Re: The Soviet Union
Posted: Fri Aug 19, 2022 3:32 pm
New reflections on the dramatic changes that have taken place in the USSR
Foreword SP
We bring to your attention an article by Chen Zhihua, a leading researcher at the Institute of World History of the CASS, to get acquainted with the official position of the CPC on the issue of the reasons for the restoration of capitalism in the USSR.
20 years have passed since the collapse of the world's first socialist country - the USSR and the death of the communist party - the CPSU. In connection with this date, the Publishing House of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) published a collection entitled "Keep your vigilance - reflections on the collapse of the CPSU: 20 years later." Compiled under the direction and general editorship of CASS Vice President Li Shenmin, this edition of nearly half a million characters is the result of deep research and development by the China Social Science Foundation (SPSS) and CASC. The Qualification Board of the FONK assessed this work as "a contribution to historical science, which has an important long-term value for the guidelines for the development of the cause of socialism throughout the world and the building of proletarian parties."
This book has 8 chapters. The introduction reveals the theme and the main ideology of the entire publication so deeply that it can claim to be an independent theoretical work. Based on a large number of facts and statistics, it has been proven that the collapse of the USSR and the liquidation of the CPSU have become a real historical tragedy. The collapse of the USSR not only caused incredible damage to the peoples of the former Soviet Union, but also created an unfavorable situation for the world socialist movement, which led to its decline. The introduction clearly reveals a number of significant reasons for the death of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR, among which the main and decisive role was played by the degeneration of the CPSU, which was then in power. It is explained that the reason for the collapse of the USSR and the liquidation of the CPSU is not the problem of the "Stalinist model", but the betrayal by the leadership of the USSR, headed by M.
The whole book is built on this pivotal thought formulated in the introduction. The book outlines and systematizes the main stages in the process of the degeneration of the CPSU.
Firstly , the main political line of the CPSU is explained, the real results of this line and the course of the country worked out on its basis are shown. This fact was put forward as the main argument, which proves that the CPSU collapsed only because of the gradual departure from Marxism, which ended in its betrayal.
Secondly , using the example of the CPSU, it is shown that ideological work in the party is of the utmost importance and it must be carried out by truly devoted followers of Marxism.
Thirdly , the issue of party discipline in the CPSU was studied. This part of the study deals with party discipline and ethics based on the nature and goals of the party itself; the problems that appeared in the deep essence of the CPSU, the problems that manifested themselves in matters of connection with the people and devotion to the cause of serving the people, were revealed.
And, finally , the issues of democratic centralism, personnel policy, mechanisms of party discipline and party control that existed in the CPSU are considered.
It is these four elements that demonstrate the ideological, political and organizational path of the CPSU.
Further, the characteristics and assessments of all the top leaders of the CPSU are given according to the following parameters: Marxist education, devotion to the cause of socialism and communism, and business qualities in leadership positions. In conclusion, an analysis is given of the theoretical and practical steps taken by the CPSU to counteract the policy of "peaceful evolution" promoted by the West. This last part reveals the importance of the totality of the mentioned external factors in the development of the party, it also explains the influence of foreign policy factors on the internal processes in the party.
The book uses elements of various theoretical studies and puts forward its own, special point of view. At the same time, explanations are given on historical and modern approaches to the problems that are formulated in the following 3 paragraphs.
(1) The question of the "Stalinist model", or the so-called question of the Soviet socialist model . In the book, it is considered as a question that is both positive and negative. First of all, the political and economic system and specific mechanisms of governance are considered separately. Although these two parts are inseparable, they are essentially different. The political and economic system determines the direction of development, and it was he who characterized the socialist essence of the USSR, which is undeniable. But management mechanisms are a specific tool for the implementation of a particular system, they must adapt to changing conditions and be constantly reformed.
