Russia today

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sat Aug 27, 2022 2:31 pm

On the question of a new era
No. 5/69, V.2022

On February 24, when the start of the special operation was announced, Russia, and with it the whole world, crossed a historical milestone. Some naive citizens still believe that Russia and Ukraine will conclude some kind of "Minsk-3" and everything will return to normal. Will not come back. Too many contradictions have accumulated between American and Russian imperialism (and we are well aware that military operations in Ukraine are a struggle against the US and NATO). Putin hoped to agree with the "Western partners" that they would be "friends" against China in exchange for the recognition of Russia's sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. Did not work out. Concluding a truce with the Kyiv regime now means not only admitting one's military defeat, but also renouncing claims to influence in Eastern Europe. But this is not enough. The US imperialists have already started the flywheel of sanctions, forcing their satellites to literally cut themselves to the quick, cutting off economic ties with the “criminal” Russian Federation. And, apparently, this flywheel will not stop until the competitor of the USA - Russia - is finally broken.

The Russian oligarchy apparently did not support the idea of ​​a military solution to the conflict, fearing sanctions and international isolation. But Putin managed to convince the oligarchy that the operation would go quickly: Russian troops would enter Ukraine with lightning speed, surround Kyiv, Zelensky would flee like Yanukovych, Medvedchuk or some other “pro-Russian” oligarch would come to power, and it would all be over. The West, of course, will react to this, introduce some sanctions, but they will not be so painful (in the end, the winners are not judged) and they can be compensated for by fresh production - Ukraine. I guess the situation looked something like this. But then it became clear to everyone :a special operation is a long time and there is no way back. At the end of March, our oligarchs did not yet understand this, they thought that they could play everything back, pretend that there was no special operation - this is how I explain Medinsky's bleating about "substantial progress in the negotiation process." But these bleatings irritated the proletarian masses, who consider the denazification of Ukraine a just and necessary thing, and perceive any negotiations with the Kyiv junta as nothing more than a betrayal. Now, as they say, either the chest is in crosses, or the head is in the bushes. The defeat of the RF Armed Forces in Ukraine may be fraught with political destabilization. That is why the termination of the special operation and the return to the former "status quo" is no longer possible.

So, the world has reached a new historical milestone, you can call it a new era. What is this era? You can answer: the era of exacerbation of inter-imperialist contradictions, threatening to develop into a world slaughter. Indeed, the military conflict in Ukraine is a consequence of the accumulated contradictions between the old predator, the United States, and the young predator, the Russian Federation. But there is one detail, if it is not taken into account, then it is impossible to adequately assess the entire course of events. The confrontation between Ukraine and the Russian Federation is in reality the confrontation between NATO and the Russian Federation, but this is just an episode of the global and irreconcilable struggle between the United States and China. Indeed, the Russian Federation cannot be perceived by the US imperialists as the main opponent due to its economic weakness and technological backwardness. China is what the United States sees as the "enemy of the civilized world," i.e., its main competitor.

As you know, many of our leftists believe that the United States and China are two equivalent imperialist predators, grappling with each other, like the Entente and the Triple Alliance. We, the breakthroughists, consider this position to be erroneous. In our materials, we prove that China is a socialist state. Why socialist? Because in China the dictatorship of the proletariat represented by the leadership of the Communist Party. If we take the leftist theses about bourgeois power in the PRC as true, then we will have to admit that we are dealing with a special breed of capitalists who feel the need to diligently pass themselves off as communists. Or maybe it's a matter of a special Chinese proletariat, which has managed to develop immunity to bourgeois propaganda, which forces local capitalists to mimic the Reds so diligently? How did the leftists, the witnesses of "Chinese imperialism", able to explain the fact that in the People's Republic of China Marxism is promoted at the state level, an entire institution of Marxism is functioning, and historical films are being made that emphasize the leading role of the Communist Party? In honor of the 200th anniversary of Marx, they even released an animated series, clearly aimed at teenagers, where the exploitative essence of capital is exposed. Although, of course, there are Trotskyist holy fools who do not see any contradiction in this and claim that anti-capitalist propaganda contributes to the preservation of ... the capitalist dictatorship of the CCP! In addition to the dictatorship of the proletariat, China has a powerful public sector operating on a planned basis. It's funny that in the Western liberal publications there are claims that in fact China has fake capitalism, because private corporations are controlled by the state and the CCP. That awkward occasion

So, to call the confrontation between the US and the PRC imperialistic is to make a gross mistake. In contrast to the beginning of the 20th century, there is a powerful socialist state in the world, China. In addition, there are still small socialist countries and countries oriented towards communism: North Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, Venezuela. That is why the parallels with 1914, which the well-known left-wing blogger is so fond of drawing, recently stunned with the statement that “there is not a single proletarian state in the world for which the workers would be worth fighting for,” are inappropriate. It's a lie! There is such a state and not one! However, the struggle of US imperialism against China is incomparable with the struggle against the USSR, primarily because the CCP does not demonstrate its desire to become the bulwark of the revolution, the homeland of all proletarians.

A caustic opponent may say: what about the CPC, if it expresses the interests of the proletarians, contributes to their infection with philistinism, nationalism and other abominations? Here the mistake lies in the fact that the opponent identifies the interests of the proletarian with the "interests" of building communism. He argues as follows: if communism saves the proletarian from wage slavery, provides him with all the necessary cultural and material benefits, then he must definitely be for communism, and if he is against it, then bourgeois propagandists simply fooled him. In reality, there is no such interest in “building communism”. This issue was discussed in detail in a separate article. In short, interest is an unbridled instinct. Communist society, on the other hand, is the opposite of the dictates of instincts. The interest of the proletarian is to profitably sell his labor power. A person must overcome his proletarianism in himself, rise above material interests, in order to become a true builder of communism, that is, a society based on a scientific worldview. The CCP expresses the interests of the proletariat in the sense that it subordinates the overall development of the economy to the gradual satisfaction of the needs of the broad masses, and not to the hedonism of a handful of oligarchs. The CCP adheres to the most general provisions of Marxism, which is why Deng Xiaoping's "perestroika" did not develop into Gorbachev's "catastrophe".

Trotskyists demand that socialism (the lower phase of communism) be ideal and sterile, like a textbook, and if there are some flaws in it, then they instantly declare it “deformed”, “mutant” - in short, wrong. But socialism is not something static, frozen, it is a process of fierce struggle between the old exploitative relations and the new communist ones. And NEP in China is part of this struggle. While the CCP's positions on a number of issues cannot be considered consistently Marxist, we have no grounds to accuse the Party of betraying the working class, just as there are no grounds to deny China "socialistism", albeit with certain reservations.

Returning to the main theme, one should ask: what is the essence of the new era? I believe that it would be correct to formulate it this way: the new era is the era of the collapse of liberal-democratic (petty-bourgeois) illusions. The razor of sanctions cuts not only Russian, but also Western inhabitants. The standard of living drops sharply. So, for example, according to media reports , the number of Americans living from paycheck to paycheck has grown to 64%. The cost of gasoline in the US breaks records. What can we say about Europe, which is directly suffering from the sanctions war unleashed by Washington. As is usually the case under capitalism, the main reason for the deterioration of the life of the Western inhabitants is connected with the greed of the capitalists, their eternal desire to cash in on socio-political turmoil.

At the same time, the deterioration of life is accompanied by unprecedented repressions that the authorities unleash against their citizens, especially in Eastern Europe. So, in Latvia, a real terror was staged against “dissident” citizens who “dare” to sympathize with the Russian Federation and not support the Kyiv junta. A young Latvian, who on May 9 came to the monument to the liberators of Riga with the flag of the Russian Federation, faces a prison term. The police grab people on the streets for the colors of their clothes that match the Eref flag. The Latvian authorities are openly calling for denunciations of social media users “supporting Russia’s attack on Ukraine.” In Finland, citizens are prohibited from speaking out against the country's accession to NATO, they are intimidated at work, branded as "Putin's agents." It's so easy and simple, with one click, the state takes away from citizens their "natural rights", formally remaining within the framework of bourgeois democracy. And all because the state is legally omnipotent, the citizen has no inviolable rights, and even the right of private property, sacred to capitalism, is regularly violated in relation to the petty and middle bourgeoisie, and sometimes even individual oligarchs: we can observe how Western countries easily take away foreign property and assets of Russian billionaires. And now the cries will be heaped about the "authoritarian rashka", where "they are imprisoned for likes and reposts", they cannot cause anything but irony. Now, for "dissent" they are imprisoned not only in "Rashka", but also in states that are listed as democratic in the lists of human rights offices. One of the pillars of liberal ideology - freedom of speech and thought - is collapsing right before our eyes. And it's just wonderful. Of course, all this was in the 20th century: McCarthyism, Thatcherism, Reaganism - but that was a long time ago and liberals could sculpt excuses that the institutions of democracy in those days were still imperfect and, in general, to fight the "Bolshevik plague" one had to make sacrifices. Now these excuses won't work. Although Putin is drawn on caricatures with Soviet symbols, everyone really understands that the Russian Federation is the same capitalist country as the United States, and the confrontation between them is competitive and market, not ideological. Unfortunately, the confrontation between the United States and China cannot be considered ideological in the strict sense of the word, the reason I have already outlined above - the CPC does not pretend to be a stronghold of the revolution and in foreign policy acts mainly as a market entity.

Unfortunately, instead of using the opportunities for propaganda provided by imperialism today, our leftists do not even think of using them. The special operation in Ukraine clearly revealed the complete ideological inconsistency of the “stars” of the left YouTube: Semin draws demagogic parallels with 1914, Rudoy calls for trade unionism when asked “what to do”. And almost all the leftists in a pacifist ecstasy merged with the bulk, declaring guardians of everyone who has a positive attitude towards the extermination of Ukrainians by the Russian army. This means that our so-called left movement will continue to degrade and marginalize.

Imperialism is rapidly approaching a new redistribution of the world, which, as you know, is accompanied by the mass extermination of the townsfolk infected with bourgeois patriotism = nationalism. But this is not a reason to fall into hysteria, alarmism and despondency. This only goes to show that communists and sympathizers need to mobilize their forces, not to waste them on fruitless actionism or trade unionism, but to fight for communism. What does it mean to fight for communism? This means, first of all, to enrich your head with at least the treasury of Marxist thought - the works of Marx - Engels - Lenin - Stalin . Then apply this knowledge in practice.Practice is not any body movement, but a conscious activity aimed at achieving a specific goal - the victory of communism. Only those actions that bring communism closer can be considered Marxist practice, for example: writing scientific articles that expose bourgeois lies and reveal a particle of Truth. When a sufficient number of Marxists have accumulated, who have proved their competence by their practice, it will be possible to announce the creation of the Party of Scientific Centralism (PSC), because in modern conditions only the PNC is capable of uniting the proletarian masses into a revolutionary subject known as the "working class". And this class, under the leadership of the PNC, will finally turn the page of history and open a new era of the triumph of communism.

R. Ogienko

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sun Aug 28, 2022 10:05 pm

On the comparison of two evils: a theoretical and political summary of the consideration of the causes, conditions, driving forces and consequences of the "special operation"
No. 4/68, IV.2022

1. Introduction
As the capitalist crisis deepens, the frequency and depth of clashes between various forces and countries increases.

Questions arise: how to relate to a particular conflict and then what to do based on this attitude. Such SPECIAL questions do not have correct answers without solving the GENERAL question of the possibility of permanently ending all wars and clashes. The only solution to this issue is to build a just classless society.

In order to achieve this most important goal facing humanity, it is necessary to develop one's own position on a particular conflict and take further actions only on the basis of a clear assessment of its participants, the course and possible results.

Therefore, it is categorically necessary to develop a scientifically substantiated skill for such an assessment on the basis of an already existing theory and the ability to adequately assess the facts and the situation.

An incorrect assessment delays the above goal, and an assessment with reference to any other PRIVATE goal can lead either to false pacifism or chauvinism, although most often to an inactive condemnation of one of the parties to the conflict.

This article is the first attempt to develop the skill of assessing the conflict on the example of the “special operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine”, launched in February 2022.

The article uses the following method of analysis.

- Step one : we determine the theoretical foundation, from which we single out the concept of progress, on the basis of which we derive a reaction scale that allows us to evaluate the participants in the conflict.

- Step two : we describe the conflict, the participants in the clash with their motives, the dynamics of the development of the situation and the trigger for the conflict.

- Step three : we analyze the conflict and collect assessments of the active forces of the conflict in three categories:

○ according to the derived scale of reactivity;

○ according to the minimum criteria of progressiveness for healthy forces of any degree of development;

○ according to the consequences of certain scenarios of development of events.

- Step four : we formulate our position based on the results of the analysis.

- Step five : for reference, we do an analysis of the positions of various social forces.

2. Theoretical foundation and its development
2.1. Theoretical foundation
All further reasoning claims to be based on the scientific foundation of dialectical materialism, on the understanding of history derived from it (historical materialism), on the understanding of modern economics derived from it (criticism of political economy + theory of building communism), as well as on their development and application in realities of the history of the Republic of Ingushetia and the USSR of the XX century. This is theory and methodology .

2.2. What is good and what is bad
The theory says that the driving force of history is the contradictions of the masses, which obliges the researcher not only to carefully identify the motives of the participants and consider events in dynamics, but also to identify the objective significance of certain processes from the point of view of the general movement of mankind towards communism. With regard to war, this means that it does not happen all at once, it is the result of many causes and actions carried out long before it began, and it is from their consideration that judgments should begin.

The theory shows that the history of mankind is moving towards building such a model of social structure, where the main thing is a classless human society and its expanded reproduction. The concept of progress is understood as the process of achieving this state, the process of transition from a more reactionary state of affairs to a less reactionary one and further to a progressive one.

The theory indicates that the current stage of development of the majority of mankind is a period of decay of the capitalist formation and complete material and technical preparation for the transition to communism. The peculiarities of the Russian, Ukrainian and other societies of the former USSR lie in the fact that the bourgeois system in these countries arose on the fragments of the communist one, contains certain “birthmarks” of the Soviet era.

The main contradiction of the current moment is the struggle of progressive forces with conservative and regressive ones (or, as they sometimes say, "reactionary", but should not be confused with the degree of reactionary character that conservative forces also have). Regressive forces seek to plunge society into its previous state, for example, the program of Russian liberals is aimed at destroying state capitalism (imperialism) to the level of free market capitalism. Conservative forces, in turn, seek to preserve and conserve the current state of society, to suppress revolutionary tendencies, and to prevent abrupt development into a new state.

Only truly communist organizations connected with the masses can be considered absolutely progressive forces. Bourgeois, petty-bourgeois forces and tendencies can also be considered relatively progressive if the results of their actions help to improve the conditions for the struggle for communism or develop certain elements of social life in the direction of communism.

Thus, in a society divided into classes, even relatively progressive forces have a reactionary component in absolute terms. We will call healthy forces, the reactionary nature of which is relatively insignificant in the current conditions, and the progressiveness has a positive value.

Therefore, on the whole, conservative forces can take actions that can be recognized as relatively progressive in the current conditions.

2.3. The state of healthy forces, their goals and strategies
There are quite a few people within the post-Soviet space who consider themselves communists, aspire to communism, or simply sympathize with communism and the Soviet past. Thus, we state the presence of healthy forces of varying degrees of maturity. They are united by the desire to build a classless society and anti-capitalism.

The strategy and tactics of different groups of healthy forces depend on their level of development: a party armed with theory can advance more intensively towards the goal (for example, the seizure of political power), while the scattered proletariat can move less intensively.

2.4. Condition of conservative and regressive forces, conflicts
The theory shows that at the present stage of development, capitalist countries of varying degrees of development (up to imperialist), due to their economic and political structure (private property, capital overaccumulation crises, militarism, etc.), inevitably slide into a struggle with each other. friend and for markets, territories and spheres of influence, up to wars. The present period is characterized by an ever-increasing crisis in capitalist relations and in the entire imperialist system.

All existing conflicts are caused either by the competitive (class) struggle of conservative, regressive forces among themselves for resources and power, or by their class struggle with healthy forces.

Conflicts between regressive, conservative forces and progressive ones have an unambiguous assessment in favor of the latter, and this does not need explanations, since they act according to science and always taking into account the needs of the development of the whole society. However, due to the weakness of progressive forces at this stage, conflicts between regressive and conservative forces are the most common, and their assessment will be made on the scale of reaction below.

2.5. Conflict Assessment Factors
The theory applied to the position taken by the subject on the issue of assessing certain conflicting parties indicates the need for constant adjustment of the position depending on the results of the actions of the forces being evaluated and even on the grounds for evaluating these actions. Thus, for example, being weak, we can simultaneously support a less reactionary force in the struggle against a more reactionary force and fight this less reactionary force. At the same time, being strong, we could take the position of seizing power first, and then fighting all opponents. When our forces number in dozens of people, it is necessary to deploy propaganda of a scientific position and a scientific assessment of the situation in order to increase them. Theory and tactics teach that it is necessary to get involved in a battle when the prospects for its outcome guarantee at least a minimal success.

It should be noted that the assessment of the reactivity of a particular force applies both to forces that are actually regressive in general, and to conservative and even healthy forces.

According to the results of the analysis of the reactionary sides, we give support to the more progressive side only on the grounds that less reactionaryness will make it possible to promote progressive tendencies. At the same time, if the more progressive side is not part of the healthy forces, the fight against it, despite the support, should not stop.

For an example of the application of the methodology of the socio-political assessment of various forces, one can turn to history and consider Hitlerism. Thus, inside Germany, Hitlerism stood for the strengthening and conservation of imperialism with the terrorist suppression of all, even the most insignificant, sprouts of progress towards communism. Thus, it was a conservative force. Outwardly, Hitlerism stood for the destruction of the USSR and the Communists, the extermination of peoples, the transformation, first of all, of the Slavs into slaves, and their territories into a raw material appendage of their empire. Outwardly, therefore, Hitlerism was an extremely reactionary force. It is clear that reaction was precisely the leading element of Hitlerism, since the waging of wars of conquest was its central idea. Therefore, Hitlerism should be attributed to the reactionary forces of history.

