Africa

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Thu Apr 05, 2018 10:26 pm

We will go to court if military deal is passed – Minority

The Minority in Parliament will proceed to the Supreme Court if the majority uses its numbers in Parliament to pass the controversial military pact with the United States, former deputy education minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa has hinted.

He said the minority is convinced that Ghanaian laws are being breached by the current form of the agreement with the US.

The Government of Ghana, according to a leaked document, has approved the agreement with the US to set up a military base in Ghana and also allow unrestricted access to a host of facilities and wide-ranging tax exemptions to the United States Military—a claim the government of Ghana and the US denied.

“The United States has not requested, nor does it plan to establish a military base or bases in Ghana,” a statement by the US Embassy in Ghana said Tuesday.

The Defence Minister, Dominic Nitiwul has stated that government cannot back out of the agreement with the US.

“We have already signed a 1998 agreement, we have signed the 2015 agreement, and we have already caught ourselves in this net and we cannot back out because this is just a combination of the two agreements,” the Bimbilla MP said Wednesday afternoon.

Speaking on the Morning Starr Thursday, Mr. Ablakwa who is the minority spokesperson on foreign affairs said the deal is not in the interest of Ghana.

“We have sent notice that if the NPP uses their numbers to see this get a pass, we will head to the Supreme Court. We are clear in our mind that what is going on now is not in our interest as a Nation. It is illegal. The Minority is going to oppose this. A lot of laws are being breached by this agreement,” he warned.

He also dismissed claims that the agreement was first made by the NDC administration.

“In this agreement, we notice that the US military are given radio spectrum…it never happened in the previous agreement. In the previous agreement, we did not give room for contractors but we see it now in this agreement. In the 2015 agreement, they military from the US were not allowed to use guns across the country. In the previous agreement, we did not give room for contractors but we see it now in this agreement”.

https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/ ... ity-636803

Videos at link.
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Tue Apr 24, 2018 1:13 pm

Ethiopia: Wax, Gold, and "Ethiopianness"
AfricaFocus Bulletin April 23, 2018 (180423) (Reposted from sources cited below)

Editor's Note
The appointment of Abiy Ahmed as prime minister of Ethiopia on April 2 was met with relief and with high expectations by Ethiopians as well as internationally. Although he is a leader of one of the parties in the ruling coalition, he is young (he turns 42 today) and has a reputation as someone open to inclusion and diverse views. Yet the structural problems he and the country face are profound. Ethiopians as well as other informed observers are cautious about predicting to what extent promises will meet expectations, or, in a classic Ethiopian expression, how much gold there is beneath the wax.

Despite the high expectations, there is also much uncertainty about the prospects for change. When I talked this weekend by phone with Dr. Gebru Tareke in Addis Ababa, he stressed that events were unpredictable, and the situation could change from day to day. But Dr. Tareke and other informed analysts do seem to agree on many of the basic factors to pay attention to.

This AfricaFocus Bulletin highlights several short reflections by two respected Ethiopian scholars. These include two articles published in African Arguments by Dr. Mohammed Girma. as well as an English-language report on a widely acclaimed interview with Dr. Gebru Tareke on BBC's Amharic service in early March, followed by my summary of a phone conversation with Dr. Tareke on April 21.

Dr. Tareke, now living in Addis Ababa, is Emeritus Professor at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, New York, and author of "The Ethiopian Revolution: War in the Horn of Africa" (Yale University Press, 2009). Dr. Girma is a lecturer of Intercultural Studies at the London School of Theology and author of "Understanding Religion and Social Change in Ethiopia" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).

The Bulletin also contains, at the end, links to other several articles with relevant background. Recently the site African Arguments has been regularly featuring useful background analyses (available at http://africanarguments.org/category/co ... /ethiopia/)

For previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on Ethiopia, visit http://www.africafocus.org/country/ethiopia.php

++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++

Wax & Gold: The tightrope challenges facing Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed
Mohammed Girma

African Arguments, March 28, 2018

http://africanarguments.org - direct URL: http://tinyurl.com/y85b5moo

[Mohammed Girma is a lecturer of Intercultural Studies at the London School of Theology and author of 'Understanding Religion and Social Change in Ethiopia' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).]