Further, in the 30-40s of the 20th century, at the initial stage of building the Soviet socialist model, this model corresponded to the domestic and foreign political situation and successfully met the requirements for the development of production forces. This model objectively reflected the innovative nature of the socialist transformations of that time. Without this, industrialization, victory in the Great Patriotic War and rapid post-war reconstruction would not have been possible. Of course, this model was not without flaws, but they were insignificant against the backdrop of major achievements. Therefore, we cannot completely reject this model. However, since the beginning of the 1950s, the flaws of this model began to appear and worsen. The leadership of the CPSU not only failed to correct the policy and carry out reforms in time, but, on the contrary, began to carry out such reforms, which ultimately led to the rejection of socialism. Thus, the CPSU and the USSR embarked on the path of inevitable disintegration.
(2) The question of the main causes of the deaths of the CPSU and the USSR . This book believes that the main reason is the gradual deviation from the line of Marxism and its final betrayal - this happened, starting with the grouping of N. Khrushchev and ending with the team of M. Gorbachev. The most destructive role was played by Gorbachev's "perestroika", which proclaimed "democratic socialism with a human face" as its slogan. This policy was based on concepts such as "democratization", "glasnost", a multi-party system, full-scale privatization and historical nihilism. All this is not only direct, but also the main reasons for the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR.
(3) The question of the inevitability of abrupt change . Based on this analysis, this book believes that the collapse was not an irreversible process. If the CPSU had remained true to Marxism and creatively developed it, taking into account modern conditions and changes in internal and external factors, making adjustments to the system of government of the USSR, then the disintegration of the country could well have been avoided. The idea is also expressed that the collapse of the CPSU is not the defeat of Marxism and the collapse of the most advanced detachment of the proletariat, but only the defeat of the CPSU itself, which betrayed Marxism, socialism and the interests of the people. We can state that the party, which has already acquired the form of a social democratic party, has collapsed, that this was the fall of a party of a bourgeois persuasion.
This book believes that the emergence and development of bourgeois ideology within the CPSU, its rebirth have deep economic and class reasons. The history of the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR is a special page in the history of the class struggle. If at the initial stage of its emergence, the privileged stratum of the leadership of the CPSU was just a small group of top leaders who were mired in corruption and enjoying all the benefits available, a group of people who were only interested in maintaining the status quo and who no longer needed reforms, then later from they formed a certain social stratum, which began to use its power for personal gain and sought to create such production relations and relations in the sphere of exchange that would satisfy the interests of this particular stratum, thus embarking on the path of betrayal of the rank and file members of the party and the people as a whole, on the path of betrayal of Marxism-Leninism and the idea of socialism. This became the materialized force and driving force that led to the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR.
The book also emphasizes that historical materialism, while emphasizing that the creator of history is the people, at the same time does not deny the role of the individual in history. Analyzing the role of the leadership of the CPSU in different historical epochs, we cannot help thinking about the personality of those who are at the helm of the party, those who make decisions on the fateful issues of the party and the country. The leader often plays a key role. The study of theory and history is not conducted for the sake of theoretical disputes or nostalgic memories. This is done to draw lessons from the past for the sake of the present and the future. All the issues mentioned in the book and the conclusions drawn can be very useful for the socialist countries and the ruling communist parties, especially for the CCP, which is engaged in building socialism with Chinese characteristics.
https://prorivists.org/inf_china_counte ... tion_ussr/
On the tasks of the People's Commissariat of Justice in the context of the new economic policy
Foreword SP
The letter of Lenin from 1922 offered below requires a detailed analysis by every thinking reader. In an extremely concise and businesslike form, it reveals the most important concepts of the state, law, coercion, and provides illustrations of Lenin's exactingness towards personnel and attentiveness to the political moment. The document is especially useful in the process of studying the relationship between the objective and the subjective in politics.
T. Kursky!
The activities of the People's Commissariat of Justice, apparently, are not yet at all adapted to the new economic policy.
Previously, the combat detachments of the Soviet authorities were mainly the People's Commissariat of War and the Cheka. Now a particularly combat role falls to the lot of the NKJUST; Unfortunately, there is no understanding of this on the part of the leaders and main figures of the NKJUST.
