the mexican bourgeoisie, or the monopoly of southamerican monopoly? For none, for our duty is to propose the socialization of the means of production and change.

[8] Vid. http://alba-tcp.org/content/alba-industria-y-mineria

[9] vid. http://alba-tcp.org/contenido/concepto-grannacional

[10] Approved communiqué of the XIV Political Council of ALBA, New York, September 26, 2014
This piece is just dead-on across the board. Imperialism is not just "Yankee military aggression", it is the machinations and ascendancy of monopolies around the world, and their position in the class war.
Siding with smaller bourgeoisie against the larger is a losing proposition and does nothing but bolster the bourgeoisie. We must support nations fighting against imperialism without supporting those nations' ruling class bourgeoisie. It can be done, it must be done.
" If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." Lenin, 1916

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