In confronting various tricky dilemmas, Ethiopia’s next prime minister may want to turn to an old literary practice.

After an extended wait, Ethiopia’s ruling coalition has chosen a new leader. Elected with over 60% of the vote, Abiy Ahmed is now set to become the country’s next prime minister.

Ahmed will inherit a country full of contradictions. With a population of 100 million and one of the fastest economic growth rates in the world, Ethiopia has regularly been held up as a positive example by neighbours and partners around the world. Yet with widespread protests persisting for years, it has also been seen as a worrying site of multi-faceted discontent.



Ethiopia’s famous literary system known as “wax and gold” can sum this apparent incongruity neatly. This poetic practice plays with double meanings. Wax is what is observed on the surface; gold signifies what lies beneath.

Wax and Gold IX, 2002, Mixed Media, 18 x 18 in.
The painting shown to the left and other works in his "Wax & Gold" series are available at the site of artist Wosene Worke Kosrof (https://wosene.com/). For more on the background of the phrase wax and gold, see http://www.amharicproject.com/2014/09/wax-and-gold.html

A quick example is instructive. A well-told story tells of how Aleqa Gebre-Hanna, a quick-witted 19th century priest, went to dinner at a friend’s modest hut. While the family was preparing, the priest saw a rat jumping out of the basket containing the injera. The guest did not want to embarrass anyone, so said nothing. After the meal, however, he chose a blessing that ended with a double-layered word: Belanew tetanew kenjeraw kewetu; Egziabeher yestelegne ke mesobu aytu. On the surface, this message simply prays to God that the family “may not lack”. But the gold beneath the wax comes from the fact that “aytu” is also the word for “rat”.

When Abiy Ahmed takes on the tough task of governing Ethiopia, he will have to operate with similar interpretive deftness. His popularity and legitimacy derive from his status as a relative outsider, yet he is now head of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the much-maligned ruling coalition that has ruled for 27 years. He will have to impose deep structural reforms to appease protesters, yet may have to rely on powerful colleagues – including would-be losers from such meaningful change – to do this. And he will have to present an image of a thriving Ethiopia to the world, while simultaneously being open and vocal in confronting the many rats in the Ethiopian injera.

Ethiopia’s wax
Ethiopia’s “wax” – the face it has projected globally – has been impressive in recent years. Over time, it has managed to shed its associations with drought, famine and poverty, and become synonymous instead with booming economic growth.

Bodies such as the World Bank, along with international media, have celebrated its successes in reducing poverty, increasing school enrolment, and improving access to clean water. Meanwhile, its approach to ambitious large-scale projects and commitment to industrialisation and infrastructure-building has been praised. For a country and population that cares deeply about its public image, its reputation as an “African tiger” leading the continent – and most of the world in terms of its growth rate – elicited a lot of pride.

Becoming Prime Minister of this country might be an enviable task, but as Ahmed well knows, this lauded story has always turned a blind eye to deep problems below the surface.

Economic and political marginalisation
The reality is that while Ethiopia’s economic growth has created opportunities, it has also led to contestation and marginalisation. This deep sense of economic discrimination has been a leading grievance in the enormous protest movements that have gripped Ethiopia in recent years and precipitated the change in PM.

In the face of these demonstrations, the government has admitted that the economy is infiltrated by “rent-seekers”. This diagnosis would suggest that the remedy is to purge rotten apples. But this misses the fact that the underlying system itself has been wired in such a way as to benefit ruling elites. These beneficiaries largely consist of those associated with the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the senior party in the EPRDF.

This provides Ahmed with a unique challenge. On the one hand, no leader can survive without the TPLF’s blessing. This means Ahmed will have to work closely with their figures, who remain in charge of the country’s economic power base and control security and defence. The TPLF may be shaken by the ongoing turmoil, but its leaders are still the key powerbrokers.