Strengthening repression against political enemies of the Soviet power and agents of the bourgeoisie ( especially the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries); carrying out this repression by revolutionary tribunals and people's courts in the most rapid and revolutionary expedient manner; obligatory delivery of a number of exemplary(by the speed and strength of repression; by explaining to the masses, through the courts and through the press, their meaning) of the processes in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kharkov and several other important centers; influence on people's judges and members of revolutionary tribunals through the party in the sense of improving the activities of courts and strengthening repression; - all this must be carried out systematically, stubbornly, persistently, with obligatory reporting (the most concise, in the telegraphic style, but businesslike and accurate, with obligatory statistics on how the NKJUST punishes and how it learns to punish that “communist” bastard that prevails in our country, which knows how to scribble and put on airs, but does not know how to work).
No less important is the combat role of the NKJUST in the field of the New Economic Policy, and even more outrageous is the weakness and drowsiness of the NKJUST in this area. There is no understanding that we have recognized and will continue to recognize only state capitalism, and the state is us, we class-conscious workers, we communists. Therefore, those communists who have not understood their task to limit, curb, control, catch in the act of crime, punish imposingly any capitalism that goes beyond the framework of state capitalism, as we understand the concept and tasks of the state , must be recognized as unfit for hell .
It is precisely the NKJUST, precisely the People's Courts, that have a particularly combative and especially responsible task here. You can't see her understanding. There is noise in the newspapers about the abuses of the NEP. These abuses are endless.
And where is the noise about exemplary trials against scoundrels abusing the New Economic Policy? There is no such noise, because these processes do not exist. The NKJust "forgot" that this is its business, that it is the duty of the NKJust to fail to pull up, shake up, shake up the People's Courts and teach them to punish mercilessly, up to execution, and quickly for abuses of the New Economic Policy. He is responsible for this. Not a drop of live work on the part of the NKJUST in this area is visible, because it does not exist.
The educational value of the courts is enormous. Where do we care about this? Where is the account of real results? This is not, and this is the ABC of all legal work.
The same alphabet - triple punishment for the communists against the punishment for non-party people. And the same carelessness of the NKJUST. Under the tsar, prosecutors were driven and raised according to the percentage of cases they won. We adopted the worst from tsarist Russia, bureaucracy and Oblomovism, from which we are literally suffocating, but we have not been able to adopt the clever . Each member of the collegium of the People's Commissariat of Justice, each figure in this department should be evaluated according to their track record, after the inquiry: how many communists did you throw in jail three times more severely than non-party ones for those misconduct? how many bureaucrats have you put in jail for bureaucracy and red tape? how many merchants for abuse of NEPdid you bring you under execution or under another, not a toy (as in Moscow, under the nose of the NKJUST usually happens) punishment? Can't answer this question? - that means you are a prankster who should be driven out of the party for "combat talk" and for "compromising."
New civil legislation is being prepared. NKJust "goes with the flow"; I see it. And he must fight against the current. Not to adopt (or rather, not to be fooled by the stupid and bourgeois old lawyers who adopt) the old, bourgeois concept of civil law, but to create a new one. Not to succumb to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, which "by virtue of its position" is drawing the line of "adaptation to Europe", but to fight against this line, to develop a new civil law, a new attitude towards "private" contracts, etc. We do not recognize anything “private”, for us everything in the field of economy is public law , and not private. We allow only state capitalism,and the state is - we, as mentioned above. Hence - to expand the use of state intervention in "private-law" relations; expand the power of the state to cancel "private" contracts; apply not corpus juris romani to "civil legal relations", but our revolutionary legal consciousness ; show systematically, stubbornly, persistently on a number of exemplary processes, how this should be done with mind and energy; through the party to defame and expel those members of the revolutionary tribunals and people's judges who do not learn this and do not want to understand this.
Before Genoa (and before the whole world), the NKJUST will be completely disgraced if it does not immediately shake itself up and take up with all its energy the transition to combat work, to new rails.