2.6. Reactivity scale
The degree of reaction in domestic politics is assessed by the following criteria:

- general repressiveness, i.e. the degree of readiness and determination to use state or non-state violence;

- the degree of exploitation and oppression of the population, anti-people;

- observance or violation of norms (laws) by the classes that proclaimed them;

- degree of assistance to healthy forces;

- taking into account or ignoring the interests of competitors, neighboring countries;

- the degree of aggressiveness, anti-humanity, reactionary nature of the official ideology, its deceit.

Degree of reaction in foreign policy:

- the ratio of defensive strategy (less reactionary) and offensive (more reactionary);

○ Defensive strategy is a defense of the existing order of things, a reaction to external pressure. It can also be carried out through a preventive attack. The goals of a defensive strategy cannot imply the extermination of the civilian population, the destruction and enslavement of countries.

○ An offensive strategy can be executed not only by military means, but also by economic and foreign policy (+ intra-ideological through the creation of an enemy image among the population).

- external influence and degree of independence.

○ If the state is under the control or influence of external forces, then its reactionaryness will be determined by the maximum of internal and external reactionary forces.

2.7. Historical examples
PMV: England. Defense against moderate aggression; there is a healthy force in the form of the left party. Germany is the attacking side, but without an extreme degree of aggressiveness (complete dehumanization of the enemy). Both countries are bourgeois, about the same strength and degree of reaction. There is a struggle for the redivision of the world, equal-sized military blocs are being created. The position of the Social Democratic parties in England should be: against the war, for the seizure of power within the country and the further waging of a defensive war against Germany if necessary. In the event of a victory inside England, such a party will seek to support the socialist forces in Germany.

PMV: Germany. Moderate aggression; there is a healthy force in the form of the left party. Eastern front. There is no extreme degree of aggressiveness. Germany is the stronger side, because there is a conflict between a developed bourgeois country and a semi-feudal one, and its aggression is obvious. The position of the Social Democratic Party of Germany should be: against the war, for the seizure of power within the country.

WWI: Lenin and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. A stronger, more aggressive, but not to an extreme degree, Germany attacks. Position: having a party, stop the war (at the very least, pay off Germany), gain power within the country (win the civil war).

WWII: England. Defense against deadly aggression; no influential party. The British proletariat must welcome Britain's entry into the war as part of a coalition against Hitler, not for a moment forgetting the need to develop a theory, create a party and fight the bourgeoisie for power. The main reason is the defense of the USSR as a communist state.

Revolutionary struggle in Russia. The struggle against tsarism and the bourgeoisie is the party. Stalin wrote about the peculiarities of the tactics of the Bolsheviks in the preparation of October the following (compendium):

1) the most dangerous social support of the enemies of the revolution in the period of the approaching revolutionary denouement are the compromising parties;

2) it is impossible to overthrow the enemy (tsarism or the bourgeoisie) without isolating these parties. Thus, under tsarism, the main blow was directed at the liberal-monarchist Cadets (the party of the peasants conciliating with tsarism) in order to secure a break between the peasants and tsarism. After the overthrow of tsarism, the Cadets became the ruling party, which means that it is necessary to strike at the next compromisers - at the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks (the rupture of the working masses with imperialism).

Thus, under tsarism, we can cooperate with the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks (conservatives) on questions of counteracting the Cadets (reactionaries). And if, say, the Socialist-Revolutionaries attack the Cadets, we are not talking about neutrality, we are talking about temporary support for the Socialist-Revolutionaries. That is, strategically, we have identified a reactionary element in both forces, but tactically we have singled out a more reactionary force, and temporarily support the less reactionary in this struggle.

3. Description of the 2022 conflict
3.1. Bourgeois countries participating in the conflict and their motives
RF. The imperialist state of the "second echelon". Using the remnants of the legacy of the USSR, primarily its nuclear status and the military-industrial complex, it is bargaining with the United States for influence in the region and for its right to maneuver in the conflict between the United States and China. It is slowly being drawn into the imperialist struggle in various regions of the world. Defends borders from NATO. Does not oppose the creation of nationalist states on its borders; is one of the demiurges of present-day Ukraine: it is directly related to what happened in Ukraine in 2014, recognizing the Maidan authorities and pandering to it in every possible way all eight years before the start of the “special operation”. The ideology is the usual bourgeois one, where idealism is expressed in the form of a nationalist shade of "Great Russia" and "Russian World".

USA. The biggest, most armed and aggressive imperialist, world gendarme, who is trying to maintain world domination in the fight against the closest competitor - China. As part of its strategy, it seeks to subjugate the Russian Federation by diplomacy, pressure and force, making it a weapon in its hands. It poses a deadly threat to the Russian Federation and the whole world, which is confirmed by the events and results of numerous wars against Korea, Vietnam, Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, etc. The ideology is ordinary bourgeois, where idealism is expressed in the form of a “special national mission” of planting liberal democratic model around the world.

Ukraine. "Avatar" of the United States in the region, which we observe the following.

• Power gained as a result of a coup from a multi-vector thieves' government to a pro-Western terrorist government.

• Lack of subjectivity.

• Dismantling of statehood (for example, intimidation of judges by nationalists, non-enforcement of laws, rampant fascist gangs).

• Extreme nationalist ideology: rewriting history, honoring Bandera, direct government support for nationalist militias.

• Destruction and intimidation of the disloyal population (for example, the burning of activists in the House of Trade Unions, the defeat of the Mariupol opposition), terrorism against the LDNR.

• Incitement of hatred towards other peoples and nations (eg , prohibition of the Russian language, oppression of small peoples).

• Sharp impoverishment and loss of the population for the entire period of "independence".

• Aggressive and systematic preparation for war with the Russian Federation.

• Like other puppet regimes, it is an instrument of US fascist policy.

Other European countries - EU, Switzerland. Semi-satellites and at the same time competitors of the United States, pumping up Ukraine with weapons and helping to nurture the fascist Ukrainian government. Together with the United States, they have been pumping everything possible out of Ukraine for decades — just as they have done and are doing with other countries, starting from the period of colonization, continuing with the history of the 20th century and today.

3.2. The dynamics of the development of the conflict: theses
1. After the collapse of the USSR, the United States makes another move in terms of complete subjugation of the Russian Federation as a response to the formation of state capitalism - the capture of Ukraine.

2. The Maidan of 2014 is a bloody coup d'état, a pro-Western oligarchy takes power, using nationalists as a battering ram.

3. The beginning of the ATO - the continuous bombing of peaceful cities on its territory for eight years. More than 10 thousand victims.

4. The Russian Federation takes Crimea under the guise of "saving the Russians", but in fact reacting to the fact that control over Crimea would give the US full control in the Black Sea region.

5. Burning of 52 people in the House of Trade Unions - no one was convicted.

6. Degradation of the socio-political situation in the period from 2014 to 2022: loss of subjectivity and statehood, impoverishment, aggressive Naziization of the population and authorities.

7. Since the beginning of 2022 - increased bombing of Donetsk + the desire to get into NATO + the threat to create nuclear weapons.

3.3. Resolution (conflict trigger)
1. Having contributed a lot to the creation of weapons against itself, the Russian Federation comes to the point with two options: to suffer more and at some point get an attack on several fronts with a further collapse of the country, or start a “special operation”.

2. Reacting to the threats and the December-January intensification of the bombing of Donbass, the Russian Federation begins a "special operation" with the stated goals.

§ Demilitarization. Rejection of all types of weapons, at least theoretically capable of causing damage to the Russian Federation. Refusal to join NATO.

§ Denazification. The ban is not only on the existence of militaristic fascist structures and parties, but also on the ideology of integral nationalism in general.

§ Democratization. A series of measures to guarantee the non-rebirth of the ideology of fascism and Bandera militarism. In particular, the early elections of all government bodies under the control of the coalition allies, the complete lustration of the current politicians and the federalization of the country.

These goals were put forward as requirements for the government of Ukraine and were rejected. The requirements are quite fair and progressive.

In the last decade, American and European imperialism, with the active participation of the "knowing nothing" ruling strata of the Russian Federation (in fact, they do not calculate the consequences of their business interests), has been actively attacking in the region with non-military (planting fascism) and limited military (ATO, pumping region with weapons, development of attack plans, NATO deployment plan) means. When the critical point is reached, the Russian Federation starts a large-scale (compared to the ATO) military operation.

The United States is the unconditional aggressor in the strategic period of time, and the Russian Federation is the "forced aggressor" of this particular stage. From a strategic point of view, the military operation of the Russian Federation is of a preventive and defensive nature and is a form of the national liberation process of the Russian bourgeois state against American and European imperialism. Ukraine, on the other hand, is a theater of military operations and an object of the policy of these two sides.

4. Assessing the conflict
4.1. Score on the reactivity scale
4.1.1. RF assessment on the reaction scale
Degree of reaction in domestic politics

Repressions against the population: ordinary bourgeois.
The degree of exploitation and oppression of the population: the usual, increasing as the crisis takes into account the characteristics of the situation and the size of the country.
Compliance with norms (laws) by the classes that proclaimed them: for the most part, there is, but worsens as the crisis develops (raiding, loopholes in laws).
The degree of assistance to healthy forces: the absence of a ban on communist activities, freedom of propaganda and agitation.
Taking into account or ignoring the interests of competitors - neighboring countries: within the framework of ordinary bourgeois politics. The Russian Federation strives for peaceful coexistence, in cases of conflict it supports more loyal forces.
The degree of aggressiveness, inhumanity, reactionary nature of the official ideology, its deceit: medium-aggressive, military bourgeois jingoistic patriotism. Even during the " special operation" he instills in the population hatred only for the nationalists of Ukraine.
The specificity of the Russian Federation is that the Bonapartist regime is in power, maneuvering between classes and layers. The policy of the state for the most part meets the interests of the oligarchy, but not in all matters and not completely. For example, most of the oligarchs and representatives of the middle bourgeoisie in the Russian Federation are against a "military operation" and a break with the West, against the growth of sovereignty and economic independence of the country, against allied relations with China.
The degree of reaction in foreign policy.

Defensive strategy (less reactionary) versus offensive (more reactionary): the risks of having a Nazi state nearby, pumped up with hatred for the Russian Federation.
Offensive strategy: business interests require that Ukraine remain in the sphere of influence of the Russian imperialists. Objective interests demand to remove competitors, to return to the home of this device. The predatory and “genocidal” goals that the Russian Federation is accused of appear to be inconsistent with the interests of states and the oligarchy. The officially declared goals of the “special operation” correspond to the interests of the bourgeois Russian Federation.
External influence and degree of independence: economic dependence on Western oligarchic capital within the limits of integration into the world economy. But still quite a large degree of independence in action.

The offensive of the Russian Federation is a natural response of the regional imperialist, aimed at squeezing out the enemy (the United States and its weapons - the government of Ukraine). The result will be a transition from super-oppression to ordinary bourgeois oppression of the population and a significant improvement in the conditions for communist work and prospects.

4.1.2. Assessment of Ukraine on a scale of reaction
Degree of reaction in domestic politics

The general repressiveness is high: terror against the communists, persecution of the Russian language, humiliation of the eastern regions + war crimes (anti-terrorist operation, bombing of cities).
The degree of exploitation and oppression of the population is severe: the uncontrolled plunder of the country by the oligarchs-proteges of American capital, the decline of industry and agriculture.
Compliance with norms (laws): lawlessness. Power was obtained through a coup, political decisions are made at the behest of external forces, murderers are not tried, the pressure of the national battalions on deputies.
There is no degree of promotion of healthy forces: legal and non-legal prosecutions.
Taking into account or ignoring the interests of competitors - neighboring countries: a complete disregard for the interests of a large neighbor of the Russian Federation. Foreign policy in the wake of the United States, the deployment of military bases, the pumping of weapons, the threat of possession of nuclear weapons.
The degree of aggressiveness, anti-humanity, reactionary nature of the official ideology, its deceit: the most aggressive - frenzied Nazism, reveling in impunity due to the "guarantees" of the US and the EU. The ruling stratum of Ukraine instills in the population the idea of ​​exterminating the population of the Russian Federation and Russians: the maximum dehumanization on a national basis inside and out.
Degree of reaction in foreign policy

Defensive strategy: conventional economic defense against a larger neighboring bourgeois power.
Offensive strategy: extreme aggression. Consistently increasing attack on the interests of the neighbor, so far without military operations on the territory of the Russian Federation.
External influence and degree of independence: a puppet of an extremely reactionary country - the United States - without the right to act independently.

The extreme reactionary nature of the government of Ukraine, controlled by the world imperialist USA, which has been building up its forces in the region for a long time to dismember the Russian Federation.

4.2. Evaluation according to progressiveness criteria
Regardless of the tasks of all warring forces, for healthy forces of any degree of development, the minimum criteria for progressiveness are:

1. The weakening of US imperialism in the world and the region, including:

○ full demilitarization of Ukraine and neutral status,

○ complete exclusion of Ukraine's participation in imperialist blocs.

2. Dismantling the previous conquests of American imperialism:

○ complete ban on nationalist groups, disarmament of fascist groups,

○ a ban on the existence of Nazi organizations,

○ investigation and prosecution of all crimes of the era of terror,

○ complete cessation of de-Russification with the abolition of all "wild laws",

○ Removal of bans on propaganda and on the organization of healthy forces.

Such criteria will undoubtedly be positive for the entire population of the territory:

§ A return to the usual (adjusted for the Iron Curtain and compensation for damage from hostilities), slowly deteriorating level of exploitation. Deliverance of the people of Ukraine from the Nazi tyrannical regime,

§ significantly reduced likelihood of participating in wars in the near future,

§ getting rid of the suffering of the inhabitants of Donbass, tormented by the Nazis.

4.3. Assessment of consequences in different scenarios of development of events
In the previous section, we came to the conclusion that the United States is the unconditional aggressor for a long period of time, and the Russian Federation is the “forced aggressor” of this particular stage. Features of the situation: the Russian Federation is a less reactionary subject, the goals declared by the Russian Federation are progressive in the current situation, the ability to successfully complete the “special operation” remains politically questionable at the end of March 2022 - the prospect of the so-called. “agreement”, as it was in 2014-2015, and, in general, the half-heartedness of the results of the “special operation”.

How to evaluate the consequences of a scenario? By comparing possible scenarios with an unrealized scenario where the Russian Federation refuses to start hostilities - either preemptively or in response to attacks by the combined forces of Ukraine and the EU with the United States. With such a development of events, Ukraine would finally throw off the masks. "Brown" would pour out in all directions, madly destroying everything in its path outside and discarding even the thought of any freedom inside. The degree of exploitation from military courage would increase many times over. The tumor of fascism would have spread without stopping at the final goal of dismembering the Russian Federation. Not the fact that it would have worked, but they would have tried their best with hundreds of thousands of victims. All this is the worst case scenario.

We single out three criteria for the formation of scenarios for the development of events:

- the success of one of the parties,

- following the stated and objectively set goals,

- the speed of successful completion of a military mission.

Of the six possible scenarios, there is only one that would not lead to the worst in the foreseeable future.

Scenario 1 : the failure of the "special operation" and the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine.

If the operation is underestimated and the Russian troops get bogged down and then leave, then a pause will form, during which Ukraine will still be pumped with weapons, mercenaries and a massively militarized population as part of the troops, and the worst-case scenario will begin. At the same time, the Russian Federation is weakened economically and politically due to the failure of the "special operation", the population is demotivated.

Scenario 2 : failure of the "special operation" and counteroffensive. The same as scenario 1, but at some point a successful counter-offensive of the Armed Forces of Ukraine begins with the help of NATO troops and the worst-case scenario is realized.

Scenario 3 : so-called. "agreement". Whether as a result of a split within the government of the Russian Federation or simply betrayal, hostilities are stopped and the next Minsk agreements are signed - by analogy with the stillborn agreements of 2014-2015. The goals of the reactionary forces remain the same, and their motivation is enhanced, as there is unconditional support from the population against the "aggressor". The defense capabilities of the Russian Federation are significantly deteriorating due to the need to make up for losses from the “special operation”. This is the same worst-case scenario, but with a time delay.

Scenario 4 : protracted. As a result of inept planning and execution of the "special operation", it drags on for a long time. The consequences are monstrous: huge casualties among the population, hunger, hatred of the majority of the population, partisanship supported by the West, Syriaization of the conflict, weakening of the Russian economy as a result of a protracted war (with the enrichment of the oligarchs). In this case, this "special operation" will run out of meaning. This will be a “smoldering” hot spot that will weaken the Russian Federation until the moment when other states of Western Europe with the participation of the United States begin to dismember it. Stopping such a war would also lead to Scenario 1.

Scenario 5 : relatively quick victory for the Russian Federation, but only partial achievement of goals. If complete denazification is not ensured in Ukraine (that is, fascist gangs are not defeated), complete neutrality (that is, NATO, the USA, the EU will have influence) and demilitarization (that is, offensive weapons will be allowed), then as a result of bourgeois-democratic games, it is too early or later, Ukraine will again be brought to the state of an instrument in the hands of the reactionary forces. This is the same worst-case scenario, but with a significant time delay.

Scenario 6 : the victory of the Russian Federation in the shortest possible time and further pursuit of the stated goals (as much as possible within the framework of the bourgeois system existing in the Russian Federation).


- the smallest number of victims;

- the maximum possible fulfillment of the progressiveness criteria;

- Russian imperialists will have to maximize the role of the state in the economy. Reindustrialization is better than extinction.

5. Conclusion and position
5.1. Position
From the class point of view, society as a whole and healthy forces that are not soldered into a strong party are opposed in particular by two forces: the American imperialists and the Russian imperialists.

US imperialism is the priority target of the struggle of the moment, both globally and locally. Having created the Ukrainian fascist regime, he moved from the usual bourgeois exploitation of the proletariat to a direct threat to the existence of the population in the region and the brutal suppression of the tendencies of the communist struggle. His inner conservatism on the outside becomes reactionary.

Russian imperialism has a completely different caliber and is forced to defend its right to exist.

It is not neutrality or pacifism that can bring us closer to this goal, but only support for a "special operation" - the natural reaction of the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation to a threat - as a means to weaken the influence of American imperialism and dismantle its previous conquests. Support for the "special operation" should continue only until the moment when the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation acts within the framework of the stated goals and quite fair requirements.