On the other hand, however, the people are expecting and demanding radical reforms that will fundamentally change this fact. Ahmed ascended politically on a wave of protest movements, particularly amongst the Oromo and Amhara who together make up two-thirds of the population. He was widely seen as the only potential candidate for PM with the legitimacy to carry out genuine reforms, and his appointment is being popularly celebrated across much of Ethiopia. He cannot afford to disappoint.

Ahmed is thus faced with a classic wax and gold dilemma. Going after the TPLF in word and deed may lead to powerful resistance from the inside that he cannot contain. Equally, only tweaking around the edges and calling for incremental progress will only reignite protesters’ grievances and impatience. The new PM may find that whatever approach he takes, he may need to add some wax to shield the underlying gold.

Walking the tightrope
Ahmed will also face some difficult balancing acts in other areas of governance. One will be Ethiopia’s age-old ethnic challenges. The EPRDF’s attempted solution to this has been ethnic federalism. But applied incompletely and unevenly, this approach has led to notions of ethnic hierarchy and feelings of discrimination. Not all Ethiopia’s 80 ethnic groups were afforded the ability to self-govern, for example. Meanwhile, although the EPRDF was supposed to represent all ethnicities, it was clear that the TPLF was in charge.

Ahmed will be Ethiopia’s first Oromo prime minster under the EPRDF. This is a significant milestone for Oromiya, and it was predicted that if a non-Oromo had been appointed, protests in the region could have reignited spectacularly. For both the Oromo and Amhara, ethnicity has become a crucial identity around which mobilisation has occurred.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed

In speeches, Ahmed has largely utilised rhetoric that has attempted to be panEthiopian rather than ethnic. His legitimacy in the eyes of Ethiopians across the country also derives from this inclusivity. The tricky challenge he now faces is in taking on systemic bias towards the Tigrayan ethnic group, retaining his standing as the first Oromo PM, but all the while maintaining his image of being the leader of all Ethiopians, recognising all their cultural and linguistic uniqueness.

Finally, the new PM faces another tightrope act over how to approach political freedoms. The EPRDF has typically been highly repressive towards dissenters and the opposition. Ahmed has a military background, but seems to be among the new breed of leaders who do not necessarily share the fears of TPLF elites who came to power through years of bloody war. Ahmed might be better placed to allow more space for the opposition and, as a reformer, may be expected to do so. However, as prime minister of a divided nation, he may become increasingly aware that allowing greater political freedoms could bring with it risks to his own position and ability to govern.

With the country at a historic crossroads, Abiy Ahmed faces some deep and often contradictory problems. How he approaches them will shape Ethiopia for years to come. However, in solving them, he may find some assistance in his country’s literary traditions from long past.

Gebru Tareke asks if the country’s foundation is crumbling
Ethiopia Observer, March 3, 2018

http://ethiopiaobserver.com – direct URL: http://tinyurl.com/ycbjux3o

Historian and a specialist in conflict resolution, Professor Gebru Tareke says he fears Ethiopia’s foundation that was laid 122 years ago in the aftermath of the Adwa victory against an invading Italian army could be crumbling, speaking in connection with the celebration of the battle.

In an interview with BBC Amharic on Friday, the author of Ethiopia: Power and Protest: Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century, said the fact that the unity of the country is in danger means that there is task that has not been done yet. “It is sad that we are still talking about being Ethiopian and multi-ethnic state. Since the ruling party holds an autocratic grip on democracy and freedom, giving way to radical elements, the country has found itself in a very precarious situation,” he said. There are some in the country and outside who are engaged in disruptive political activity, he said.

Professor Gebru, who has witnessed three governments and three constitutions, says the current constitution is better than those before. However, as former president Negasso Gidada, who participated in drafting the constitution in 1995, suggested, he said, there are rooms for improvements. “The constitution is a good one, there are questions in the sense of observing it. For example, the promise of power and wealth sharing arrangement to federal government and regions has been broken”, he argued.

After the split in the Tigray People’s Liberation Front in 2001, the former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has consolidated control over the country, the freedom and power the regions enjoyed have been diminished, Gebru argued.