I suggest that you 1) read my letter to all members of the board of the NKJUST; 2) also - at a meeting of 100 - 200 people exclusively communists, practically working in the field of civil, criminal and state law; 3) to forbid, under pain of party responsibility, to talk about it (about this letter), because it is stupid to show our strategy to the enemies; 4) to ensure that a few communists, employees of the court and the NKJUST, who are in complete agreement with the spirit of this letter, come out on these topics with a number of articles in the press and with a number of public abstracts; 5) to distribute among all members of the collegium (and, if possible, also among other prominent communists working under the department of the NKJUST) responsibility : a) for the departments of the new civil legislation ( especially and most important), b) also criminal, c) also state and political (less topical), d) for staging and conducting exemplary, high-profile, educational processes in the above centers , e) for business, and not paper control over people's courts and revolutionaries, so that they were able to actually intensify repression against the political enemies of the Soviet authorities (NKJUST will be the first to be blamed if this repression does not intensify) and against the abuses of the NEP . Trade, make a profit, we will allow you to do this, but we will triple your duty to be honest, to give truthful and accurate reports, to reckon not only with the letter, but also with the spirit of our communist legislation, not to allow a shadowdeviations from our laws—this is what the main commandment of the NKJUST should be in relation to the NEP . If the NKJUST fails to ensure that our capitalism is “well-trained”, “decent”, if the NKJUST does not prove by a number of exemplary trials that it knows how to catch a violation of this rule and punish with a not shamefully stupid, “communist-stupid” fine 100-200 million, but by execution —then the NKJUST is useless to hell, and then I will consider it my duty to press the Central Committee for a complete replacement of the responsible workers of the NKJUST.
I ask you to inform me of the distribution of this work among all members of the collegium of the NKJust as soon as possible so that I can see with complete accuracy who exactly (except the people's commissar, who is responsible for everything) is responsible for such and such departments of civil law (and then criminal, etc.). etc.) and for conducting exemplary trials (each member of the collegium must prove himself in setting up and conducting several exemplary trials), and for business control over revolutionary tribunals and people's courts, and judicial investigators, etc. such and such a province or such and such a section of Moscow.
It is not the division of "departments" and not bureaucratic lulling in this, but the personal responsibility of each communist who is a member of the collegium for such and such lively revolutionary work - this is what the people's commissar is obliged to strive for and prove that he knows how to achieve this.
https://prorivists.org/doc_lenin_pcj-1922/
Google Translator
Foreword SP
We bring to your attention an article by Chen Zhihua, a leading researcher at the Institute of World History of the CASS, to get acquainted with the official position of the CPC on the issue of the reasons for the restoration of capitalism in the USSR.
20 years have passed since the collapse of the world's first socialist country - the USSR and the death of the communist party - the CPSU. In connection with this date, the Publishing House of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) published a collection entitled "Keep your vigilance - reflections on the collapse of the CPSU: 20 years later." Compiled under the direction and general editorship of CASS Vice President Li Shenmin, this edition of nearly half a million characters is the result of deep research and development by the China Social Science Foundation (SPSS) and CASC. The Qualification Board of the FONK assessed this work as "a contribution to historical science, which has an important long-term value for the guidelines for the development of the cause of socialism throughout the world and the building of proletarian parties."
This book has 8 chapters. The introduction reveals the theme and the main ideology of the entire publication so deeply that it can claim to be an independent theoretical work. Based on a large number of facts and statistics, it has been proven that the collapse of the USSR and the liquidation of the CPSU have become a real historical tragedy. The collapse of the USSR not only caused incredible damage to the peoples of the former Soviet Union, but also created an unfavorable situation for the world socialist movement, which led to its decline. The introduction clearly reveals a number of significant reasons for the death of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR, among which the main and decisive role was played by the degeneration of the CPSU, which was then in power. It is explained that the reason for the collapse of the USSR and the liquidation of the CPSU is not the problem of the "Stalinist model", but the betrayal by the leadership of the USSR, headed by M.
The whole book is built on this pivotal thought formulated in the introduction. The book outlines and systematizes the main stages in the process of the degeneration of the CPSU.
Firstly , the main political line of the CPSU is explained, the real results of this line and the course of the country worked out on its basis are shown. This fact was put forward as the main argument, which proves that the CPSU collapsed only because of the gradual departure from Marxism, which ended in its betrayal.
Secondly , using the example of the CPSU, it is shown that ideological work in the party is of the utmost importance and it must be carried out by truly devoted followers of Marxism.