It is necessary to take advantage of the short chance that has formed, while the capitalists grappled for influence in the region and the fascists were given a tactical rebuff. At the same time, it is necessary to increase tenfold efforts in the class struggle against the imperialist bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation, which remains a conservative force and will continue to accumulate contradictions on two fronts: on the front of the struggle against Western and not only Western "competitors" and on the front of the class struggle against the proletariat, to which costs of external confrontation. Proceeding from the situation, efforts should be directed towards the development of Marxist propaganda and the formation of a party.

(Continued on following post.)
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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sun Aug 28, 2022 10:15 pm

(Continued from previous post.)

5.2. Foundations
Why is US imperialism the priority target of the struggle of the moment?

The bet on extreme Ukrainian nationalism means that big business is again ready to use any methods to achieve its goals, including giving its population the right to destroy other peoples. The victory of US imperialism in the region means countless casualties among the proletariat and the complete eradication of healthy forces.

The strengthening of US imperialism on a world scale means the weakening of the socialist states and states of a socialist orientation, the suppression of all healthy forces in the world.

Why do we support the " special operation" launched by the bourgeois Russian Federation in the fight against American imperialism ?

According to the reactionary scale, we assessed the Russian Federation as less reactionary, less threatening to healthy forces, a relatively weak imperialist power, which, as part of a regional episode of confrontation along the US-China line, is under extreme pressure, up to dismemberment, from the aggressive US imperialism, which uses impoverished, decaying, infected with the brown plague-fascism, absolutely dependent Ukraine.

What is happening is the inevitable reaction of the imperialist predator, which has not yet surrendered, but is much weaker, against the aggression of a strong hegemon. This reaction coincides with the current interests of healthy forces, which we assessed according to the criteria of progressiveness, since, within the framework of the stated goals, it is aimed at overthrowing an absolutely reactionary regime, destroying Nazi gangs, and therefore weakening American imperialism.

In addition, according to estimates obtained as a result of the analysis of scenarios, any scenario, except for the victory of the Russian Federation in the shortest possible time and further pursuit of the stated goals, will lead to the victory of the American imperialists, which, among other things, means that the number of victims in the region will many times exceed the number of victims from "special operations".

Support for the "special operation" thus means support for the only means of combating American imperialism at this stage.

Is the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation becoming a progressive class by starting a military struggle against American imperialism?

The theoretical impossibility of defining the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation as a progressive class is easy to confirm in practice.

The Russian Federation is the culprit of the situation to the same extent as the United States. It will not be possible to find scapegoats in the form of “world imperialists” at a time when the highest representatives of the bourgeois class of the Russian Federation, in the process of following regional business interests and the policy of building up ties with Western countries, were losing control and influence over their neighbors, indirectly and directly supporting Ukrainian nationalists.

We must not forget that the progressive goals of the Russian Federation and denazification are just an ideological screen for a weak imperialist in his struggle for influence in the region. It is the weakness and remaining elements of the socialist spiritual culture that do not allow the use of the extreme methods used by the American imperialists.

The negative aspects of the best scenario are thus the following. Due to economic weakness, low political qualifications and bringing the situation with Ukraine to the extreme since 2014 (to the point of hostilities !!), the Russian Federation is not able to effectively conduct a “special operation” and even if it wins, it will receive a destroyed territory with a mass of population that will to perceive the fratricidal conflict as an evil caused by the Russian Federation, and not as a liberation. Moreover, even the somewhat loyal Ukrainian population will “sit out” for a long time, because they are afraid of the nationalists, who will remain the sea after denazification, the Russian Federation from 2014 to 2022 betrayed all the pro-Russian forces in Ukraine that supported it and threw them to the fascists, recognizing a new regime and new illegal elections, betrayed the Donbass, in the course of the “Minsk process”, trying to sell it back to Ukraine in exchange for the loyalty of the West in Crimea, handed over those who fought in 2014 for Novorossia to Ukraine for reprisals. RF will not be able to fix this damage. In case of victory, it is highly likely that the bourgeoisie will turn a denazified, demilitarized and democratized Ukraine into a colony territory, from which (as in the case of most regions of the Russian Federation itself) the remaining juices will be sucked out in favor of the center.

Moreover, the complete denazification of Ukraine is impossible, since for this it is necessary to consistently dismantle nationalism in Russia. Even a super-social model following the Belarusian model has inside the praise of its nation, which means it gently breeds interethnic strife. Nationalism is a product of all capitalism.

The crisis continues its march on the planet, which means that Russian “moderate” nationalism, which, if successful, will replace Ukrainian brown, will also grow stronger, turn brown and tighten the screws on both the population and healthy forces. We can already see how, against the backdrop of the offensive, the generalizing population, not burdened with knowledge of theory, not understanding its class interests, begins to actively solidarize with the bourgeois class in the form of primitive-aggressive jingoistic patriotism, very warmed up by brown figures like Dugin.

The class of the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation is not monolithic, which means that there is a considerable probability of “going back to the old rails”, that is, a conspiracy of its part with the American imperialist bourgeoisie and selling the interests of the country, even despite its probable collapse in such a scenario.

Consequently, it is necessary to continue the fight against the bourgeois class of the Russian Federation.

What does it mean to support a “special operation” and at the same time continue the class struggle against the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation?

This means understanding that healthy forces that are not soldered into a single party cannot themselves oppose US imperialism.

This means understanding that the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation is not capable of stabilizing the region and giving a real rebuff to American imperialism.

This means understanding that the bourgeoisie as a whole, regardless of where they live, is not able to exist without wars.

This means understanding that a "special operation", carried out correctly - in the shortest possible time and with further adherence to the stated goals - gives a gain of time to healthy forces in a short historical period, after which new wars will come during the further crisis of the capitalist system, and the Russian Federation has everything chances of contracting brown plague.

It also means understanding the high probability that the "special operation" will be carried out incorrectly, which means that healthy forces will be deprived of this small chance.

Therefore, the healthy forces, on the one hand, are obliged to support the eradication of the brown plague in the region, and on the other hand, take advantage of the opportunity that has arisen and multiply their efforts in the class struggle tenfold.

What does it mean to wage a class struggle under these conditions?

This is a huge question that is beyond the scope of the article. The first steps can be:

– studying the works of the classics and constant self-education to improve their scientific and theoretical competence;

- engaging in practical work in the field of propaganda. Search and association with like-minded people on the basis of the printed propaganda organ. There are now especially favorable conditions for this:

○ during a period of increased stress, there are a large number of people with whom it is necessary to work;

○ in Ukraine and in the Russian Federation, people felt for themselves what the war unleashed by the capitalists is and how the bourgeoisie relies on the fascists;

— development of the theory.

… And then there will be a difficult path, where a critical mass of competent, savvy and having a scientific and theoretical basis, politically active personnel will be able to unite into a party of the working class on the basis of a theory developed and adequately reflecting modern realities.

6. Analysis of other positions
6.1. Items under consideration
Wrong positions are divided into the bourgeois, in which capitalism is seen as the natural state of society, and the "left", which is aware of the class basis of the conflict.

Bourgeois positions, in turn, are divided into national-patriotic, based on nationalism, and liberal, based on the concept of "living like in the blessed West." For obvious reasons, liberals are the majority in Western societies (liberal national patriots), while a significant part of the Ukrainian population combines national patriotism and liberalism in the sense that Ukrainian nationalism has become a tool in the hands of Western liberalism. In Russia, there is a clear distinction, most sharply manifested precisely in relation to the “special operation”. However, firstly, the majority of Russians take a national-patriotic position, and secondly, this position is largely due to anti-fascist motives and a sympathetic attitude towards the people of Donbass. The nationalist basis of this position is germinal.

Representatives of both groups—the bourgeois and the left—come together on the issue of either supporting or not supporting the "special operation." Pure pacifism under these conditions is objectively a disguise of the desire to defeat the Russian Federation.

In this chapter, we will show the incorrectness of the positions of those directions that can be persuaded:

-bourgeois Russian or Ukrainian pro-war national patriotism;

- liberal pacifism;

- Leftist pacifism.

We will not consider those variants of positions that are either confused and rare, or not amenable to persuasion:

- Russian or Ukrainian national-patriotic pacifism,

- pro-war liberalism: 1) Western: a person who consciously or unconsciously became a representative of the most reactionary forces and is subject to denazification; 2) Ukrainian: this is the same national patriot; 3) Russian: the same as Western.

We will devote a separate subchapter to the philistine position. Such people, having no theoretical and political training, take a position simply by the fact of leaving the comfort zone and fear of what is happening. Such a position, as a rule, can be easily corrected through media propaganda.

6.2. bourgeois patriotism
Credo. We are under pressure and we are forced to enter the war, by winning which we will solve problems and bring peace to the world.

The basis of delusion.

— Idealism, belief in national myths. Russians are spoiled by the "Englishwoman" and the United States, modern Ukrainians - by Russians. The Russians, the Ukrainians, the “Englishwoman”, and the United States have their own “correct and fair” picture of the future world order, based on the best qualities of the nation. In particular, in the Russian Federation the struggle of the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation for their interests is well "sold" to the population as an analogy to the struggle of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War. In the West, the thesis is being exploited that the militant big Russia attacked the small peaceful Ukraine, etc., etc.

- A complete misunderstanding of the economic foundations of the struggle, the essence of capitalism and its consequences.

- Misunderstanding of the class nature of the struggle and misunderstanding that the petty-bourgeois philistinism and imperial bourgeois chauvinism of the "Russian World" is ultimately a struggle for the interests of the oligarchy, which is not capable of serving as a continuation of the victories of the Soviet people, who fought for the communist Motherland and communism.

- Unconditional support for their state as a pillar of habitat, regardless of progressiveness.

Consequences of delusions.

- If the temporary support of the bourgeoisie, even in some circumstances justified, turns into permanent solidarity, then for the proletariat it will be a defeat. Thus, the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation will continue to fight on two fronts: with American imperialism and with its own proletariat, which will pay for everything with money from its own pocket and with their lives. Likewise, the Ukrainian proletarian is now paying a bloody tribute for his solidarity and will continue to pay regardless of the outcome of events. For the Western proletarian, life will not become sweeter either.

- In the most realistic case, the population of our region is waiting for ongoing wars and impoverishment of the population. The population always pays for the war, not the bourgeoisie - regardless of the nation - and this is easy to see even from the media. With a significant impoverishment of the Russian Federation, it can quickly turn into a large Ukraine.

- For some bourgeois nations that will benefit after the war and the redistribution of resources in their favor, there will be no other way than to blindly follow their bourgeoisie, which will become more and more imperialistic, bloodthirsty and reactionary and will infect its population with this reaction.

- The population will always remain ignorant, as the bourgeoisie will continue to build an idealistic picture of the world among the tax-paying population, distorting history, planting national myths, cultivating hatred for the surrounding nations. So, it is possible to disassemble to the molecules the lies of the leadership of the Russian Federation about the USSR and the absence of the Ukrainian nation, and the lies of the Ukrainian authorities about the roots of Ukrainian history, and the lies of the Western authorities about the causes of the conflict, etc.

6.3. liberal pacifism
Credo. We must immediately stop the war and condemn the aggressor who violates international law established by "civilized states."

The basis of delusion.

- Ignoring the principle of considering what is happening in dynamics. Such a pacifist sees the picture only from the first day of hostilities and ignores the reasons that led to the war and the consequences of the refusal of the "special operation".

— Idealism, belief in national myths. As a rule, a liberal believes in liberal-democratic myths about the ideal order of the world in the West. The liberal does not see that capitalism in the US, the EU, Switzerland (and the well-being of their populations) is significantly different from capitalism in Bangladesh, Moldova, Ukraine or any of the many African impoverished democracies. And since this is a matter of faith, the liberal explains the difference between these countries ... by the lack of democracy of the local population, by the actions of right or wrong politicians. Either ignorance or conscious selfishness will not allow a liberal to link the poverty of some countries and the wealth of other countries. After all, if you get to the bottom of the real causes of the conflict, you can suddenly come out ... on yourself.

- A complete misunderstanding of the economic foundations of the struggle and the class nature of the struggle.

Consequences of delusions.

- The victory of the position of unconditional pacifism, that is, the victory of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which is not based on the class analysis of a particular conflict, will only lead to new wars and a significantly larger number of victims. However, the media will cover this event in such a way that the liberal will not feel uncomfortable.

- In rare cases, the liberal public resorts to pacifism in the understanding that capitalism is a source of problems. However, in most cases, the recipe for a solution suggests a smooth reformism of the system, which, as practice and theory show, is impossible.

- All the same as those of the bourgeois national patriots.

6.4. Left pacifism
Credo. We must immediately stop the war and condemn the aggressor in the same way as Lenin did.

The basis of delusion.

— Misunderstanding of the reaction scale. It is necessary to understand which side's defeat in the current circumstances brings us closer to a just classless society. The growth of the influence of Russian imperialism in the event of the victory of the “special operation” cannot be compared with the growth of the influence of American imperialism in the region in the event of its defeat.

- Failure to understand that the threat from US imperialism is deadly for this region and the world in general, and for healthy forces in particular. It is impossible to simultaneously condemn both fascism and the war against it (especially in the case when healthy forces are not capable of waging it themselves).

- Failure to understand that by supporting the "special operation", you can not reduce the intensity of the struggle against the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation. Such support is not the beginning for the cultivation of chauvinism among healthy forces, just as it is not the beginning of their solidarity with the bourgeoisie of the Russian Federation.

- Failure to understand that it is impossible to dogmatically “cosplay” Lenin of the 1914 model, that the current position is as progressive as possible precisely due to the fact that, unlike Lenin, now healthy forces cannot themselves fight the imperialists of the West - and this is fundamentally different from the events World War I conditions. That, unlike Lenin, healthy forces do not have a theory fully adapted to modernity, there is no party, there is no revolutionary state, there is no army and support of the masses. “ It makes sense to put forward the slogan of the defeat of one's own government only when there is a real movement of a sufficient mass of politically active citizens who are able to support the slogan with actions .” We also note that "Even at that time, the communists used the slogan about the defeat of their government in the imperialist war not ABSOLUTELY, but LIMITEDLY - only in conditions when the victory of any imperialist did not give anything to the communists. In addition, the slogan about the defeat of one's government by Lenin was closely linked with the slogan about turning the imperialist war into a civil one ."

- Failure to understand that the emotional perception of the troubles of war cannot be a basis for refusing to fight against the most reactionary forces, even by proxy (the hands of one's own bourgeoisie).

Consequences of delusions.

- The victory of the position of unconditional pacifism, not based on a dialectical understanding of the conflict and its participants, will only lead to new wars and a much larger number of victims.

6.5. Philistinism (appeal)
Hello, my dear inhabitant, you are me, who has not yet stumbled upon the necessary sources of knowledge, and I have something to tell you about our essence.

Hello, we have arrived!

You woke up when a war broke out near your house, when your comfort was broken and you suddenly wanted justice. Or by "military extermination of Ukrainian fascists", or by stopping the war and condemning "Russian fascists".

In fact, you have taken the first position that came across depending on the media that you watch and read, and your task is not justice, but the restoration of your comfort.

Military actions pretty tickle the nerves and succumb to the blood of adrenaline, and you begin to act. You start arguments in the networks. You put flags (Ukrainian?) on the nets, explain the bombing of Donbass by the fight against “Russian fascists” and maybe even help refugees. Or you put up special books (Z / V) in the titles and rejoice at the coming denazification and the return to the bosom of Mother Russia of the Ukrainian (Ukrainian part of the Russian!) people, stupefied by the soulless West. In case of any disagreement with your position, you deny your opponent the ability to think independently, because it is completely clear to you that your opponent is either a brainwashed zombie or a ghoul who was given manuals.

Blaming anyone, you forget about yourself.

For you, there was a split along the “civilizational” line, and now you support “ours” <name of nationality> against “them” <name of nationality>. Russians against Ukrainians. Western world against Russia. And with such support you think to return your comfort, but it will not return. You are just a victim of bourgeois ideology.

The fact is that, due to ignorance, you do not understand some basic things, which means that your actions will in no way contribute to peace in society in general and comfort for you personally in particular.

You do not understand the dialectics of what is happening.

— Admirer of liberal-democratic values, eager to end the war immediately. For you, the war started yesterday, not a couple of decades ago. Without considering the events in dynamics, starting at least with the collapse of the USSR, you do not understand that the war was inevitable.

- Ukrainian "patriot". In 2014 years ago, hordes of Russians attacked your independence, but you cannot explain how all this coexisted peacefully during the Soviet era.

- Military-minded "patriot" of the Russian Federation. In 2014 years ago, hordes of fascists began torturing Russians on Ukrainian territory, but you don’t understand that “special operations” only buy time, and do not solve the roots of the problem that began long before that.

You don't understand that idealism makes you helpless.

“A fan of liberal democratic values, you don’t understand that they are just a form of nationalism, the forerunners of the theory of the superior race of the Second World War. It is not necessary to know the whole history, it is enough to trace it back to the Korean and Vietnamese wars in order to see in practice the failure of US policy and ideology. But you are a believer, and it is difficult to change you.

- Pro-Western pacifist, it seems to you that the way out is to destroy Putin and his "minions". This is ridiculous, because what is happening is objectively historical, and individual individuals only express the movement of class forces. In addition, you are a pest, because you do not give yourself an account of the scale of the victims from your pacifism. If you are completely unbearable, call YOUR, and not the Russian government, for peace and disarmament.

- Ukrainian "patriot", it seems to you that you are building a free national state, but you forgot that freedom does not mean complete permissiveness and that the concept of "justice" should exist not only in your head, but be agreed with your neighbors and even with own multinational and multicultural people.

- "Patriot" of the Russian Federation, do you believe in the revival of the "Russian People", carrying Good and Justice? Get ready for subsequent wars and poverty, get ready to repeat the Ukrainian fate on your territory.

You do not understand that the problem, like the solution, lies in the class plane, and not in the national one.

- Pro-Western pacifist, your Ukrainian flag in social networks is just supporting the arrival of cheap labor for business and supporting the country's increase in military spending at the expense of social ones. Well, support for radical Ukrainian fascists in power.