He added: “The wave of protest that began in Oromia region two years ago did not come out of the blue, but was the accumulated effect of discontent related to the nonobservance of the constitution, dominance by one party, the restriction of political space and absence of appropriate forum in which to express discontent with the government.”

Despite raising concerns about the quality, Gebru appreciates the rapid growth of higher educational institutions system in the past 27 years. “Even though thousands graduate every year, not nearly enough jobs have been created to accommodate them. The unemployment rate grown equally,” he said. All those factors have made the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO) to examine itself and has to come to produce populist leaders such as Lemma Megerssa, who tried to solve the problems of the region, he said. The coalition of four parties, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in recent months claimed to have undertaken ‘deep renewal process’, and promised to come up with immediate and long-term solution but the public are not satisfied, Gebru said.

Professor Gebru said the proclamation of a state of emergency for the second time in less than two years is a clear sign that the public is not happy with the coalition’s actions.“The state of emergency is astounding, I think it is driven by fear. It can never be a solution for the current problem,” he said.

The only way forward is continuing to seek a comprehensive solution to the crisis, according to Gebru, such as conducting vigorous and wide-ranging discussion with scholars, opposition members, and with political analysts. “The government has to engage people on important issues, because when the law is proclaimed, it is the public that puts it into practice. Tanks and military force are of little utility in changing the situation,” Gebru warned.

Finding the solution to the current political impasse in which the country’s unity is threatened cannot be the property of solely EPRDF, according to the scholar.

To supplement the article above from March, I was able to talk by phone on April 21 with Dr. Gebru Tareke. The following notes are not verbatim but summarize the main points, which he made very clearly and concisely.
The levels of expectations for the new prime minister are so high that they cannot be met, certainly not in the short or medium term. The question is whether the new administration can adopt measures that allow for progress and build public confidence in dealing with structural issues and divisions, drawn by class, ethnicity, religion, and the easing of the political monopoly of power by the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
Measures that could help to do this includ 1 - opening up space for opposition parties, which are currently weak despite high levels of public discontent with the status quo; 2 – setting a course for free and fair elections within the next two years, including a new electoral board including diverse social sectors; 3 – releasing all prisoners of conscience; 4 – opening up the mass media and stopping repression of journalists and other opinion-makers; 5 – making a real beginning to address the concerns of youth, particularly unemployment and economic opportunities more generally.
The prime minister's capacity to set a new agenda will be constrained by the lack of cohesion within the ruling Front/Party which he now heads and be determined by his capacity to build a new consensus on the pace of change.
Ethiopia: A nation in need of a new story
Mohammed Girma

April 18, 2018

http://africanarguments.org – direct URL: http://tinyurl.com/y8yxsc8a

The kings told a story. Meles told a story. Abiy needs to tell one too.

At the end of Zagwe dynasty around the 14th century, medieval Ethiopia was in disarray. Provincial warlords were battling for supremacy and the nation was on the brink of disintegrating. Ethiopia was at threat of breaking itself apart through internal fighting as its standing in the world diminished.

It was at this fraught moment in time that the Kibre Negest emerged. Meaning “The Glory of the Kings” and written by an anonymous author or authors, this huge text reconstructed the biblical tale of how Queen Sheba visited King Solomon in ancient Israel. The book claimed that the two conceived a child, Menelik, who went on to bring the Ark of the Covenant to Ethiopia and became the nation’s first Solomonic king.

By establishing the divine origins of Ethiopia’s royal line, the Kibre Negest sought to disarm the warlords at home, while portraying the empire as unified and proud to the outside world. However, ordinary citizens soon found surplus meaning in it. Over the years, ideas of Ethiopia’s unifying and mythic origins contained in the ancient text evolved into a popular notion of Ethiopiawinet or “Ethiopianness”.

Still to this day, intellectuals debate whether or not Ethiopianness exists. Some claim that ethnicity is the overriding identity that cuts through and across the national. Others argue that the concept is the outdated invention of a Christian empire that has little relevance today.