Thirdly , the issue of party discipline in the CPSU was studied. This part of the study deals with party discipline and ethics based on the nature and goals of the party itself; the problems that appeared in the deep essence of the CPSU, the problems that manifested themselves in matters of connection with the people and devotion to the cause of serving the people, were revealed.
And, finally , the issues of democratic centralism, personnel policy, mechanisms of party discipline and party control that existed in the CPSU are considered.
It is these four elements that demonstrate the ideological, political and organizational path of the CPSU.
Further, the characteristics and assessments of all the top leaders of the CPSU are given according to the following parameters: Marxist education, devotion to the cause of socialism and communism, and business qualities in leadership positions. In conclusion, an analysis is given of the theoretical and practical steps taken by the CPSU to counteract the policy of "peaceful evolution" promoted by the West. This last part reveals the importance of the totality of the mentioned external factors in the development of the party, it also explains the influence of foreign policy factors on the internal processes in the party.
The book uses elements of various theoretical studies and puts forward its own, special point of view. At the same time, explanations are given on historical and modern approaches to the problems that are formulated in the following 3 paragraphs.
(1) The question of the "Stalinist model", or the so-called question of the Soviet socialist model . In the book, it is considered as a question that is both positive and negative. First of all, the political and economic system and specific mechanisms of governance are considered separately. Although these two parts are inseparable, they are essentially different. The political and economic system determines the direction of development, and it was he who characterized the socialist essence of the USSR, which is undeniable. But management mechanisms are a specific tool for the implementation of a particular system, they must adapt to changing conditions and be constantly reformed.
Further, in the 30-40s of the 20th century, at the initial stage of building the Soviet socialist model, this model corresponded to the domestic and foreign political situation and successfully met the requirements for the development of production forces. This model objectively reflected the innovative nature of the socialist transformations of that time. Without this, industrialization, victory in the Great Patriotic War and rapid post-war reconstruction would not have been possible. Of course, this model was not without flaws, but they were insignificant against the backdrop of major achievements. Therefore, we cannot completely reject this model. However, since the beginning of the 1950s, the flaws of this model began to appear and worsen. The leadership of the CPSU not only failed to correct the policy and carry out reforms in time, but, on the contrary, began to carry out such reforms, which ultimately led to the rejection of socialism. Thus, the CPSU and the USSR embarked on the path of inevitable disintegration.
(2) The question of the main causes of the deaths of the CPSU and the USSR . This book believes that the main reason is the gradual deviation from the line of Marxism and its final betrayal - this happened, starting with the grouping of N. Khrushchev and ending with the team of M. Gorbachev. The most destructive role was played by Gorbachev's "perestroika", which proclaimed "democratic socialism with a human face" as its slogan. This policy was based on concepts such as "democratization", "glasnost", a multi-party system, full-scale privatization and historical nihilism. All this is not only direct, but also the main reasons for the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR.
(3) The question of the inevitability of abrupt change . Based on this analysis, this book believes that the collapse was not an irreversible process. If the CPSU had remained true to Marxism and creatively developed it, taking into account modern conditions and changes in internal and external factors, making adjustments to the system of government of the USSR, then the disintegration of the country could well have been avoided. The idea is also expressed that the collapse of the CPSU is not the defeat of Marxism and the collapse of the most advanced detachment of the proletariat, but only the defeat of the CPSU itself, which betrayed Marxism, socialism and the interests of the people. We can state that the party, which has already acquired the form of a social democratic party, has collapsed, that this was the fall of a party of a bourgeois persuasion.
This book believes that the emergence and development of bourgeois ideology within the CPSU, its rebirth have deep economic and class reasons. The history of the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR is a special page in the history of the class struggle. If at the initial stage of its emergence, the privileged stratum of the leadership of the CPSU was just a small group of top leaders who were mired in corruption and enjoying all the benefits available, a group of people who were only interested in maintaining the status quo and who no longer needed reforms, then later from they formed a certain social stratum, which began to use its power for personal gain and sought to create such production relations and relations in the sphere of exchange that would satisfy the interests of this particular stratum, thus embarking on the path of betrayal of the rank and file members of the party and the people as a whole, on the path of betrayal of Marxism-Leninism and the idea of socialism. This became the materialized force and driving force that led to the collapse of the CPSU and the USSR.