- Ukrainian "patriot", I have nothing to say to you, you yourself know how your country has slipped into poverty and war since the collapse of the USSR. You can blame everything on the machinations of external enemies, but not for long.

- "Patriot" of the Russian Federation, the oligarchs with the rhetoric of "denazification" sooner or later will only cover up their business interests. Standing in solidarity with them, you will be the only one who will pay for the delights of war - poverty, life in a possible war, and maybe your soul, turning into an extreme nationalist.

You, the inhabitant, do not want to delve into the essence of the matter until it has affected you personally. You are looking for answers in black and white, blaming the mental insufficiency of individual politicians for what is happening, but never yourself. Hiding in national patriotism and/or belief in "democracy". And, in the end, you really can’t understand the real reasons for what is happening, which means that your actions will in no way lead you to your well-wishing about “world peace”.

But... a month will pass, and already you feel war-weary. They made some noise, formed an opinion, marked themselves with flags and letters on social networks and went on with their lives, personally reproducing the existing state of affairs. After all, "what can I do, the damned politicians decide everything."

Until the next time, until THIS knocks on the door.

So what to do?

Read the article from the beginning and understand at least such simple things.

“We need to learn Marxism.

“You, proletarian, are to blame for yourself—after all, you choose and tolerate your bourgeois government. You do nothing to fight for communism. So, you support the incitement of wars around the world.

“Your fatherland, proletarian, is the whole world, and not artificial limited bourgeois states.


Finally, for greater clarity, I will give an allegory.

In a slave-owning country there is a house in which the owners live with their servants, who plow for wear and tear and receive only beatings and leftovers in gratitude. The first occupies the penthouse. Two others live on the lower floor. One of them is a sick beggar drug addict who has been raping women for many years, threatening neighbors, shitting in the stairwell, and his penthouse friend brings him weapons. The second - the neighbor of the drug addict - at one moment decided to give him a punch in the face, otherwise the sewage would soon flow into the hut.

We observe something amazing nearby: the servants of this “aggressor”, as well as servants from other apartments, complain about the aggressor and put the flag of the drug addict’s apartment on social networks.

We inform the servants of the "aggressor": there will be less sewage, but you will be beaten less and will not be fed anymore.

We inform the servants of the drug addict: you, too, regardless of the final result, but the “aggressor” will at least clean up the sewage for a while. If it doesn't kill everyone by accident.

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Tue Sep 06, 2022 2:44 pm

The essence of „Putin’s regime“ — capitalism of the imperialistic epoch


Translated by Petr Yakovlev

All really key laws and state regulation measures can satisfy the interests and needs of either the oligarchy, that is, the richest monopolist tycoons, or the people, represented mainly by wage workers. This fact is objectively dictated by the economic basis of society, the nature of production relations.

And it doesn’t matter that some laws and policies do not directly serve the oligarchy. And it doesn’t matter that there are some intermediate layers of the bourgeoisie who are extremely disaffected with monopoly. The only important thing is whether the dominance of private oligarchic property is maintained and strengthened, or whether laws and state measures serve the real socialization of production for the benefit of the whole society, especially the working people. Historical practice has proved that the last-mentioned is possible only under the leadership of the Communist Party, in line with the implementation of the dictatorship of the working class, that is, with the closest reliance on the masses.

In our case, the legal system of the Russian Federation is the will of the bourgeois class elevated into law, the objective core of which is monopolist magnates who rely not on workers, but on entrepreneurs. It serves the rule of capitalism.

Look at the composition of the government. The Medvedev government, the government of millionaires, has resigned; it has been replaced by the new government of Mishustin, the government of millionaires. Almost all ministers and their deputies are recruited from the bourgeoisie, the power apparatus is permeated by the rich. The whole bureaucracy is connected with a business by a thousand threads, this can be seen even with a cursory examination of official declarations of senior officials. All major officials have a private interest under the guise of assets of wives, sisters, brothers, mothers, fathers, grandparents, drivers, friends, not to mention offshore companies. Everything is covered in the darkness of „trade secrets“, but everywhere the banal insides of entrepreneurs are visible.

„Patriots“ sing the hosanna to „patriotic“ wealthy officials. They are convinced that they, so to speak, will build good capitalism, are opposed to American imperialism, i.e., against the collapse and destruction of the country. Yes, a group of such bureaucratic capital has formed around Putin, oligarchs, and officials who are striving to make Russia their strong patrimony as opposed to foreign capital. This is a natural process of rivalry between different bourgeois forces. Every capitalist dream of becoming a master of the world, therefore he is forced to collect popular sympathies under his banners. But the essence will remain the same: the laws of capital cannot be repealed. The rich will get richer, and the poor will get poorer. Parasites — to measure yachts and football clubs, and workers — to count pennies.

Modern monopoly capitalism is the capitalism of the undivided rule of financial magnates. It is they who set monopoly prices for literally everything, hold all economic leverage through finance and dictate their political will to the whole of society. It is financial tycoons (giant corporations) who appoint governments and promote their people as presidents, shoot or drown in incriminating disagreeable officials and deputies. In all bourgeois countries they are closely intertwined with the highest bureaucracy.

However, the specifics of bourgeois Russia is that this capitalism was formed on the fragments of the socialist USSR, and the former Soviet people acted as the proletariat. The period of semi-colonial humiliation, the destruction of the state and the dominance of American and European capital in ten years gave way to the period of the formation of bourgeois sovereignty and the growth of the power of local oligarchs. The US tycoons were dizzy with the success of the victory over the USSR and while slowly chewing their prey, the young bourgeois class of the Russian Federation fed up to a competitive scale. Seven pro-Western bankers of the 1990s gave way first to two dozen billionaires of the 2000s, and then to nearly a hundred billionaires of the 2010s. The consolidating force of the Russian oligarchy was, in fact, Putin, who pacified the proletarian mass and formed at the expense of state orders the nucleus of the oligarchs from his friends.

It is important to note that Putin is characterized by Bonapartism. He seems to be maneuvering between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, striving for some kind of compromise. Putin considers himself a historical figure of the level of Peter the Great, therefore, he pretty much breaks away directly from the ruling class. Today, oligarchs are not involved in making a number of political decisions. Putin acts as a sort of arbiter in confronting various bureaucratic-oligarchic groups, a guarantor of maintaining equilibrium in the class balance of power.

In this situation, as a matter of fact, there is nothing unique, it happens quite often under certain historical conditions. Since the oligarchs do not have much opposition to Putin, his policies generally suit them. And most importantly, it does not and cannot go beyond the dominance of market relations and private oligarchic property.

Putin describes his power in this way:

„The sovereignty of our people must be unconditional. We have done a lot for this: we restored the unity of the country, put an end to the situation when some state and power functions were usurped by the oligarchic clans, as a matter of fact, Russia returned to international politics as a country that we began to reckon with“.

This statement reveals the truth that state-monopoly capitalism has formed in the Russian Federation with the well-known specifics of Bonapartism, but it is obscured that state power objectively serves the dominance of financial capital, i.e. oligarchies, therefore, there can be no talk of any sovereignty of the people. All institutions of power are occupied by capitalists, connected by a thousand threads to the largest oligarchy.

The essence of „Putin regime“ — capitalism of the imperialistic epoch.

Should we agitate against Putin as against Tsar Nikolai?

Lenin demanded that the Party members begin active agitation against the tsarist regime, demanded to expose economic and political order, down to the smallest detail, in short, as the bourgeois patriots would say today, demanded to „rock the boat“ by all forces and assets. The Marxists of the beginning of the 20th century devoted a substantial part of their work to arousing the democratic consciousness of the working people, to the effort of all resistance to tsarism in the struggle for the bourgeois-democratic revolution. Tsarist Russia faced the historical task of casting off the Tsar and destroying feudal survivals, clearing the way for the development of capitalism.

But this is half the trouble. The revolutionary movement in the Russian Empire was driven underground, the government unleashed monstrous terror concerning to all democracy, and the cowardly bourgeoisie entered into an alliance with the feudal aristocracy and the Tsar. Political freedom is a fundamental condition for conducting communist work, in the absence of the possibility of relatively free work, all forces should automatically be thrown into the struggle for the legality of communist activity. From the underground, it is extremely difficult to establish a strong connection with the masses and establish effective propaganda and agitation. Therefore, Lenin and other Bolsheviks in their works paid so much attention to democracy and denunciation of Tsarism, officials, factory, military, bureaucratic orders of the Tsarist terrorist regime. Before the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks were less important about the readiness of the working class to seize power than the overthrow of the Tsarist regime. But, already in April 1917, in conditions of complete legality, Lenin in two months managed to organize the work of the Party so effectively that in July Kerensky carried out a coup and attempted to suppress the Bolshevik Party. But the masses had already awakened, tasted political freedom, and therefore the persecutions were unsuccessful, and the Bolsheviks, despite all the bourgeois-democratic illusions, managed to convince Russia of the need for Communism.

One must be very eager to copy the experience of the Bolsheviks so as not to see the difference in conditions. First, in modern Russia, state-monopoly capitalism is developing, that is, the material preparation of Communism is evident. Secondly, Putin’s political regime is democratic and does not threaten the communist movement at this stage of its existence. Marxism, Communism are completely legal; there is a relatively wide scope for the revolutionary movement. There is freedom of communist propaganda, agitation, all the conditions that the Bolsheviks could not even dream of. The Internet and affordable printing remove a number of technical problems in the development of propaganda and agitation. Thirdly, modern proletarians are literate compared to the beginning of the 20th century and have free time (the proletariat, which does not abuse processing, has almost 60% of its life free from wage labour). Moreover, there is no huge mass of the petty-bourgeois peasantry and the intermediate petty-bourgeois strata; there is no peasant question of land.

Consequently, there is no reason for the working class to engage in instigating protest moods in the form of a struggle against the established political regime without preliminary preparation for the seizure of power by the working class. The Putin regime is quite happy with us since it makes it possible in relatively calm conditions to expand propaganda, form an avant-garde party and organize the proletariat into the working class.

For taking power, the support of millions and the active actions of tens of thousands are needed, but to maintain it, you need competent party cadres. Lenin, even in those harsh conditions, had such a party.

For now, we only have to forge the cadre core of the party. Therefore, there is no point in wasting energy on campaigning against the regime, on conviction and protest activity.

Besides, the whole content of the accusatory agitation of the left, right and liberals, by and large, is known in advance even to the widest masses of the population. There is no secret where the oligarchs derive their wealth, that all high officials are rich and thieves, that laws are passed primarily in the interests of the rich and so on. This is a worker at the beginning of the XX century, a former peasant without education, did not understand that he was being exploited. Today is an open secret. Therefore, all incriminating agitation against the regime does not cause any particular reaction among the masses, they already know that entrepreneurs and their officials are parasites and bastards. The oligarchs openly demonstrate their wealth, and officials and deputies publish in their declarations hundreds of millions and billions of rubles of income per year, car parks, apartments, villas, and yachts. This is all well known and does not require any agitation; the bourgeois press itself writes about this almost every day. When left-wingers arm themselves with all these facts and conduct an agitation campaign, the question involuntarily arises: are they sane?

Meanwhile, we must clearly understand that support for the struggle against the Putin regime today is support for strengthening pro-Western forces. The „Westerners“ in power, firstly, will begin to destroy state-monopoly capitalism, and secondly, they will unleash repressions against the Communists, like the Ukrainian ones. Therefore, an open confrontation with the regime should be initiated when there is a party and a working-class is formed around it that can take and maintain power. Of course, life can put before us other layouts that will have to be resolved objectively, based on the class balance of power.

But as long as there is no time pressure, it is necessary to correctly put the work under current conditions and not to go astray on playing along to the Navalnyists and other liberals or nationalists.

On the ratio of the two main bourgeois „parties“ in Russia
If we express very briefly and succinctly the principles of the policy of the dominant oligarchic group, which is held together by the Putin team („patriots“), then we are talking about 1) complete freedom for monopoly capital in relation to non-monopoly medium and small capital. Freedom, first of all, absorption, ruin, destruction. 2. On the regrouping of capital at the expense of the state banking sector and state order. 3. The strengthening of state power, protectionism and external economic expansion at this expense. 4. The calming down of the proletarian movement through budgeting for jobs, social policy, and economic regulation. In general, this policy is a policy in favor of the oligarchy.

If we can concisely express the principle of the proposals of all liberal opposition politicians („Westerners“), then we are talking about the weakening of the bourgeois state by all means and means in order to knock out the soil of their organization from under the feet of the Russian oligarchs. The purpose of all these reforms, Maidan, swamp „uprisings“ is to increase the competitiveness of Western capital, in particular the US oligarchy. This is the standard imperialist policy that the United States pays in all countries of the world — liberalization, the „freedom of trade“ and the „freedom of capital flows“. And the kudrins, navalnys, and khodorkovskys, in this case, are just agents of American and European imperialism. The meaning of all this fuss is completely trivial — to weaken the competition.

However, what kudrins and navalnys offer and fight for will lead not only to weaken the Russian oligarchy and strengthen the western oligarchy but also to social disasters a la the 90s.

Therefore, if under Putin we see so called ordinary capitalist „fascism“, that is, proletarians pressed by poverty, multiplying the fortunes of oligarchs, sitting on the thrones of monopoly corporations; then with conventional navalnyis we will see liberal fascism, a hundred times more frenzied, more anti-people.

Some will say, the weaker the bourgeois political regime, the more profitable for the cause of Communism. And this is quite correct when it comes to the fact that the Communists have something to oppose the bourgeoisie. When the working class has its own sovereign political position, expressed by a strong Marxist party associated with the masses.

But if we go through the initial stage of staffing, if the proletariat is not organized into the working class, if there is no headquarters, then we must reckon with what we have. But we have a bourgeois regime relatively loyal to Marxists, relatively comfortable conditions for propaganda and organizational work. Therefore, one should not only confuse Putin and Navalny as two liberals, bourgeois politicians, anti-Communists but also find out their role in relation to the conditions of development of the labor movement and the conditions of the Communist struggle. So, if the liberals topple Putin, then we are waiting for an open anti-Communist pogrom, the final curtailment of social programs and the destruction of state-monopoly capitalism. Only a provocateur will call this an improvement in the conditions for Communism. ... in-regime/
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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Fri Sep 09, 2022 5:36 pm

About raising children
№ 8/72.VIII.2022

The Soviet system of education was based on the social equality of Soviet citizens. This was a condition for effective public education through kindergartens, schools, circles, camps, etc. And in the 90s, all this collapsed. Formally, everything was the same, but in fact, a kindergarten or school of the 2000s was no longer equal to the analogue of the 80s. Different environment, different goals, different personnel, different contingent. If we take into account that even these social institutions - kindergarten, circles, camps - have become accessible to not everyone, we will see that it is categorically impossible to compare the attitude of parents towards children directly. The parent of the 80s was confident in school, and the parent of the 90s, and even more so of the USE era, is no longer confident at all.

Plus, in the 90s, the safety of the child in society sank sharply. If in the 70s it was possible to be sure that the child would safely reach the school on the other side of the city, and if he got lost, then they would help him, then in the 90s crime, alcoholism and drug addiction, psychopathization and sexual violence went off scale and began to really threaten children . Therefore, this function was taken over by the parents. A child by the hand up to 13-14 years old is taken to school, and this is normal. My child actually ran into a teenage extortionist gang on their way to the pool. In the USSR, this was an emergency on a regional scale, in the 2000s it was the norm. I had to personally catch and beat the idiots - the police did not work.

Further. Now we have a generation of parents born in the 80s - early 90s, who went through all the chthonic horror of perestroika and collapse in childhood. It was basically meager and not replete with either proteins or sweets food, cheap clothes of poor quality, the inability to buy toys and sharply manifested inequality. When my daughter asks for sausages for breakfast instead of healthy milk porridge, I remember that at her age I saw sausage once a month as a delicacy, and I can’t refuse. Parents are trying to give their children what they themselves did not receive in childhood, it is difficult to blame for this and it is impossible to stop or slow it down, especially by talking.

Concerning entry into adulthood. In the USSR, entry meant labor, which was held in high esteem and the only legal way of a social lift. Under bourgeois conditions, labor is automatically equal to EXPLOITATION. What parent would willingly sell their child into slavery to a bastard entrepreneur? What parent will give it to the bourgeois state, which will easily burn it in a tank in the name of another Abramovich yacht? To reproach parents for delaying the child's meeting with slavery and the army is directly bourgeois propaganda.

Makarenko repeatedly wrote that it is not the parent who educates, but the environment educates. The ability of parents to create an environment is minimal. They can only react secondarily to the environment in a very narrow corridor of solutions. Therefore, it is necessary to start from the environment, that is, from the REVOLUTION, restoring social equality, the system of public education, ensuring an adequate level of security and standard of living, and then you can demand something from your parents. Bourgeois society, on the other hand, cannot really create even a stable family environment, given that 50-70% of marriages break up, mainly for economic reasons.

... From the point of view of Marxists, a good parent is one who fights for communism, because he understands that only in conditions without commodity-money relations can a worthy person be brought up. But at the same time, the communist will not reproach the proletarian for the “airbag” that parents are trying to give their children under capitalism in conditions when the revolution is still far away. This is a form of spontaneous resistance to capitalism, which wants to exploit the proletarian to the maximum, and the proletarian tries to dodge.

I. Bortnik

How to solve the problem of "school shootings"
No. 6/70.VI.2022

Communism is a socio-economic formation, not only based on public ownership of the means of production and planning, but also functioning on the basis of the "dictatorship" of scientific knowledge, the scientific worldview. This means that communists must approach any problem as a scientific question, considering it comprehensively, revealing the causes and laws that give rise to the phenomenon.

So, subject matter: school shooting.

What is meant by this? Schoolchildren/students or recent graduates with firearms and sometimes explosive devices come to the school and kill as many students and teachers as possible, often committing suicide afterwards. They usually do not have goals to kill specific people.

None of the measures taken by the bourgeois states help to cope with this problem.

First of all, cruelty and violence reigning in society can be called as a superficial reason .

Most people on Earth are far from the known standards of intellectual development, are entangled in social contradictions, and are in a state of constant struggle with each other. A low level of consciousness indicates that the vast majority of people act spontaneously, obeying prevailing circumstances, not understanding the essence of the social relations within which they are forced to live.