However, for many ordinary citizens, the idea of Ethiopiawinet transcends historical debates. It not only exists, but is a matter of survival, common belonging and celebration. Religiously, it emphasises the unity of humanity by weaving together Islamic and Christian teachings. Ethically, it offers moral guidance by critiquing the imperfections of earthly life. Politically, it urges negotiation and the striking of a balance between what is good to me and what is good to my ethnic and religious neighbour.

For many Ethiopians, Ethiopiawinet also manifests as that electrifying and inescapable feeling when watching Abebe Bikila, Haile Gebrselassie, Deratu Tulu, Mesert Defar or Tirunesh Dibaba glide past their international competitors to win gold.

Meles’ painful story
For centuries then, the kind of myth-making found in the Kibre Negest has been central to the formation and fate of Ethiopia. This is as true now as it has ever been. When the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, for example, its leader Meles Zenawi drew on his deep talents as a storyteller.

His story came from a dark place, coloured by the painful past of the Tigrayan people and of himself. Its genesis went all the way back to the 18th and 19th centuries when Tigrayan and Amhara rulers tussled for power. This struggle continued up to 1889, when last Tigrayan king, Yohannes IV, died in battle. With his dying breath, he declared his natural son to be his heir, but Menelik II proclaimed himself the rightful Emperor. Once on the throne, the Amhara leader used a combination of force, religion and the Amharic language to expand his kingdom. While there may have been well-intentioned reasons behind his campaign, it involved various atrocities and undermined the culture and identity of less powerful ethnic groups.

This Ethiopian Empire continued until 1974 when the communist Derg took power. This new regime maintained a unifying narrative, but its rule was largely experienced as the repression of anyone who questioned it. The people of Tigray, fighting for selfdetermination, were among its many victims.

The EPRDF thus came to power after centuries of what Meles saw as the subjugation of minorities. He believed the singular narrative of Ethiopia was inherently oppressive and established a federalised system based on the diversity of the country’s ethnicities. The ruling coalition, made up of representatives from different groups, told a new story. This hopeful tale emphasised the discreteness and uniqueness of Ethiopia’s many peoples, but had at its core an implicit sense of mutual fear and suspicion.

Over the years, these anxieties grew. Notions of ethnic nationalism hardened along with feelings of systemic discrimination. Meles’ story might have aimed to restore “the dignity of difference”, but it weakened the unifying legend that had helped Ethiopians transcend their ethnic and religious divides.

Things worsened under Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegne, who came to power in 2012. He had no story of his own and simply tried to re-tell that of his more eloquent predecessor. He resigned earlier this month after years of sustained and widespread protests, particularly amongst the Oromo and Amhara frustrated by feelings of marginalisation.

Abiy’s soaring eagle
Ethiopia’s new prime minister, Dr Abiy Ahmed, has thus inherited a country in crisis. He faces a wide range of complex challenges in trying to reform the political system, economy, military and much more. He will have to lead tough negotiations and come with myriad smart and sensitive policies to steer this country of 100 million people back on track. However, in all this, he should not forget the importance of storytelling.

In my previous piece here on African Arguments, I pointed out that Abiy has gained popularity across ethnic groups because of his inclusive rhetoric. His many allusions to Ethiopiawinet in his inaugural speech hit a chord with many. But in fact, it goes beyond that.

Due to his own background, Abiy personifies both the existential dangers and reasons for hope in the country’s future. His biography encompasses the marvellous messiness of Ethiopian society. He hails from an Oromo father and Amhara mother. He shares Islamic and Christian upbringings. He is fluent in several languages. His personal story is Ethiopia’s story.

Moreover, Abiy has the ability to spin this rich heritage into a tale that oozes positivity. His story-telling style eschews the usual aloofness of politicians and speaks directly to the people’s aspirations. The new PM has already been utilising these skills in his tour of the country, focusing on regions that may be apprehensive about his rapid rise. In Ethiopia’s Somali State, he proclaimed: “There is neither centre nor periphery to the Ethiopian identity. Together we form the nucleus of our national story”. In Oromiya, from which he hails, he took pains to tie the protests and his own identity to the broader nation, emphasising: “The Oromo struggle is the Ethiopian struggle”. Meanwhile, in Tigray, the home of Meles, he contended: “Ethnic differences should be recognised and respected. However, we should not allow them to be hardened to the extent of destroying our common national story”.