The book also emphasizes that historical materialism, while emphasizing that the creator of history is the people, at the same time does not deny the role of the individual in history. Analyzing the role of the leadership of the CPSU in different historical epochs, we cannot help thinking about the personality of those who are at the helm of the party, those who make decisions on the fateful issues of the party and the country. The leader often plays a key role. The study of theory and history is not conducted for the sake of theoretical disputes or nostalgic memories. This is done to draw lessons from the past for the sake of the present and the future. All the issues mentioned in the book and the conclusions drawn can be very useful for the socialist countries and the ruling communist parties, especially for the CCP, which is engaged in building socialism with Chinese characteristics.
https://prorivists.org/inf_china_counte ... tion_ussr/
On the tasks of the People's Commissariat of Justice in the context of the new economic policy
Foreword SP
The letter of Lenin from 1922 offered below requires a detailed analysis by every thinking reader. In an extremely concise and businesslike form, it reveals the most important concepts of the state, law, coercion, and provides illustrations of Lenin's exactingness towards personnel and attentiveness to the political moment. The document is especially useful in the process of studying the relationship between the objective and the subjective in politics.
T. Kursky!
The activities of the People's Commissariat of Justice, apparently, are not yet at all adapted to the new economic policy.
Previously, the combat detachments of the Soviet authorities were mainly the People's Commissariat of War and the Cheka. Now a particularly combat role falls to the lot of the NKJUST; Unfortunately, there is no understanding of this on the part of the leaders and main figures of the NKJUST.
Strengthening repression against political enemies of the Soviet power and agents of the bourgeoisie ( especially the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries); carrying out this repression by revolutionary tribunals and people's courts in the most rapid and revolutionary expedient manner; obligatory delivery of a number of exemplary(by the speed and strength of repression; by explaining to the masses, through the courts and through the press, their meaning) of the processes in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kharkov and several other important centers; influence on people's judges and members of revolutionary tribunals through the party in the sense of improving the activities of courts and strengthening repression; - all this must be carried out systematically, stubbornly, persistently, with obligatory reporting (the most concise, in the telegraphic style, but businesslike and accurate, with obligatory statistics on how the NKJUST punishes and how it learns to punish that “communist” bastard that prevails in our country, which knows how to scribble and put on airs, but does not know how to work).
No less important is the combat role of the NKJUST in the field of the New Economic Policy, and even more outrageous is the weakness and drowsiness of the NKJUST in this area. There is no understanding that we have recognized and will continue to recognize only state capitalism, and the state is us, we class-conscious workers, we communists. Therefore, those communists who have not understood their task to limit, curb, control, catch in the act of crime, punish imposingly any capitalism that goes beyond the framework of state capitalism, as we understand the concept and tasks of the state , must be recognized as unfit for hell .
It is precisely the NKJUST, precisely the People's Courts, that have a particularly combative and especially responsible task here. You can't see her understanding. There is noise in the newspapers about the abuses of the NEP. These abuses are endless.
And where is the noise about exemplary trials against scoundrels abusing the New Economic Policy? There is no such noise, because these processes do not exist. The NKJust "forgot" that this is its business, that it is the duty of the NKJust to fail to pull up, shake up, shake up the People's Courts and teach them to punish mercilessly, up to execution, and quickly for abuses of the New Economic Policy. He is responsible for this. Not a drop of live work on the part of the NKJUST in this area is visible, because it does not exist.
The educational value of the courts is enormous. Where do we care about this? Where is the account of real results? This is not, and this is the ABC of all legal work.