The main reason for cruelty and violence in capitalist society lies in the content of social relations, in which interaction between people mainly takes place. There is such a formula that many have heard - "being determines consciousness." To simplify as much as possible, the essence of this formula is that, similarly to how the consciousness of one person is determined by the “meat equipment” on which this consciousness functions, + the events that happen to a person in life that form his personality, in the same way the consciousness of everything society as a whole (well, and, of course, the people included in it) is determined both by the physiology of the carriers and by the events that take place and have occurred in society.

There is no innate cruelty of a person in the way that adherents of the explanation of the causes of violence understand it.

Another famous formula:

“Obviously, before creating at least something, before conducting any activity, a person needs to eat, drink, have a roof over his head that protects him from the environment.”

It follows from this that until the most important needs of people, the need to maintain the reproduction of oneself as a living being, are not satisfied, other issues do not matter. This implies the primacy of those relations that develop in the course of the production and distribution of material goods.

That is, a society is such or such, depending on what production relations dominate in it. But what is the connection between the production relations of capitalism and school shootings?

The danger of being robbed, deceived, killed, the constant deception of a person by all the "powers of this world" (big capital, the capitalist state, criminals), the inability to trust one's neighbor lay a strong foundation for appropriate thinking in a person's head and in the public consciousness as a whole. Set up people hostile or at least wary of each other.

A person is crushed by paid medicine (or low-quality free), the need to pay for a mortgage, or live in rented housing, has no firm confidence in the future, can be “thrown” by the employer or even his relatives at any moment. Yes, he does not think about it 24×7, but it leaves an imprint on his consciousness, and since such people are in the majority, public consciousness is formed from such personal consciousness.

In addition to distrust, fear and hatred of one's neighbor, a person is full of discontent. The above factors will rarely make anyone happy, but it should be added that the very existence in such a society is not very pleasant. Most people work in unloved, uncreative, stupid, monotonous, and often meaningless jobs, and if they don’t realize it directly, they feel that life is passing them by. Time is being wasted. The results of labor are alienated from man.

Thus, in such a conflict society, we get a child who has a chance to become a “school shooter”.

All these troubles and dangers stem from the nature of the prevailing social relations based on the institution of private property. The institution of private property artificially divides people about access to vital factors. At the same time, no matter how positive pictures of respectable private owners, the corresponding proprietary religious and secular ethics, are broadcast in public folklore, they are not able to change the semi-animal essence of private property relations - the forcible alienation of vital activity factors.

The atomization of society is a term that follows from this, which is also commonly used. Making friends is dangerous. Getting married without a marriage contract is dangerous. Starting a business with a friend is dangerous. It is clear that one cannot live in fear all one's life, but one can be afraid a little bit, and this “little bit” alienates people from each other.

All this is fueled by the “correct” picture of the world broadcast everywhere, on which (in the form of cinema, for example) investors allocate a lot of money, on which (in the form of online media and social networks) they do not spare spending. "Dear professors" for a penny put forward yet another "evidence" that there is no alternative to capitalism, that man is an animal and cannot rise above his instincts.

An integral part of this picture is continuous violence. Murders, rapes, various other crimes - all this is savored by the media (remember how we all splashed out in the 90s, all this rubbish), and ordinary people turn out to be greedy for bloody details and constantly update the tape, as if addicted to drugs. If the media publishes positive news, then it is often news from the category: “Elon Musk launched a rocket, look how handsome he is, look up to him!” or "The officials care about you, they did this and that." Of course, there is also completely useful information, but even the news that a child prodigy has invented a way to turn garbage into environmentally friendly fuel will be presented from the point of view of “investors have already been found”, that is, “financial success”. An inventor who has created something that can improve people's lives,

All this propaganda is aimed at making a person enter into competition and consider it the main and main way of interaction.

People compete with each other for jobs and constantly fight with their employer even for the pennies that are already written in the employment contract. Those who can climb the corporate ladder often have to contend with their colleagues who are also applying for a higher vacancy for money.

Thus, it turns out that modern capitalist society is a society of war of all against all, albeit a sluggish one. And where the interests are opposed, sooner or later there will be violence.

Violence is an integral part of the bourgeois picture of the world.

Movies, books, TV shows, even cartoons with unlimited murders, violence, savory murder scenes, blood-meat-guts that shock the viewer at first, but with each new dose, he needs more and more to hook him.

Various sports associated with injuries for athletes (even the same boxing, in which the same signs are detected in the brain on an ongoing basis as in Parkinson's disease - see Boxer's Encephalopathy).

Continuous wars and terrorist manifestations around the world, which people are already used to reading about and no longer worry about which peaceful city in Yemen was again bombed by Saudi Arabia or how many Palestinians were again killed by Israeli special forces “just because”.

There are different types of strife incited by the bourgeois media: blacks against whites, Muslims against Christians and Jews, some nations against other nations. Anything to divide the exploited into opposing camps and make them hate each other.

Violence is declared by various "scientists" in the media and the Internet to be absolutely in line with "human nature" and ineradicable, and often even a source of progress.

Living in a society where violence is the norm of life forms a consciousness that is calm about the murder of one's neighbors. In adolescence, a person is prone to maximalism, he has not yet developed empathy, so for him the thought of killing his peers can even become attractive. Moreover, for them there is a whole corresponding youth culture and fashion.

The sluggish discontent of others makes a person aggressive (if he does not have his own “core”, which makes him resist the public consciousness and forms his own views on life), the child hears how his parents speak about the life problems they face, and gets used to the thought that this is the norm.

The atomization of society leads to the fact that it is normal for society that a person “sleeps at home”, sits around the PC and does not have friends, and if he has, he discusses execution plans with them. This does not bother anyone, because this is "a private matter for everyone." No one will bother and ask: “Man, how are you? Are you all right? What are you thinking about? What's bothering you? Tell about your life". A person lives, walks, eats, breathes - well, that means it’s not bad. Strongly from the "norm" does not stand out - well, okay. For the same reason, often no one knows in advance about the intentions of suicides. Because they don't care for the rest of their lives. It is not normal for a person to be in some kind of team, to do joint work with someone (namely, work, not work, useful and interesting work, from which eyes burn and your partner becomes your best friend), it is not normal to communicate with someone. On the contrary, such phenomena as “hickeys”, “owls with a dvacha”, for which desocialization is the norm, are gaining ground.

In a family, such a child can also be a “hermit”, but this is not necessary, since age psychology says that a child, with normal development, from adolescence, ceases to draw basic information about life from his parents and switches to his environment.

The impregnation of public relations with violence and cruelty is a consequence of the fact that the relations of private property in themselves are a FORCED alienation of vital activity factors. The state ensures by violent coercion the right of private property, primarily to the means of production. That is, the social and legal order under capitalism is maintained through violence and cruelty . Consequently, violence and cruelty is the objective reality of capitalism . And all subjective forms of propaganda and the cult of violence merely reflect this reality, serve it.

The second superficial reason is mental disorders that have overwhelmed our society after the collapse of the USSR.

As the recent shooting in Russia showed, where the shooter himself in his letter told how he received a certificate from a psychiatrist after memorizing the answers to the test, medical supervision does not work. The fact that a psychiatrist suspected something and gave a test is already a great achievement, usually asking questions: “What day is it now?”, “What are the seasons?”, “What is your name?”, - and this is limited.

This problem applies to medicine in general. The capitalist state in Russia has not yet destroyed the remnants of free medicine left over from the USSR, but, in any case, has reduced the care of citizens about their health to an independent business, whereas earlier it was a matter of state.

Medical examinations conducted regularly in the USSR at the place of work covered the majority of the population, and therefore made it possible to undergo examinations by many specialists, including a psychiatrist.

There is no such system anymore (more precisely, it exists, but in the form of a stump, where a series of examinations can be done voluntarily once every 3-5 years), and people who are already too busy with momentary survival cannot waste time on medical examinations.

As a result, "psychos" can go undiagnosed all their lives, the atomization of society helps them in this. “He’s just unsociable,” they say about a person who doesn’t care about anyone, but in fact he has a mental disorder.

In addition, “human rights” and “democratic freedoms” do not allow a person to be recognized as dangerous to society, and often even violent patients are taken for compulsory treatment only when they have already done something.

At the same time, things are still going well in Russia. In the same USA, for example, in many not too “fashionable and expensive” areas, psychos literally walk the streets, yell, do various “performances” and everyone is used to it.

The society does not systematically deal with the mental health of its members.

Also, we must not forget about an integral part of capitalist society - corruption. For money, many doctors will give any information. Or these certificates can be bought in other ways, or forged, and then “legalized” for money.

But the most important thing is that the atmosphere of capitalist society produces madmen on an industrial scale.. A high level of anxiety, the cultivation of individualism, mystical thinking, perversions and, in general, the degradation of the spiritual sphere of society's life deform the socialization of a person, develop abnormal inclinations in the psyche of individuals. Thus, by the way, the objective law of discrepancy between the level of development of productive forces and the nature of production relations is manifested. The point is that the productive forces include the people themselves, whose essential forces turn out to be fettered by the production relations of capitalism. Wage labor, exploitation, polarization of society, commodity-money relations disfigure all other "secondary" social ties and the people themselves. This discrepancy results not only in the growth of revolutionary sentiments, but also in the growth of the number of crazy people thrown to the sidelines of people's lives, including young people.

The third component of the surface cause is the democratic media, which has created a culture of copycat school shootings .

The fact that in the USSR there were often no publications in the media about some serious crimes is regarded by the liberal public as “the authorities concealed”, as a “violation of the right to know” and the like. At the same time, one of the goals of school shooters is to become posthumously famous in Herostratus style. To know about them, to write about them. They even write manifestos of their thoughts and ideas, they want these manifestos to be replicated and to be recognized by millions of people.

It is a normal desire for a person to share his thoughts with others, but in the case when a person has become insane, he chooses such an extravagant way to share his thoughts as mass murder. In these thoughts, shooters often blame the environment and society for what happened, declaring that they hate everyone and would be happy to kill as many people as possible. This can be regarded as a manifestation of resentment against society.

The media, replicating information about these events, make mass murderers celebrities, and other teenagers who are on a "similar wave" see them as an example to follow. Each subsequent killer takes a ready-made criminal "motivation".

Thus, the capitalist media, for which "the hottest story raises the ratings", are accomplices and provocateurs of further such situations. Even the state cannot ban the media from publishing such information, as it will still be trumpeted by "small and independent" media, as well as thousands of micro-news channels on the Internet. Because "hype", "views" and "traffic" for commercial media is the most important thing.

Another causal element is social indifference and “hataskrayism”. We have already spoken about the indifference of society caused by atomization. This is also important in the course of the possibility of suppressing crimes. So, in Perm, many surveillance cameras filmed how the shooter walks down the street with a gun in his hands, passes people who do not react in any way. None of them even called the police, because "well, go on and go, his personal affairs." A passer-by has no desire to expose himself for the sake of some “public interests”, and turning to the police is an extra stress, due to the fact that the police, let’s say, are not always responsive to messages and can cause a certain amount of anxiety to the applicant. To prevent a criminal, even if a passer-by realized his possible danger, is, firstly, dangerous (“I won’t risk myself for someone”),

In a similar case in the USSR, the criminal could well be twisted by the citizens themselves and kept until the arrival of the police, which often happened with street hooligans, various drunks and brawlers. Now this is almost impossible to see, and in a large number of those cases when such detention occurs, the detainee then receives a criminal case for causing bodily harm, although he stopped the socially dangerous subject.

Society itself molds its members to be indifferent and irresponsible.

What does capitalism offer?
Proposals in various bourgeois countries to combat this problem are well known: to arm guards and even teachers, put up bulletproof doors, run through a metal detector, tighten psychiatric examination for weapons, rules for the sale of weapons, etc. All this is essentially “crutches” for problems voiced above, as practice shows, they do not work at all. In short, capitalism offers to put up with the problem and try to avoid the most bloody consequences.

What do the communists offer?
First , with regard to cruelty and violence. Even within the framework of "immature communism", as the experience of the USSR showed, the means of production can completely pass into public ownership and the exploitation of man by man will be eliminated. So, there will be a humanization of social relations, the atmosphere of life will improve. With the elimination of exploitation and the growth of satisfaction of people's needs, the general competition between people fades away, the competition between the working people for "career growth" decreases, since material well-being depends less and less on it. Free medicine and education, as well as free housing (it was almost completely implemented in the USSR) relieve a person of such headaches as: buying an apartment, providing housing for children, saving money for treatment, paid education for children, recreation, etc.

Television, the media, the Internet, books cease to broadcast the cult of violence, domestic violence becomes unacceptable in the public mind, out of the ordinary. Murder from the "ordinary business", as it is now, gradually becomes "unimaginable" and "terrible". Thus, it will be more difficult for a person, even in a depressed state, to step over the social attitudes brought up from childhood.

Also, the media will stop suggesting that self-realization is how much money you have. Self-realization is a useful, interesting, productive work in production, science, art, medicine, pedagogy, and so on, for the benefit of the whole society.

In the USSR, the cult of labor was widely developed, but after the death of Stalin, like many Marxist ideas, it gradually became emasculated and turned into a “tedious, dull reminder of something incomprehensible” (however, this is a completely different story).

The surrounding life, filled with interesting tasks, and not the problem of survival, relieves unpleasant thoughts and allows everyone to find a constructive and creative occupation. For a child, these are circles, tourism, sports sections, etc. (of course, free of charge, unlike modern robotics circles, the cost of attending which is inaccessible to the majority of the population).

A society consisting of teams working together and at the same time, and not competing with each other, will not leave a person alone, a circle, an interest club, even the head of the circle can talk to the child, learn about his problems and give some advice and help. Many social institutions are involved in the upbringing of a person, and not just the family. Parents who are not crushed by everyday life and survival can pay more attention to the child and not leave him alone with problems.

Secondly , with regard to mental disorders. As already mentioned, the deployment of a full-fledged comprehensive system of free medicine will allow for regular medical examinations at school, colleges, universities and at the place of work. That is, a person will not be able to avoid examinations, which, in addition to the benefits of early detection of various diseases, will also make it possible to detect mental deviations and disorders even before they have sprouted.

Corruption in medicine will be significantly reduced. Thus, the ability of a doctor not to think about tomorrow, about how to feed children and how to pay for a mortgage, will undermine corrupt motives. Even before the complete overcoming of monetary relations, the profession of a doctor must be made respected and honorable, and it must be socially unacceptable for a doctor to take a bribe. The true cause of corruption is commodity-money relations.

But most importantly, the exclusion from social life of all spontaneous, unscientific relations, especially semi-animal relations - competition, money-grubbing, greed - and with them the ideology of individualism, perversions will make the general atmosphere cleaner and healthier. The inclinations of individuals to madness will not be exacerbated, but smoothed out. The communist atmosphere of comradeship, confidence in the future, in the meaningfulness of what is happening has a healing effect.

Thirdly , with regard to the reflection of massacres in the public mind through the media. Everything is simple here. Information about the execution should only concern the affected people and their relatives, as well as investigators of the criminal investigation department and other services. It is unreasonable to disseminate it for reasons of the general principle of “informing the public”, as this has the opposite effect, sows fear, uncertainty and breeds imitation. The public, as long as it is not 100% conscious people with a scientific outlook, needs to be protected from harmful information, and there is no hiding the truth in this. And children will always need to be protected from certain information until they grow up.

Fourthly , with regard to public indifference and "hataskrayism". When every person knows that he lives in a society whose goal is the full development of each individual, when he knows that those around him are not enemies, but friends, and that everyone he meets is his comrade-in-arms in building a new future, he will worry for this society, he will protect it and treat other people sympathetically.

That is why during the Great Patriotic War, Soviet citizens showed such heroism, they knew what they were fighting for. Indeed, relatively recently (24 years ago, until 1917), the peasants were landless and paid huge redemption payments, plowed on horseback, “as grandfathers bequeathed”, in the village everything was run by kulaks (essentially rural usurers and bandits), workers plowed in slave conditions for pennies and lived in terrible little rooms, education and medicine were available to units.

By the year 1941, education, including higher education, became widespread, a system of free medicine was introduced and developed everywhere, industrialization was carried out, which gave a huge amount of its own industrial goods, and in agriculture - mass mechanization. People saw that the goals set by the communists were being achieved and promises were kept, and therefore they had something to die for. For the happy life of their children.

For the same reason, a member of a communist society, seeing a dangerous subject who clearly shows signs of abnormal behavior (who drives a car: you probably know how to identify an inadequate person in the stream by strange small movements, not yet waiting for him to start “playing checkers”), or make everything possible to detain him on his own, or at first he will call for help, but he will definitely not pass by.

According to the analysis made, it is clear that in a communist society such a situation with the spread of mass school shootings is practically impossible, while in a capitalist society it is repeated with regular accuracy, approximately the same as the world financial crises, that is, in a capitalist society, mass shootings in schools are a regularity and it is impossible to stop them.

As the practice of the USSR showed, there were no such cases at all.

Written immediately after the execution in Perm, the Lenta article about “Soviet shootings” was apparently commissioned to show: “look, this happened in the USSR too,” but the article itself lists murders by adults of adults, only one case with death schoolchildren, and even in this case, the killer had no intention of killing everyone, he had a specific goal - his beloved, in addition, the killer was an adult, and not a schoolboy or a recent graduate, from which it should be concluded that here it is most likely an undiagnosed mental illness.

With the growing coverage of medical examinations and other means of wresting a person from the isolation of his own closed world mentioned here, such cases will completely disappear in a communist society.

As for the fact that “the killing of adults by adults is also bad,” no one claimed that crime was completely eradicated in the USSR, and yet it was much less than in developed capitalist countries, due to a much smaller number of motivations for crime and a healthier community.

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Tue Sep 20, 2022 3:58 pm

The problem with techies
September 20, 11:15 am


The problem with techies

The surprises of the 2022 admissions campaign continue. Actually, it has not ended yet, although the deadline for summing up the lists of applicants was August 16th. From the regions they report that despite the additional sets, in some places it is again empty. There are still free places on the budget. Almost all unclaimed places ended up in technical specialties.