At other times, Dr Abiy’s speeches have been full of forward-looking imagery. He uses the concept of medemer, a word that means “being added to” but stresses the beauty of blending, to talk about Ethiopia. He describes the eagle that soars above the stormy clouds to encourage audiences to look beyond today’s messiness to a brighter future. And he explains that the Ethiopian people have not inherited the nation from their parents but are borrowing it from their children. “When you inherit something, you can change or sell it. When you borrow something, you have to handle it with care because you have to return it”.

At this difficult moment in its history, Ethiopia desperately needs some wide-ranging and concrete reforms. But as relations fray and tensions simmer, the country also needs a soothing story.

Ethiopia: Why PM Abiy Ahmed’s first priority should be free expression
William Davison

April 4, 2018

Very brief excerpts only. Full article available at http://africanarguments.org – direct URL: http://tinyurl.com/ydg7gwtz

Though it may come with risks, it would be in the government’s own interests to encourage open dialogue and constructive criticism.

The swearing-in this week of Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed and his promising inaugural speech suggests Ethiopia has its best chance yet to address a political crisis that has been building for decades.

...

The key initial ingredient will be encouraging greater freedom of expression within government and throughout society. While many point to the inflammatory dangers of social media in a polarised environment, the need for greater openness trumps such concerns.

This is because more information, reporting, and dialogue are crucial to confronting Ethiopia’s many challenges. Increased scrutiny of the government, for example, would help the EPRDF in its mission of fighting corruption. Tolerance of dissent would act as a pressure valve for opposition sentiments. More openness would encourage expert discussion of Ethiopia’s complex federation and better reporting will illuminate localised grievances. Constructive inquiry could also help detoxify sensitive issues such as the perception of Tigrayan privilege at the expense of more populous nationalities like the Amhara and Oromo.

If the EPRDF wants to signal its seriousness in pursuing change, it could reassure dissidents that they can publicise competing viewpoints without punishment. A line must be drawn under draconian actions that inculcate fear, such as the recent rearrests of critical journalists or the prosecution of the Zone 9 bloggers.

Additional articles of interest
"The edifice cracks," Africa Confidential, Feb. 23, 2018 http://tinyurl.com/y8hzukoe

"Oromia on a knife edge," Africa Confidential, March 12, 2018 http://tinyurl.com/yargnzra

Hassan Hussein, "Full English Transcript of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Inaugural Address," Opride.com, April 3, 2018 http://tinyurl.com/yd96dro7

René Lefort, "Twofold crisis in Ethiopia: the elites and the street," Open Democracy, 12 April 2018 http://tinyurl.com/yd96dro7

"PM Abiy Ahmed: Ethiopia needs strong ‘competing’ political parties more than ever before," Opride.com, 13 April 2018 http://tinyurl.com/y9e8uw9t

Yohannes Gedamu, "A blessing in disguise for Ethiopia's Abiy Ahmed Ethiopia's new PM is already facing major obstacles, but a US resolution can help him push his reform agenda forward," Al Jazeera, 15 Apr 2018 http://tinyurl.com/y9cogqrh

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worker | April 23, 2018 at 9:19 pm | URL: https://wp.me/pKlsL-4lr
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Tue May 15, 2018 5:51 pm

What happened in Cassinga?
Forty years after the events at Cassinga, the world cannot afford the luxury of forgetting one of the worst acts of genocide committed by the apartheid regime in South Africa

Author: Redaccion Granma | internet@granma.cu

may 15, 2018 13:05:28

Image
Photo: Granma
Located 250 kilometers from Angola’s southern international border, in the area of Cassinga, a refugee camp was established to receive those fleeing the South African occupation of neighboring Namibia.