The same alphabet - triple punishment for the communists against the punishment for non-party people. And the same carelessness of the NKJUST. Under the tsar, prosecutors were driven and raised according to the percentage of cases they won. We adopted the worst from tsarist Russia, bureaucracy and Oblomovism, from which we are literally suffocating, but we have not been able to adopt the clever . Each member of the collegium of the People's Commissariat of Justice, each figure in this department should be evaluated according to their track record, after the inquiry: how many communists did you throw in jail three times more severely than non-party ones for those misconduct? how many bureaucrats have you put in jail for bureaucracy and red tape? how many merchants for abuse of NEPdid you bring you under execution or under another, not a toy (as in Moscow, under the nose of the NKJUST usually happens) punishment? Can't answer this question? - that means you are a prankster who should be driven out of the party for "combat talk" and for "compromising."
New civil legislation is being prepared. NKJust "goes with the flow"; I see it. And he must fight against the current. Not to adopt (or rather, not to be fooled by the stupid and bourgeois old lawyers who adopt) the old, bourgeois concept of civil law, but to create a new one. Not to succumb to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, which "by virtue of its position" is drawing the line of "adaptation to Europe", but to fight against this line, to develop a new civil law, a new attitude towards "private" contracts, etc. We do not recognize anything “private”, for us everything in the field of economy is public law , and not private. We allow only state capitalism,and the state is - we, as mentioned above. Hence - to expand the use of state intervention in "private-law" relations; expand the power of the state to cancel "private" contracts; apply not corpus juris romani to "civil legal relations", but our revolutionary legal consciousness ; show systematically, stubbornly, persistently on a number of exemplary processes, how this should be done with mind and energy; through the party to defame and expel those members of the revolutionary tribunals and people's judges who do not learn this and do not want to understand this.
Before Genoa (and before the whole world), the NKJUST will be completely disgraced if it does not immediately shake itself up and take up with all its energy the transition to combat work, to new rails.
I suggest that you 1) read my letter to all members of the board of the NKJUST; 2) also - at a meeting of 100 - 200 people exclusively communists, practically working in the field of civil, criminal and state law; 3) to forbid, under pain of party responsibility, to talk about it (about this letter), because it is stupid to show our strategy to the enemies; 4) to ensure that a few communists, employees of the court and the NKJUST, who are in complete agreement with the spirit of this letter, come out on these topics with a number of articles in the press and with a number of public abstracts; 5) to distribute among all members of the collegium (and, if possible, also among other prominent communists working under the department of the NKJUST) responsibility : a) for the departments of the new civil legislation ( especially and most important), b) also criminal, c) also state and political (less topical), d) for staging and conducting exemplary, high-profile, educational processes in the above centers , e) for business, and not paper control over people's courts and revolutionaries, so that they were able to actually intensify repression against the political enemies of the Soviet authorities (NKJUST will be the first to be blamed if this repression does not intensify) and against the abuses of the NEP . Trade, make a profit, we will allow you to do this, but we will triple your duty to be honest, to give truthful and accurate reports, to reckon not only with the letter, but also with the spirit of our communist legislation, not to allow a shadowdeviations from our laws—this is what the main commandment of the NKJUST should be in relation to the NEP . If the NKJUST fails to ensure that our capitalism is “well-trained”, “decent”, if the NKJUST does not prove by a number of exemplary trials that it knows how to catch a violation of this rule and punish with a not shamefully stupid, “communist-stupid” fine 100-200 million, but by execution —then the NKJUST is useless to hell, and then I will consider it my duty to press the Central Committee for a complete replacement of the responsible workers of the NKJUST.
I ask you to inform me of the distribution of this work among all members of the collegium of the NKJust as soon as possible so that I can see with complete accuracy who exactly (except the people's commissar, who is responsible for everything) is responsible for such and such departments of civil law (and then criminal, etc.). etc.) and for conducting exemplary trials (each member of the collegium must prove himself in setting up and conducting several exemplary trials), and for business control over revolutionary tribunals and people's courts, and judicial investigators, etc. such and such a province or such and such a section of Moscow.
It is not the division of "departments" and not bureaucratic lulling in this, but the personal responsibility of each communist who is a member of the collegium for such and such lively revolutionary work - this is what the people's commissar is obliged to strive for and prove that he knows how to achieve this.
https://prorivists.org/doc_lenin_pcj-1922/
Google Translator