- This is not advertised, but not only here in Nizhny Novgorod, but in Kazan, Kaliningrad, Tomsk, Novosibirsk and even in St. Petersburg, all places were not filled from the second time, - says a member of the admissions committee of the university Arkady (name changed). -Basically, these are micro- and nanoelectronics, mechanical engineering, electrical engineering, and chemical technologies. Although there are places in biotechnology, for which applicants have always fought. I have been sitting in the selection committees for six years, but I don’t remember this.

The interlocutor of "MK" said that discouraged universities are preparing documents to conduct ... the third wave. That is, it is planned to continue the additional recruitment. According to the law "On Education", admission to universities can last until the end of the current year, that is, until 31.12. 2022.

Much has already been written about the reasons for this unprecedented budgetary imbalance this year. The main thing is that, based on the priority of engineering specialties,250 thousand places were allocated for technical disciplines in 2022. That is, almost half of the 588 thousand state-funded places in universities in the whole country. Tritely, there were not so many willing (and able) to go to technologists, designers, designers and, in fact, engineers. “We have an inconsistency between living demand in the labor market and enrollment in universities ,” comments Irina Abankina, director of the Institute for the Development of Education at the National Research University Higher School of Economics, a leading expert in the field of education.

- We have been in Moscow since the 1990s. most industrial enterprises have been destroyed,” says Leonid Zamotaev, process engineer for microelectronic production. - Actually, according to our profile, only our plant and research institutes remained, and even Zelenograd. The recovery period for such production is at least 50 years,and it is hardly profitable now. Therefore, our profession is not in demand and is not very well paid. Now, having lost allowances, I get 60 thousand rubles in my hands, and this is still not bad on average for the profession. Two of my classmates, Muscovites, went to work in other cities of the Russian Federation. One person went to Kaluga, the other went to Yelets. Regional enterprises also work there. And in Moscow, as in most of Russia, there are almost no jobs for an engineer. If there is a desire to revive the profession, it is necessary to start with production.

"MK" studied the proposals of recruiting agencies and enterprises. Development engineer, design engineer, just an engineer - 70-80 thousand rubles "dirty". Somewhere even 30-35 thousand. The rates, and with them the amounts, grow only if something else is simply added to the engineer: “for supervision”, “for procurement”, a service engineer or chief ... On the one hand, there are proposals, on the other, almost all highly specialized . Or they are connected not with production, but with normative and documentary work.

In the meantime, according to the principle “the king is dead, long live the king”, the admission targets for 2023-24 have already been approved. But they are going to distribute places in specific areas and specialties after February 1, 2023. Until this date, graduates will have to choose subjects for which they will take the exam. The Ministry is going to analyze all this, so as not to be mistaken again. Although the exam is not a guarantee, but a probability. A profile in mathematics, for example, does not necessarily mean that the student who passed will go to engineering. With the same success, he can apply for a physicist, mathematical analyst, economist.

Changes to the admission rules-2023, which were announced before September 1, have not been announced. It is clear that officially there will be no “second wave”, but additional sets will successfully replace it. It is not clear whether the submission of the original and copies of the diploma to the university will be reviewed, this year this moment was criticized.

As for the passing scores for individual subjects, the experts agree that on average it is necessary to focus on 70-85 points. Falls to 60 and below, as was the case this year, in the higher education system will try to prevent more. ... abora.html - zinc

"Suddenly" it turned out that the hordes lawyers and marketers, this is not what you need.
It turns out that production is needed, some of which have been safely destroyed since the days of the "holy 90s". As Chubais broadcast there - "By destroying factories, we are fighting communism." Now, against the backdrop of the collapse of the strategy "why produce by ourselves - we will buy abroad", there is an obvious need for both restoring lost industries and competencies, and training specialists for this very production. Life will make

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 21, 2022 2:00 pm

Untrainable monkeys and our tactics
No. 9/73.IX.2022

Reading the news, I'm more and more convinced that Russia is ruled by untrained bonobo monkeys, concerned only with the size of the testicles.

The special operation has been going on for six months, of which four months are actually a low-level positional war. The contingent of the RF Armed Forces has not accumulated reserves, there is nothing to fend off the counterattack. Okay, defeats happen, you can’t be strong everywhere and always. They will understand and forgive even dementia, if it has been corrected. And Putin himself immediately declares that they will continue to do so, the plan will not change, they are not going to increase the group, at most they recruit prisoners from colonies and roll out orders from each region to collect a thousand scumbags. None of the generals paid even with fasting.

Since March, we have been talking about import substitution of microprocessor technology. Six months have passed, and they are still chatting and import substitution, picking out microprocessors from washing machines. There are no production facilities, and you can not wait until 2025. In Stalin's time, six months was the time for launching the next aircraft model into a series. Sometimes they fit into four. GAZ in the first five-year plans was actually built in a year. During this time, the Communists would have dug the land with their noses, bought it, stolen it, collected it on their knees, but there would have been some kind of real production, and not paper reports and briefings.

Today, the news arrived that they were going to "develop profile engineering." Excuse me, monkeys, but what, before the start of the special operation, it was not clear that this specialized mechanical engineering would need to be developed? At least at the stage of making a decision that it will be necessary to solve problems with the collective West by military means? Six months later, a monkey named Vigilant Eye finally noticed that there was no profile engineering. We will not ask where it has gone since 1991 and who had a hand in it, but if half a year is required for the rustling of such an obvious thought in the nervous tissue of these humanoids, then from voicing to some (!) real actions, judging by the experience of a six-month chatter about import substitution without physical movements, it will take another year or two, during which the collective West will reach the outskirts of Khimki and will, sitting in Rublev mansions,

The undoubted and obvious result of the six months of the special operation is the rot, stupidity and armlessness of the Russian state that has come out from all sides, which cannot solve even purely bourgeois problems , such as the problems of political sovereignty and economic independence. Which solves all these problems not only in a capitalist way, that is, at a cost and at the expense of the proletariat, but even so they cannot solve the problem.

And, most interestingly, no one in the apparatus, as a rule, even understands how abnormal this is. The bourgeoisie is quietly sabotaging the decisive actions of an active group of managers, which Putin embodies, since it still shares the illusion that it will be possible to reach an agreement without missing the opportunity to snatch something from the state common fund, and since the apparatus is actually under its control, this sabotage and theft are given priority green light. Anecdotal stories of non-execution of Putin's decrees have become the talk of the town. Semintsy, when they draw an analogy with 1914, are only right that the young Russian capitalism of the 21st century, like the young Russian capitalism of the early 20thcentury, is a “holy, but armless dummy”, unable to realize even his own goals due to the fact that the bourgeoisie still perceives itself as nouveau riche who can lose as easily as they gained. For them, the lack of profit is still a universal catastrophe, and therefore Russian capital does not play long, unlike the “old” Western one, which somehow understands that losses can be compensated in the long term, and went for sanctions, which objectively had a rather severe impact and on the part of the capitalists.

This gives us communists serious advantages.

1 . Capital, or rather, that active group of capital that has most closely merged with the state and is focused on government orders, will more actively use the state for further merging, monopolization, and inevitably (!) sooner or later will use planning in kind (because otherwise physically impossible). This will a) prepare the economy for the transition to socialist planning after the revolution, b) show both bourgeois managers and the population the real effectiveness of planning. Undoubtedly, under capitalist conditions, the efficiency will be significantly lower than under the conditions of socialized property, it will be veiled by financial indicators, but nevertheless it will be.

2 . One way or another, capital will have to suppress part of the bourgeoisie and thereby deepen the split between groups, which will manifest itself in a crisis situation. This is also in our favor.

3 . We have the opportunity to play in the bourgeois field in propaganda, criticizing the bourgeoisie for the inability and unwillingness to solve even bourgeois problems, for the scarcity and wretchedness of its market methods for solving these same bourgeois problems, to promote socialization and planning, that is, to seize its own national banner from the bourgeoisie . Why did half of the Russian officers in 1918-1920 followed the Reds, although for the most part she was not communist? Because the Reds more effectively solved those tasks that tsarism and all temporary and supreme rulers failed. Why did Tito manage to liberate the country easily and practically without the help of the USSR in Yugoslavia? Because the local bourgeoisie, torn into national shops, could not even solve the bourgeois tasks of national liberation, not to mention the fact that they themselves allowed the occupation.

4 . In the current situation, one should not expect significant repressions against the communists for the time being - firstly , we are not yet threatening capital, and secondly , capital itself will try to dress up in red clothes, because white clothes in the mass consciousness are heavily stained with something brown and if it has not been washed for 30 years, then it will hardly be more effective in the future.

But it's not even about repression. In the current situation, we can finally truly rely on the experience of building socialism in the USSR and really, having all the trump cards in our hands, oppose Stalin's policy to modern times at painful points for the bourgeoisie, where it wants to, but cannot do anything. This historical situation, as practice shows, does not repeat itself so often - many countries of the world live for centuries and they still do not have such a bright opportunity to demonstrate a situation where the bourgeoisie wants to, but cannot, because it stumbles upon the limitation of a market economy, capitalism itself yourself.

This must be used. For this you need:

- to begin with, to clearly understand what a communist economy is and how it differs from a market economy;

- to know and understand how the capitalist economy of the Russian Federation functions and what exactly is inefficient in it regarding planning;

— develop a network of media, work to improve the theoretical level of authors;

— to pay attention not to the revelations of capital, but to opposing the inefficiency of capital to the effectiveness of communism;

- to gradually form a party on the basis of scientific centralism to ensure an uninterrupted and growing wave of propaganda.

In other words, our task is not to produce pictures and posters on the Internet, which is what numerous leftist publics are doing, but specifically to solve theoretical problems that capitalism cannot solve.

It must be understood that the theoretical and practical level of the bourgeoisie is extremely low, and the larger and more complex the problem, the more stupid things it will do from all sides. And the most interesting thing is that the bourgeoisie lacks a critical self-perception - it cannot look at itself, as the actors say, "from the audience." Even if they lose, they rarely learn from their mistakes, and we are guaranteed to beat them sooner or later if we seriously solve in our propaganda those problems that they cannot solve.

Neither the bourgeois media, nor the crowds of petty-bourgeois hamsters, nor the army, nor the police, nothing will help them, because we are simply smarter and more far-sighted. Yes, we lack organization and system. But as soon as we begin to have some success in the propaganda war in the field that the bourgeois considers their own, when we stir the herd of lemmings fleeing to the third world world with the stick of Marxist criticism, we will face the problem of organization and solve it at a higher level. , than now.

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Thu Sep 22, 2022 2:39 pm

Civil War in Ukraine
No. 11/39, XI.2019


On the left, the question is: should the communists stick to the “Leninist position” and want the Russian government to lose in the conflict in Ukraine?

First of all, the following should be noted.

It is one thing to put forward the slogan of the defeat of our own government in conditions when we have real political power, another thing is when behind us, like many other leftist groups, there are still neither the masses, nor even an authoritative organization, that is, at least some kind of solid connection with the masses. It is also necessary to take into account the presence or absence of a spontaneous upsurge of the mass revolutionary movement and the degree of organization.

Putting forward the slogan of the defeat of one's own government makes sense only when there is a real movement of a sufficient mass of politically active citizens who are able to support the slogan with actions. Until the moment of maturation of such a factor, it is proposed to conduct deep and broad research and explanatory work, convincing readers of the scientific consistency of the developed assessments of what is happening, on the basis of understanding which an appeal arises, a proposal that promises to achieve a progressive goal, that is, the slogan itself.

There is nothing easier than putting forward a heap of slogans. There is nothing more difficult than the guaranteed realization of one victorious slogan.

Obviously, therefore, taking into account the already existing support for the LDNR among the masses, it is necessary not only to carefully theoretically work out the issue on the basis of historical specifics, but also to ensure that this is to a certain extent interested in a relatively wide range of participants in the process itself, that is, the majority of LDNR citizens . In other words, before putting forward a slogan, that is, setting the goal of the struggle, it is necessary to conduct an intense, convincing propaganda campaign to clarify the class balance of power and present a detailed study of subsequent events and steps.

Shaking the air with calls when there is nothing behind the soul is a most harmful adventure. We must use the situation as it is, in the most appropriate way for the purposes of the communist struggle, and not plunge into the sphere of loud but empty statements.

The greatest threat to a sober and mature consideration of such burning political issues is the fear of being accused along the lines of any historical analogies. In fact, it is the fear of moving away from dogma. For example, to recognize that the influence of the Putin government in the civil war and the power of the "people's republics" brings much less blood and suffering than the defeat of the LDNR will bring.

What points in the study of the historical conditions of the civil war in Ukraine do we propose to pay attention to?

I. Is there a communist party, not inferior in quality to the Bolshevik one, to implement the independent policy of the working class in the situation of civil war in Ukraine?

II. What specific situation will develop if one or the other side of the conflict is defeated, or if both sides are defeated simultaneously? Will it be more favorable for the development of communism in Russia and Ukraine? How will the defeat of the Russian government affect the population, provided that in Ukraine it is not the government, but bankers, Bandera and the US Embassy that play a decisive role?

III. How is the national question in Ukraine and how is the national question in the Russian Federation?

IV. What can harm the humanitarian aid of the Lao PDR from Russia? What are the "reverse sides" of the Russian Federation's support for these republics?

V. Is the population of the Lao PDR, supported by the bourgeois RF, on the defensive or on the aggressive side? Is the war of the population of the Lao PDR against the government of Ukraine, Bandera and the US oligarchs fair? What attitude on the part of the Russian left deserves the resilience of the population of the LDNR and the sacrifices they have suffered?

VI. Who in the current situation should want to defeat their government: Russian or Ukrainian communists?

There is no doubt that the government of the Russian Federation is ultimately driven not by concern for the peoples of Crimea and Donbass, but by a program to strengthen the international weight of Russian capital.

Of course, the position “a plague on both your capitalist houses” in this case cannot be considered grossly erroneous and is a normal, healthy wish addressed to any bourgeois states and not only in connection with the war. But this does not release from the obligation to consider the whole range of possible consequences and, consequently, from the development of specific tactics in solving this strategic task.

What needs to be clear first?
First , Russia is ruled by an oligarchy whose dominance and growth is served by the bourgeois state. Every bourgeois class is only interested in increasing profits and maintaining its dominance. The fate of the proletarians is humanly indifferent to the capitalists, they consider the masses of people only as a labor market and consumables for wars, at best - as a sales market.

Secondly , in the case of bourgeois countries, it is not abstract Russia, Europe, the USA, Ukraine, Turkey, etc. that clash in the international arena, as if some kind of peoples organized into states, but the corresponding national detachments of the world bourgeoisie. Moreover, some units are relatively independent and have some power and a claim to regional or even world domination, while some are subordinate to the stronger ones.

Thirdly , therefore, there is no "paternal care" of the bourgeois Russian Federation for its own, or even more so for foreign citizens, even if they are even bearers of Russian culture. Any humanistic and humanitarian beginning in the policy of a bourgeois state is mainly dust in the eyes, PR, a way to maintain the illusion of the stability of the political and economic order, in which gigantic wealth is concentrated in private hands. Therefore, the only question is whether the participation of the Russian Federation in the civil war in Ukraine pursues political goals or directly economic interests are behind this. The government of the Russian Federation, as you know, is quite satisfied with the balance of power that has developed on the basis of the “Minsk agreements”, the sluggish positional course of the civil war: “some cannot, the latter do not want.”

Fourthly , among a part of the left there is an opinion that the policy of the Russian Federation towards Donbass is imperialistic, i.e., predatory. Is it so in reality? Despite the fact that state-monopoly capitalism has already taken shape in Russia, and the policy of the Russian Federation as a whole is imperialist in nature, in this particular case, strictly speaking, the policy of the Russian Federation in the Donbass is not imperialist, but is of a defensive nature of political opposition to American imperialism. If Russian capital saw economic benefits from the LDNR, then there would be no “Minsk agreements”. In addition, the position of such leftists completely ignores the will and movement of the people of Donbass itself.

The same with the annexation of Crimea. The population of Crimea wanted to join the bourgeois Russian Federation, that is, from the point of view of Marxism-Leninism, the entry of Crimea into the Russian Federation cannot be called annexation. This, of course, does not do honor, first of all, to the communists, who, in almost 30 years of capitalism, failed to prove to the Crimean proletariat the necessity of a sovereign policy of the working class. The Russian Federation annexed Crimea not for reasons of profit of the oligarchy, let alone the will of the Crimeans, but due to a well-known political factor - ensuring the basing of the Black Sea Fleet and preventing the presence of a NATO base on the peninsula.

Of course, it is quite possible that in the period 2014-2015. expansionist sentiments about Ukraine reigned in the Russian oligarchic environment. Every bourgeoisie always wants to grab something somewhere. But they quickly faded away after the economic calculations. And Russian corporations are still not strong enough for such operations.

The problem with many leftists is that they misunderstand Lenin's well-known formula that politics is the concentrated expression of economics. They come out vulgar, as if any action of the bourgeois state must necessarily bring direct material benefits to the capitalists. It must be understood that politics under capitalism expresses in a concentrated way the economy as a whole , but at the same time one should not confuse a political decision made by a specific person, and politics as the main element of the entire bourgeois superstructure in the form of political ideas, political relations and political institutions.

Moreover , for short periods of history, politics has primacy over the economy even under capitalism. It would be a complete simplification in the analysis of historical phenomena to put in the first place only the economic interests of the bourgeoisie, especially the oligarchs of the Russian Federation. Today, Putin's government is not yet a mirror equality to the interests of the Russian oligarchs. Putin is more Bonapartist, mixed with relatively mild nationalism, mild anti-communism and inflated self-importance. Today, the oligarchs in the Russian Federation have nothing to do with the adoption of a number of government decisions. And the initiative to fight the government of Ukraine and join the Donbass to the Russian Federation comes primarily from the Russian-speaking population, which has to choose between capitalist exploitation in the Russian Federation and Bandera-capitalist exploitation within Ukraine.

So, in the position of the Russian Federation, political motives are seen first of all .

It is scientifically established and well known that the bourgeoisie systematically unleashes wars, based on their economic interests and competitive urges to redistribute the world. However, did the Russian oligarchs unleash the civil war in Ukraine? It was unleashed even by non-Ukrainian oligarchs. Maidan, the annexation of Crimea to the Russian Federation, the formation of the LDNR and the civil war, with all the complex and contradictory course of these processes, are primarily a product of the policy of the American and European oligarchs. The Russian bourgeoisie in this case acted according to the situation, trying not to weaken its position in the face of the loss of influence in Kyiv.