On the morning of May 4, 1978, the daily activities of the 3,000 refugees were interrupted by an unexpected storm of cluster bombs and machine gun fire.

Witnesses relate how South African planes bombed and shot civilians without mercy, preparing the scene for the arrival of 500 troops parachuted in aboard U.S. made Hercules C-130.

The first commandos on the ground blocked all entrances and exits from

Cassinga, while the rest of the troops stalked survivors, killing unarmed mothers with babies in arm, pregnant women, children, and elders, in cold blood.

Image
Photo: Granma

The racist aggressors reduced to ashes the school, shelters, the food warehouse, and clinic, where practically all medical staff and hospitalized patients met their deaths.

During the action, Pretoria’s forces used poison gases that attack the nervous system, violating international prohibitions on such weapons.

Upon learning of the aggression, Cuban troops camped in Tchamutete, 15 kilometers to the south, headed toward the attack. On the march they faced heavy fire from enemy aircraft, as well as land mines, and suffered several casualties. But summoning all their courage and tenacity, the Cuban troops were able to reach the camp and force the racists to retreat.

Apartheid South Africa attempted to justify the brutal crime alleging the existence of a guerilla camp in Cassinga, but this assertion was refuted by a United Nations delegation that traveled to the site and interviewed the few survivors. A UNESCO mission had visited the camp just days before the attack, and testified to the civilian nature of the refugee camp.

Cuba’s efforts in Cassinga, another chapter in the history of the country’s heroism and solidarity in Africa, contributed to saving the lives of wounded refugees and many survivors hiding in surrounding woods.

The majority of children who escaped death, and hundreds more youth living in southern Angola, were brought to Cuba, to become students at the first Southwest Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) school on the Isle of Youth.

Image
The international press documented the existence of mass graves where hundreds of civilian victims of the Cassinga attack were buried. Photo: Archive

http://en.granma.cu/mundo/2018-05-15/wh ... n-cassinga
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Mon Aug 06, 2018 1:06 pm

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US Secret Wars in Africa Rage on, Despite Talk of Downsizing
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on AUGUST 1, 2018
Nick Turse

Last October, four U.S. soldiers – including two commandos – were killed in an ambush in Niger. Since then, talk of U.S. special operations in Africa has centered on missions being curtailed and troop levels cut.

Press accounts have suggested that the number of special operators on the front lines has been reduced, with the head of U.S. Special Operations forces in Africa directing his troops to take fewer risks. At the same time, a “sweeping Pentagon review” of special ops missions on the continent may result in drastic cuts in the number of commandos operating there. U.S. Africa Command has apparently been asked to consider the impact on counterterrorism operations of cutting the number of Green Berets, Navy SEALs, and other commandos by 25 percent over 18 months and 50 percent over three years.

Analysts have already stepped forward to question or criticize the proposed cuts. “Anybody that knows me knows that I would disagree with any downsizing in Africa,” Donald Bolduc, a former chief of U.S. commandos on the continent, told Voice of America.

While the review was reportedly ordered this spring and troop reductions may be coming, there is no evidence yet of massive cuts, gradual reductions, or any downsizing whatsoever. In fact, the number of commandos operating on the continent has barely budged since 2017. Nearly 10 months after the debacle in Niger, the tally of special operators in Africa remains essentially unchanged.

According to figures provided to The Intercept by U.S. Special Operations Command, 16.5 percent of commandos overseas are deployed in Africa. This is about the same percentage of special operators sent to the continent in 2017 and represents a major increase over deployments during the first decade of the post-9/11 war on terror. In 2006, for example, just 1 percent of all U.S. commandos deployed overseas were in Africa – fewer than in the Middle East, the Pacific, Europe, or Latin America. By 2010, the number had risen only slightly, to 3 percent.

Today, more U.S. commandos are deployed to Africa than to any other region of the world except the Middle East. Back in 2006, there were only 70 special operators deployed across Africa. Just four years ago, there were still just 700 elite troops on the continent. Given that an average of 8,300 commandos are deployed overseas in any given week, according to SOCOM spokesperson Ken McGraw, we can surmise that roughly 1,370 Green Berets, Navy SEALs, or other elite forces are currently operating in Africa.