The civil war in Donbass has been going on for a long time, and people are dying every month. The question is how to stop it. Theoretically, there is a prospect of a military victory for the Russian oligarchy, at least on the territory of the LDNR, and in this case, such a turn of events seems to be the most painless form of achieving the long-awaited peace.

For the defeat of which government
Of course, we, as Marxists, in principle stand on the position that the proletariat of Donbass should turn its weapon against the bourgeoisie: Ukrainian, Russian, American, European, Donetsk, Luhansk . But such an act requires serious preparation, in particular, the formation of an influential avant-garde-type communist party in the Donbass and its gaining influence among the masses.

Some leftists, rather abstractly, call on the proletariat to "active class struggle against the predatory and military policy of the bourgeois governments." The call to the Ukrainian proletariat to fight against the government of Ukraine and the military operations of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is understandable and logical. But what does this call mean for the LDNR proletariat? To speak out for the defeat of the LDNR? Surrender, albeit bourgeois, Donbass to Ukraine and American fascism?

We, Marxists, are extremely unsympathetic to oligarchic Russia, and we understand that Russian capitalists exploit the proletarians no less than Ukrainian, French, American, etc. But one must be aware that the influence of Marxists on the masses today is zero. We must answer the question: what is more beneficial for the cause of communism - the defeat of Russia and the LDNR or fascist Ukraine with its American patrons? The answer is obvious: the defeat of the government of Ukraine is better .

As for peace, there are three ways to force the bourgeoisie to end the civil war in the Ukrainian situation.

I. If a communist revolution takes place in Russia, Ukraine or Donbass and the dictatorship of the working class resolves the issue peacefully or militarily.

II. If power in Ukraine passes into the hands of the pro-Russian oligarchy.

III. If the Russian oligarchs have a need to resolve the issue by military means.

Such is the primary Marxist analysis of the situation.

Now all forces should be directed to the personnel training of the communists, to the formation and propaganda of the independent position of the working class of Donbass .

REVISION 13/11/2019

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Fri Sep 23, 2022 2:32 pm

The overthrow of power and the establishment of a dictatorship
No. 2/42, II.2020


The Russian proletarian movement is the socio-political activity of the working masses on the territory of Russia, caused by exploitation and oppression by the bourgeoisie, proceeding in line with the objective material interests of hired workers.

The spontaneous side of the proletarian movement is a set of social processes that, due to the low level of consciousness of the masses, occur independently of their conscious will and any organizations. The main factors in the formation of these processes are the economic development of the country, the specifics of the development of capitalism, the class balance of power, the policy of state power, the degree and nature of the ignorance of the masses. The area of ​​the elemental is subject to study and consideration in Marxism.

The conscious side of the proletarian movement is a set of social processes, primarily the activity of the masses, based on an understanding of the situation, class and group interests, goals, tasks, and so on. The area of ​​the conscious is subject to the guiding influence of Marxism in the person of the most competent and authoritative theoreticians, groups, and organizations.

From a scientific point of view, the goal of the Russian proletarian movement in the class struggle is to organize the working masses into a revolutionary class in order to overthrow the power of capital and establish the dictatorship of the working (working) class, followed by the construction of a communist society . The ideological and theoretical, organizing headquarters and guiding vanguard force of the revolutionary class will be its communist party, which should be formed by the most advanced, conscious, literate and dedicated Marxists on the basis of scientific centralism .

The scientific centralism of the Communist Party is a reliable guarantee of victory in the class struggle to overthrow the power of capital and build communism. Scientific centralism means that the leadership of the organization has the highest Marxist competence, the majority of party members are bearers of a scientific, that is, Marxist, worldview, and the strictest discipline based on the mobilization of party conscience and camaraderie is the inner law of its life.

A party of the vanguard type is the highest form of organization of the revolutionary class. The most advanced sections of the working people adjoin such a party, constituting an agent network among the broad masses of the people. In this way, the influence of the subjective side of the proletarian movement on its objective side is ensured. In this way, the development of a revolutionary situation, which, as a rule, objectively, develops into a social revolution, is ensured.

The objective side of the revolutionary situation, which is absolutely prevalent in history, is the extent to which the ruling class exerts its blind, inciting influence on the proletarian and popular masses, which excites them. In other words, in a revolutionary situation, all conditions are objective that induce the masses to actively resist the tyranny of the oligarchy. An approximate list of signs of such conditions was given by Lenin - this is i) "the impossibility for the ruling classes to maintain their rule unchanged", ii) "the aggravation, above usual, of the needs and calamities of the oppressed classes", iii) "a significant increase, due to the indicated reasons , the activity of the masses.

The subjective side of the revolutionary situation is the degree of organization of the revolutionary class, which is ensured in the final analysis by the level of its consciousness and party spirit. The relationship between the objective and the subjective in the theory of the revolutionary situation is such that the situation objectively arising as a result of the development of internal and external contradictions of capitalism, as its main, leading driving force, has a contradiction between the exploited and the exploiters of a given country, which, in turn, can be subjectively brought to its extreme. degree by the revolutionary working class under the leadership of the communist party in the form of taking state power. That is, the objective manifests itself in the subjective, they constitute an identity, subject to certain conditions, the requirements of the objective laws of the development of the revolution.

The proletarian movement, whose subjective side has become the struggle for communism, is the communist movement of the working class. Such a communist movement is a kind of revolutionary movement , that is, a movement whose goal is social revolution - a change in the socio-economic formation, in this case - the transition from class societies to communism. Revolutionary movements without the organization of the revolutionary class and the theory of communism are adventures, conspiracies, putschism.

I. The formation of the Party of Scientific Centralism is the first immediate goal.

II. The formation by the Party of Scientific Centralism of the proletarian masses into a revolutionary working class is the second immediate goal.

III. The overthrow of the power of capital and the establishment of the dictatorship of the working class under the leadership of the Party of Scientific Centralism is the third immediate goal.

The overthrow of the power of capital

Power is a form of relations between people, which boils down to forceful coercion to act to the detriment of one's own interests. State power, therefore, is an instrument of domination of one class over other classes, of exploiters over the exploited, by means of professionally organized violence, a special public institution standing above society.

The state arises along with the split of society into classes, as a product of the irreconcilability of their antagonism, and will disappear along with the destruction of this conflict division of society. No power can become state if it is not based on the interests of a really existing economically and sufficiently developed political class.

The source of power is private property relations, that is, relations of production, the content of which is the forcible alienation of the factors of life, primarily from the direct producers. The source of state power is the private property relations of a large economically isolated and politically organized group of people, that is, a class.

People enter into the production social relations of private property (slavery, serfdom, exchange, money, capital, hired labor and other historical types), regardless of their will, which forms the real economic basis, the economic structure of society. Since the content of all these relations, which differ only in form, is the forcible alienation of the factors of life, insofar as to maintain this economic order, to keep the exploited and oppressed masses from reprisals against the bloodsucking slave owners, feudal lords, capitalists of all stripes, a political superstructure arises, primarily the state as a product intransigence of classes.

The superstructure is the political form for the exploitative economic content of social life. The revolutionary change from one class socio-economic formation to another class socio-economic formation, from slavery to feudalism, from feudalism to capitalism, was a transformation of the same class society that arose on the basis of private property relations.

Thus, power in a class society, including state power, is ultimately in the hands of the economically dominant class. State power, in the final analysis, is the dictatorship of one class or another; therefore, its essence lies in relation to classes .

The content of state power in the hands of the exploiting class as a form of social relations is primarily the process of maintaining an economic and political order that meets the interests and needs of this class. Or, to put it very simply, the content of power is the coercion of some for the benefit of others. The exploiting class itself takes shape politically around its own state and is held together by general class discipline. In the exploiting class, a headquarters, its leaders, a formal or informal party or parties stand out, which determine the state policy of this class by virtue of their understanding.

Forms of embodiment of state power in the hands of the exploiting class are various regimes of power from a democratic parliamentary republic to a fascist dictatorship. The form of embodiment of state power is its formal legal expression, that is, the set of legal norms through which state policy is administered by the hands of hundreds of thousands of civil servants. The form of embodiment of state power is that system of means and a set of measures that the ruling class uses based on an understanding of the current situation. The form of embodiment of state power significantly affects other institutions of the superstructure.

The state, by virtue of its specific nature, to a certain extent rises above the whole of society, and the highest persons of the state, to a certain extent, rise above the class they serve. The highest apparatus of state power, especially if the distribution of powers concentrates large administrative functions in the hands of a narrow circle of people, can, to a certain extent, break away from its own class. True, this will never cause a change in the class nature of the state itself, it will continue to maintain order that is beneficial to the ruling class.

The actual class alignment of forces is determined primarily by the balance of forces between the exploiting class and the exploited masses. The main factor in the strength of a class is the degree of its organization and consciousness.. The exploiting class is organized into its own state, corrupt intelligentsia — scientists, teachers, journalists, writers, artists, artists, and so on — work for it. In general, he is strong, although he is quite capable of becoming entangled in his own politics or may be weakened as a result of external aggression. The exploited masses are generally unorganized and are under the total influence of the propaganda of the exploiting class, they only resist in the form of strikes, rallies and pogroms the most egregious phenomena of life. Therefore, the most important objective task of all exploited and oppressed people is to organize into a political party of the vanguard type in order to form a revolutionary class around this party. This will be the strength factor.

From what has been said, it is clear that in order for the revolutionary working class to change the economic system and develop the construction of communism, it is first necessary to establish its own dictatorship . Which, of course, is possible only after the exploiting class is removed from power, that is, in our case, the power of capital is overthrown.

In Russia, the economically dominant class is the bourgeoisie . The most privileged stratum of the bourgeoisie, which has concentrated in its hands the commanding heights in the economy, is the upper detachment of the bourgeoisie, the monopoly magnates (oligarchy). In Russia, the state-monopoly stage of capitalism is observed, that is, over classical capitalism with a small and medium, non-monopoly bourgeoisie, a superstructure of undivided domination of the magnates of finance capital has been formed. The country's economy has passed from competition to the dominance of monopolies through the concentration of huge capital in the hands of a narrow circle of people. State-monopoly capitalism is a complete material preparation for the first phase of communism, since the painless removal of the figure of the oligarch is sufficient for the formal socialization of production.

In Russia, state power is in the hands of the bourgeoisie, serving its upper detachment, the oligarchy . It is the oligarchs who promote their interests in the field of lawmaking and law enforcement, their candidacies for deputies, mayors, governors, ministers and presidents. It is precisely on the interests and needs of the oligarchy and, to a lesser extent, other strata of the bourgeoisie that the apparatus of the state is guided in the administration of state measures of regulation and coercion. The highest officials from the municipal to the government level are themselves millionaires, that is, they belong to the bourgeois class. The Russian Federation, as a state as a whole, functions within the framework of capitalism, protects and preserves the capitalist system, supports the economic, political and ideological order that is beneficial to the bourgeoisie.

The historical specificity of the formation of state-monopoly capitalism in Russia consists in the promotion of a strong team of senior officials and managers headed by Putin as a center of bourgeois forces consolidating around the state. It was the activities of Putin and his team to strengthen the bourgeois state, to further consolidate capital, that formed the current model of state power in Russia.

Bonapartism is characteristic of this model , that is, the maneuvering of the supreme power between the bourgeoisie and the proletarian masses, aimed at achieving some compromise within the framework of capitalism, the so-called stability. The team of senior officials of the state acts as an arbiter in the confrontation between various bureaucratic-oligarchic groups, has become a guarantor of maintaining a balance in the class balance of power, including by calming the proletarian movement with measures of social support and the introduction of bourgeois-patriotic ideology.

At the same time, the form of embodiment of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in Russia is the bourgeois-democratic presidential republic.. This means that the set of legal norms through which state policy is administered by the hands of hundreds of thousands of civil servants contain provisions on democratic freedoms, including the freedom of communist propaganda and the legality of communist organizations. There are no formal legal obstacles to the successful development of the proletarian movement in Russia today. In addition, according to the fundamental principles of the bourgeois law of the Russian Federation, the source of power is the people, all power belongs to the people, which is expressed in the relevant electoral and voting procedures. Of course, in this case, such elements in the embodiment of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie are called upon, first of all, to create in the minds of the masses the illusion of a supra-class, all-people state.

The presence or absence of bourgeois-democratic freedoms in the superstructure of capitalist society is a fundamental condition for working out the tactics of the communist struggle. The presence of bourgeois-democratic freedoms speaks either of the extraordinary strength of the bourgeois class and the weakness of the proletarian movement, or of the extraordinary strength and onslaught of the revolutionary working class and the weakness of the bourgeoisie.

In our case, the bourgeois-democratic freedoms were raised to the shield by the bourgeoisie even in the struggle against the CPSU, therefore they became an integral part of the political and legal system of the Russian Federation and continue to exist due to the extremely weak and disorganized proletarian movement. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is in fact not yet threatened by anything, so there is no need to trample on freedom.

At the same time, it is important to understand that the abolition of constitutional rights, which include these freedoms, is a rather complex undertaking that requires lengthy propaganda preparation and the formation of certain circumstances. It is ideal for us if bourgeois-democratic freedoms are first perceived for some time as an acceptable sign of the weakness of the proletarian movement, and then, as soon as possible, turn out to be a sign of the strength and onslaught of the revolutionary working class.

The legality of communist work in the conditions of bourgeois-democratic freedoms means that the goal itself - the building of a communist society - is not considered illegal by the bourgeois state. This phenomenon, contrary to the nature of bourgeois dictatorship, serves as a kind of deception of the masses. But at the same time, this same phenomenon, with the correct organization of communist work, becomes a factor in the unhindered strengthening of the revolutionary class.

The ideological and theoretical substantiation of capitalism, constantly promoted by various superstructural institutions of the bourgeoisie, is based on a total lie. Numerous ideologists of capitalism lie that wage labor will allow the proletarians to achieve a prosperous, happy life. They lie that without capitalist owners it is impossible to organize social production. They lie that without the dictatorship of unemployment, hunger and cold, workers will lose their motivation. They lie that it is impossible to completely get rid of hard physical and monotonous labor. They lie that communism is contrary to human nature itself. They lie that scientific planning of production will lead to shortages, poverty and the monotony of life. They lie that the dictatorship of the working class is based on extreme forms of coercion. lie, that the administrative apparatus of the communist state will become an exploiting class. They lie that the theory and practice of building communism in the USSR turned out to be a complete failure. They lie that there were mass repressions in the communist countries. In short, they lie that there is no scientific alternative to capitalism and cannot be. And yet they lie that the bourgeois-democratic state expresses the interests and will of the entire people, including wage workers. Given this latter, the struggle for communism is equated with any other political goal and is quite legal.

Just as certain bourgeois political forces advocate the removal from power of this or that grouping of other bourgeois forces, the revolutionary working class advocates the removal of the capitalist class as such from power. This removal is possible only if the dictatorship of the working class is established.

The dictatorship of the working class is a form of class organization based on the trust of the broad masses of the people, the essence of which is the full-fledged implementation of the measures necessary for social progress, ultimately in the form of building communism . The method of carrying out these activities is based on persuasion, propaganda, raising consciousness, culturalism, and so on, and coercion is a secondary element associated with resistance, remnants of the past, foundations, traditions, and the decomposition of unconscious elements.

The state of the dictatorship of the working class, from a scientific point of view, is no longer quite a state. The dictatorship of the working class in the strict sense is no longer power. As you can see, such a dictatorship is not aimed at exploitation and oppression, on the contrary, it is a way to overcome them, a means of harmonizing social relations. It is not a dictatorship over people, but a dictatorship of the scientific worldview, a dictatorship of objective laws . But at the same time, the dictatorship of the working class is forced to be a form of class struggle , because the capitalists and their henchmen will fight with all their might and means for their parasitic way of life and the restoration of capitalism.

The system of organization of state governing bodies of the working class is fundamentally different from the system of power of the bourgeoisie, which, consequently, requires the destruction of the bourgeois apparatus of power and the formation of new institutions. This process means, first of all, carrying out the leading role of the Party in the state, as well as the necessary change in the structure of the organization of state administration, strong reliance on the most conscious elements of the working class, the mobilization of the broad masses of the people in state events, the reorganization and re-equipment of the army and enforcement agencies. All competent, worthy, honest civil servants, loyal to the "new government", will, of course, be used by the working class according to their abilities.

When comparing the goal of overthrowing the power of capital, the necessary destruction of the apparatus of bourgeois power and those bourgeois-democratic freedoms within which a legal struggle is postulated, the false opinion is often propagated that it is a question of a violent change in the constitutional order.

In reality, the revolutionary working class sets as its goal first the seizure of power, and then the destruction of the bourgeois apparatus, the establishment of an appropriate system of law and the implementation of a program of its measures.

The way to overthrow the power of capital depends on the class balance of power and the presence of bourgeois-democratic freedoms . If there are no democratic freedoms, it means that underground illegal communist work is being carried out, combined with available legal forms, to prepare the revolutionary class for an armed uprising. This is how the Bolsheviks acted, for example, during the years of tsarism and after the coup d'état on July 4, 1917. If there are democratic freedoms, it means that completely legal communist work is being carried out to prepare the revolutionary class for the peaceful seizure of power. This is how the Bolsheviks acted, for example, from the February Revolution until July 4, 1917.

It should be noted that the legal position of the communists does not mean that there is no need for parallel preparations for the possible curtailment of democratic freedoms and the terrorist defeat of the forces of the revolutionary class.

It should also be noted that the peaceful seizure of power is not limited to participation in bourgeois elections. Forms of the peaceful seizure of power entirely depend on the specific conditions of the current situation.

The removal of the bourgeoisie from power and the establishment of the dictatorship of the working class, as mentioned above, is associated with a powerful economic and government crisis. Among other things, the peaceful overthrow of the power of capital is accompanied by the self-reduction of the government to complete insignificance, the paralysis of the authorities, their loss of legitimacy, state betrayal of the tops, and similar manifestations of the revolutionary situation.

Insofar as the masses of the people possess unlimited material and creative power, the correlation of forces between the bourgeoisie and the revolutionary working class is inversely proportional. The stronger the organizational and spiritual class, the weaker the bourgeoisie, and vice versa. The main factor in the strength of the working class, as mentioned above, is the degree of its organization and consciousness, which are formed by a party of the vanguard type. Increasing the organization and consciousness of the class means: i) the formation of the unity of the will of the class on the basis of the party leadership, discipline and action program, ii) the implementation of a scientifically verified strategy and tactics, iii) the acquisition of personnel potential sufficient to establish a dictatorship and manage society,iv) the establishment of a high revolutionary spirit. The higher the organization and consciousness of the revolutionary class, the closer the situation is to the revolutionary one.

It can be seen from what has been said above that under the conditions of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, communists do not advocate the forcible seizure of power or the forcible change of the constitutional system. Communists stand for the complete exhaustion of the peaceful stage of the revolution, for the peaceful seizure of power .

Of course, it does not follow from this that the peaceful overthrow of the power of capital is the most probable development of the revolution. Only certain methods of the class struggle for power correspond to each stage and to each specific condition.

An armed uprising, in turn, is an extreme, retaliatory measure, possible in accordance with the will of the people under the oppression of tyranny, fascism, racism, occupation, and similar forms of embodiment of bourgeois power.

The overthrow of the power of capital and the establishment of a revolutionary dictatorship of the working class, of course, will provoke fierce resistance from the capitalist class, up to an attempt to unleash a civil war. In this sense, and only after taking power, the working class, as a form of social protection, rightfully uses state violence.

“The method of violence and violent action is not the method of the communists. On the contrary, history says that it is the enemies of communism and all kinds of foreign intelligence agents who practice the method of violence and violent actions.

I.V. Stalin


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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sat Sep 24, 2022 2:46 pm



By John Helmer, Moscow

Agatha Christie’s whodunit entitled And Then There Were None – the concluding words of the children’s counting rhyme — is reputed to be the world’s best-selling mystery story.

There’s no mystery now about the war of Europe and North America against Russia; it is the continuation of Germany’s war of 1939-45 and the war aims of the General Staff in Washington since 1943. Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu (left) and President Vladimir Putin (right) both said it plainly enough this week.

There is also no mystery in the decision-making in Moscow of the President and the Defense Minister, the General Staff, and the others; it is the continuation of the Stavka of 1941-45.

Just because there is no mystery about this, it doesn’t follow that it should be reported publicly, debated in the State Duma, speculated and advertised by bloggers, podcasters, and twitterers. In war what should not be said cannot be said. When the war ends, then there will be none.

Counting down is what must be done in the meantime to distinguish between the phony war and the world war, between the propaganda and the truth of the matter.


Putin was replying to earlier nuclear weapons threats by British Prime Minister Elizabeth Truss in February and August of this year; and to German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock last December and again in May of this year.

Here are translations into English from published assessments this week by Yevgeny Krutikov, a former GRU officer and strategy analyst in Vzglyad; and Yury Podolyaka, a Sevastopol military analyst in Tsargrad. Their texts are reproduced here without editing or comment. Captioned illustrations and references have been added.

Left: Yevgeny Krutikov; follow his reporting here. Right, the cover design of the British edition of Agatha Christie’s story, November 1939. “I wrote the book after a tremendous amount of planning.” Christie said later. “It was clear, straightforward, baffling, and yet had a perfectly reasonable explanation; in fact, it had to have an epilogue in order to explain it…. it is a better piece of craftsmanship than anything else I have written.”


The partial mobilization will change the essence of the entire Special Military Operation

By Evgeny Krutikov

“What tasks will be assigned to those hundreds of thousands of new servicemen who will be mobilized to conduct a special military operation in Ukraine? There are several of these tasks; some of them are of fundamental importance. The force replenishment should change the very nature of the ongoing military operations in Ukraine.

In connection with the partial mobilization, first of all, one can find statements that its main task is to establish reliable control over the territories already liberated in Ukraine by the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. Roughly speaking, this is a front-line echelon.

This implies a transition to defensive actions in the Nikolaev-Krivoy Rog and Zaporozhye directions and in the general Kharkov vector. To be sure, that is somewhat at odds with the plan of referendums in the Zaporozhye and Kherson regions, since they imply the entry into the Russian Federation of the entire ‘designated’ territory of the regions in the geopolitical form in which they are drawn on the maps of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Earlier, the same story happened with the DPR [Donetsk People’s Republic] and the LPR [Lugansk People’s Republic], which were recognized as states exactly within the old borders.

But right now it is very necessary to saturate the front with personnel. According to rough calculations, speaking purely quantitatively, the Russian Armed Forces and the [DPR and LPR] allies are lagging behind the standards accepted in military science — that is, the number of soldiers per kilometre of the front — by about four times.

Moreover, there is even more lagging in a number of areas, since in those zones where offensive actions are being conducted, the concentration of troops and means should be greater. Operational reserves are being pulled back there, and so in turn other sections of the front, where there has been a long operational lull, are weakening. At the operational staff level, something like the Japanese game of Go is starting; in this strategy game, one of the forms of offence is to numerically crush the enemy’s line by transferring all the stones there and surrounding him.


Google’s artificial intelligence programme has been winning its Go games against the Korean and Chinese Go champions. During the Vietnam War the Pentagon employed Scott Boorman, a Harvard student, to write an analysis of Vietcong and North Vietnamese Army strategy in terms of the Go board. Boorman won a Harvard prize for that; the US Army lost the war.

The enemy has long switched to the principles of total war and does not take into account its losses and the number of mobilized. The Ukrainian side has an almost limitless (for this theatre) mobilization resource, since they have no restrictions on conscription. The mobilization in Ukraine is total — the VSU [Ukrainian Armed Forces] is already taking the elderly, the seriously ill, even the disabled. In such conditions, the enemy can form what he calls operational reserves and throw manpower at the front line in endless attempts at counter-offensives.

This was one of the worst tactics of the wars of the mid-twentieth century, but the enemy is now using it, which means that it is necessary to react to it. Consequently, a significant part of the mobilized Russians should simply fill the front line with themselves, thereby eliminating the potentially dangerous numerical advantage of the VSU.

In the southern sector of the front, the front line goes straight across the steppe. There are far fewer settled points where you can be positioned than in the industrial and densely populated Donbass, where any settlement easily turns into a fortress. And now it is very difficult to create a full-fledged line of cover in this direction quantitatively. We have to take our positions in every locality in the same way as we have in the Donbass.

On the other hand, it is in the Donbass that we have to face the multi-layered defense of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; for cutting through that, the available [Russian] forces are also insufficient. The standards for the number of personnel required during the offensive and defensive operations were not invented at the top; they have been written in blood on the battlefield.

Earlier, some experts have talked about the possibility of forming an entire army corps in the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation from scratch. However, it is not customary to deploy and disperse the forces of such a large military formation. Therefore, this corps could only be used in concentration in one place. In other words, the new army corps was supposed to prepare for a major offensive operation, and not on the Donetsk sector of the front. Now is not the time to guess where exactly this could happen. The concept has changed, and most likely, it makes no sense to form any new large military units from scratch from the newly mobilized ones.

On the other hand, it is already clear that before being sent to the front, all the mobilized troops will undergo retraining. Since it is assumed that these are already experienced and pre-trained people, this will not take much time. The preparatory time will be spent on combat coordination. That is, ready-made crews (tanks, infantry fighting vehicles), calculations (artillery, MLRS [multiple-launch rocket systems], air defense) and vanguard units [разведчиков, literally ‘scouts’] will be deployed to the zone of the Special Military Operation. And such elements can easily be integrated into the already operational units, and thus they can be ‘sprayed’ all over the front. Especially where reinforcement is required in connection with the tasks set.

Specifically, the tasks assigned to the grouping will determine where and by what forces such reinforcement will be carried out. A group of about half a million people with modern weapons cannot stand still. Almost certainly, we should expect offensive activity from the Russian Armed Forces — much more intensively than has been seen in the past few months.

Consequently, another part of the mobilized forces, after training in combat coordination, should strengthen those units which will be included primarily in offensive groups. Such an increase in their numbers will pass unnoticed by the enemy, since there will be no change of units on the front line. The units will simply have new battalion groups. Such increase in numbers is almost impossible to determine visually and even electronically.

It is difficult to foresee which directions will be reinforced by the new territorial line of cover, and which ones will be prepared for the attack operations. Of course, there are obvious points — the steppe sections of the front must be strengthened unambiguously, as well as the areas of the north of the LPR and the Ugledar direction in the DPR). At the same time, no one has canceled the opportunity to continue the southern offensive on Nikolaev and Odessa, or north to Krivoy Rog.

Image map based on the daily Russian Defence Ministry operations bulletin. For identification and enlargement of locations and reports, click on the link and scroll magnifier across the map.

There is another nuance, however. Given the tactics of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, it is vital to ‘turn off’ all long-range artillery systems and MLRS supplied to the Ukraine by the West, as well as all Ukrainian tactical air defense. These weapons are hitting civilian targets. This entire orchestra should be silenced. And for such counter-battery warfare, experienced gunners, drone operators, and special forces [разведчики] are required.

And, finally, another group of mobilized reservists may represent a possible logistical component. We are not talking about pure logistical [transport, supply] elements, but about new units which can carry out garrison service in the liberated territories. They should combine both police and security functions, and represent the same operational reserve of light infantry, which is usually missing just when it is needed.

This layering is, of course, provisional, since mobilization teams are to be formed for specific and designated targets. The objective is to saturate the front not just with a cover for territory but also to turn the grouping involved in its own kind of shock force – this is fundamental to the plan in which the share of the ‘specialists’ will increase significantly, if not exceed the number of ‘simple’ infantry. And this will change the very nature of the military operations.

First of all, the Russian Armed Forces will no longer be diverted by provisionally ‘weak’ – that is, less than quantitatively secured sections of the front. In addition, it will be possible to forget about the constant plugging of holes by transferring forces from one location to another. An operational reserve is about to materialize.

The planning of offensive operations will become regular, and several offensives can be carried out simultaneously on different sections of the front. And, finally, with the help of fresh reinforcements, the consequences of the use of western weapons, which in the last month began to prevail in the composition of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, can be stopped.”

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Left, Yury Podolyaka; right, the cover of Christie’s novel. Podolyaka was born in Sumy, Ukraine; he moved to Sevastopol after the Kiev putsch in 2014. In 2019, he created a Youtube channel specializing in political and military topics; by March of this year his subscription audience had reached 2.7 million. For more, click to read.


Mobilization in Russia is the first step, then the great purge
September 22, 2022
By Yury Podolyaka

“Yury Podolyaka gave his forecast of the special operation in the light of the beginning of mobilization in Russia. He is certain that big changes are waiting for us, and they are connected, among other things, with a large internal purge of the political elite.

Everyone has been waiting for Vladimir Putin’s address for a long time. Many have held their breath. And so we heard the words of the President, who supported the decision of the citizens of the republics of Donbass and the liberated territories of Ukraine to return to Russia. And this means that Ukrainian aggression is now directed, not only against the republics of Donbass, but against Russia and Russians. And the Russian Army must go into battle.

This is the reason for the partial mobilization announced in the country. Under the banners, they will gather not inexperienced boys, but those who have already served and have military specializations. There is another feature — many of the restrictions imposed by the Special Military Operation will likely be lifted. And we will finally see how real blows will be delivered to the notorious ‘decision centers’ [Kiev, Lvov].

Question (Yury Pronko): How will the situation develop now, in your opinion?

Yury Podolyaka: As expected, partial mobilization was announced in Russia – there is no point in a general mobilization — such an army needs to be maintained, and now Russia is not physically capable of arming everyone. Thus, partial mobilization is somewhat different. New military units will be created. Here we can recall the recent decree of Vladimir Putin on increasing the size of the Russian Armed Forces from January 1, 2023.

Question: How would this happen?

YP: In accordance with the plans for the deployment of troops and replenishment of personnel, several hundred thousand conscripts will be called up for certain military registration specialties. Unit elements must be formed, not from just anyone, as they do in Kiev, but from specific technical experts who are part of the regular structure of a particular unit. Naturally, it is impossible to quickly recruit the required number of these people from volunteers. Therefore, a decision was made in favour of partial military mobilization and, accordingly, of the mobilization of industry.

Question: Do you concede that not only in the territory of the border regions of Russia – that’s to say, the Kursk, Belgorod, Voronezh, Rostov regions, and Crimea — but martial law may be declared throughout the country?

YP: Very had to believe, but I cannot rule out this possibility. This is because, in my opinion, the question of creating the State Defense Committee is already overdue and even overready. We now live under the laws of peacetime. Accordingly, we can influence certain structures, including state power and elected power, only through the laws of peacetime. Holding referendums raises the stakes and already implies a war to the bitter end, because neither Kiev nor the West will agree to the outcomes of the referendums. Therefore, everything will depend on the military, there will be no negotiations. The essence of the special operation must change – this is inevitable.

Question: Does this mean that the Special Military Operation itself will change in its essence?

YP: I really hope for it. I think it’s inevitable. Because it makes no sense to announce even partial mobilization within the framework of the Special Military Operation [SMO] – and this cannot solve the problem of a referendum. It is clear that the status of the SMO should be changed; this has been under discussion for a long time. If, nevertheless, martial law is declared on the territory of Russia, then we can expect the termination of the transit of natural gas through the territory of Ukraine and many other negative economic consequences. Right now I believe that strikes against the critical infrastructure of Ukraine should simply be unavoidable. And this will quickly put Kiev in an uncomfortable position. Military operations must now proceed differently.

Question: But do I understand correctly that there will be an escalation?

YP: Of course, this is the next stage of escalation, and at the highest level. The next stage is the direct and open declaration of war. Although the war has in fact already been under way. You can call this a special military operation as much as you like, but the essence of it will now change.

Question: Let me come at this from another direction. Even before the news about the decisions of the State Duma on amendments to the Criminal Code began to appear, even before the statements from the LPR, DPR, Kherson and Zaporozhye regions became known, President Erdogan made a statement in an interview with the host of the American TV channel PBS News Hour, Judy Woodruff. The Turkish leader said that President Putin allegedly wants to end the conflict in Ukraine as soon as possible. At the same time, Erdogan refers to a meeting with Putin in Samarkand. Is this just political rhetoric?

For the PBS transcript of the interview, click on source.

YP: Recep Tayyip Erdogan cannot speak on behalf of Vladimir Putin. He expresses his personal private point of view.

Question: That is the impression he had after the meeting?

YP: For God’s sake, let him do whatever he wants. Erdogan can only be responsible for Turkey and for his government.

Question: How do you think the situation will develop? You have already said that this is an escalation, that these are quite tough measures. I have a certain suspicion that Russian society for the most part is not ready for such a development of the situation. How to convey to people that this is important? That this is necessary — partial mobilization and the introduction of martial law?

YP: We woke up on February 24 in a completely different country. It’s just that people still try not to notice it. But this is to be expected, really. After all, both at the beginning of the First World War and at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, people also did not fully understand the essence of the events that took place at the beginning. And even the leadership of the Soviet Union finally designated the Great Patriotic War as the Great Patriotic War only on August 10–11, 1941, and not on June 22 at all. It’s the same with us now. The war is already underway, and we have had another country since February 24. In gradual steps our society should mature to understanding. And yet we are not going anywhere else. The country will be different. The world will be different. And we, accordingly, must win our place under the sun in the new world for our country. There are no other options. If we do not do this, then we will be in the dustbin of history.

Question: What will this mean from the practical point of view of our compatriots, ordinary Russians?

YP: In fact, for the ordinary person, nothing fundamentally will change, not yet. But the rules of the game in the country will change. That is, many things that could still be done – to criticize the special military operation, to criticize the army, to express, as some say, ‘their personal opinion’ about these events which harm Russian society — all this will gradually be curtailed. It is clear that you cannot conduct military operations when a powerful fifth column is fighting against you in the rear. This, first of all, the ordinary Russian will have to understand.

There is one more problem. Many officials are waiting for everything to come back to where it was in the expectation that the Russian army will lose in Ukraine. I feel and see it when I communicate with people. And I really hope that after Vladimir Putin’s address, all this will stay in the past. Each official will be subject to completely different requirements. They will either have to support what is happening, or they will be removed from their places.

Question: So you are convinced that the behaviour and thinking of the so-called elite will change?

YP: Not right away. But things will change very quickly. However, the mobilization will affect a very small number of people. It will be no more than a few hundred thousand people.

Question: I understand what the transition to the mobilization model of the economy means. However, I have very significant doubts, taking into account the structure of the domestic economy, taking into account those owners who control the assets. I am skeptical that this entire group will begin to change. What do you think the mobilization economy means?

YP: The mobilization economy can be different – ​​full, partial, and so on. I do not think that the same emphasis will be placed on this now as it was in the Soviet Union in 1941. That is, everything for victory, and nothing else for anything. However, the production of weapons will be increased; we will see some changes in priorities. We urgently need to make ourselves independent now, including in the information space, in the computer business. And if earlier we tried persuading the asset owners to do this, now we must compel them by state order.

Question: Why didn’t we switch to domestic software?

YP: Because, frankly, it was inferior and more expensive. But now I am waiting for solutions that will make it easier for us to make the transition to an independent economy.

Question: Do we have enough strength, do we have the resources, in your opinion? If you understand that backing the Kiev regime is the entire West. And here we are, how many of us are there? There are just so many of us, and no more than that.

YP: In point of fact, it’s not the whole West. The West shows that Kiev is just a tool for manipulation. But the West is not going to fight for Kiev to the end. That’s already obvious. Yes, the West is helping Kiev. But, firstly, not everyone is helping, so the West is quite disunited. And not everything they do is as fine as some of our propagandists paint the picture.

Question: Where is the line after which we can say that we have won?

YP: The state of Ukraine should disappear from the map. That’s when it will be a victory. I think two-thirds of Ukraine should be ours. This is somewhere along a line to be drawn between Zaporozhye and Vinnitsa.

“The Medvedev Map” was posted by former Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, currently deputy head of the Security Council, on July 30, 2022.

Question: When can this happen?

YP: I believe that hostilities will last the whole of 2023. Before then this war will not end. ” ... more-68954
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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