The Pentagon won’t say how many commandos are still deployed in Niger, but the total number of troops operating there is roughly the same as in October 2017 when two Green Berets and two fellow soldiers were killed by Islamic State militants. There are 800 Defense Department personnel currently deployed to the West African nation, according to Maj. Sheryll Klinkel, a Pentagon spokesperson. “I can’t give a breakdown of SOF there, but it’s a fraction of the overall force,” she told The Intercept. There are now also 500 American military personnel – including Special Operations forces — in Somalia. At the beginning of last year, AFRICOM told Stars and Stripes, there were only 100.

“None of these special operations forces are intended to be engaged in direct combat operations,” said Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Robert S. Karem, while speaking about current troop levels in Niger during a May Pentagon press briefing on the investigation into the deadly October ambush. Despite this official policy, despite the deaths in Niger, and despite the supposed curbs on special operations in Africa, U.S. commandos there keep finding themselves in situations that are indistinguishable from combat.

In December, for example, Green Berets fighting alongside local forces in Niger reportedly killed 11 ISIS militants in a firefight. And last month in Somalia, a member of the Special Operations forces, Staff Sgt. Alexander Conrad, was killed and four other Americans were wounded in an attack by members of the Islamist militant group Shabaab. Conrad’s was the second death of a U.S. special operator in Somalia in 13 months. Last May, a Navy SEAL, Senior Chief Petty Officer Kyle Milliken, was killed, and two other American troops were wounded while carrying out a mission there with local forces.

Between 2015 and 2017, there were also at least 10 previously unreported attacks on American troops in West Africa, the New York Times revealed in March. Meanwhile, Politico recently reported that, for at least five years, Green Berets, Navy SEALs, and other commandos — operating under a little-understood budgetary authority known as Section 127e that funds classified programs — have been involved in reconnaissance and “direct action” combat raids with local forces in Cameroon, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Somalia, and Tunisia. Indeed, in a 2015 briefing obtained by The Intercept, Bolduc, then the special ops chief in Africa, noted that America’s commandos were not only conducting “surrogate” and “combined” “counter violent extremist operations,” but also “unilateral” missions.

While media reports have focused on the possibility of imminent reductions, the number of commandos deployed in Africa is nonetheless up 96 percent since 2014 and remains fundamentally unchanged since the deadly 2017 ambush in Niger. And as the June death of Conrad in Somalia indicates, commandos are still operating in hazardous areas. Indeed, at the May Pentagon briefing, Gen. Thomas Waldhauser, the chief of U.S. Africa Command, drew attention to special operators’ “high-risk missions” under “extreme conditions” in Africa. America’s commandos, he said, “are doing a fantastic job across the continent.”

Top photo: An American Special Forces soldier trains Nigerien troops during an exercise on the Air Base 201 compound, in Agadez, Niger, on April 14, 2018.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2018/08/ ... ownsizing/
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Tue Sep 04, 2018 1:03 pm

Xi meets Angolan president
Source: Xinhua| 2018-09-02 22:47:35|Editor: Liangyu

CHINA-BEIJING-XI JINPING-ANGOLAN PRESIDENT-MEETING (CN)

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Chinese President Xi Jinping (R) meets with Angolan President Joao Lourenco at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, capital of China, Sept. 2, 2018. (Xinhua/Li Xueren)

BEIJING, Sept. 2 (Xinhua) -- Chinese President Xi Jinping met with Angolan President Joao Lourenco on Sunday ahead of the 2018 Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).

Noting that China and Angola have jointly explored a unique path of common development since the two countries established a strategic partnership eight years ago, Xi called for efforts to advance this partnership to a higher level as this year marks the 35th anniversary of the establishment of the diplomatic relations between China and Angola.

Xi said China stands ready to strengthen ruling party exchanges and governance experience sharing with Angola, deepen cooperation in all areas, and enhance communication and coordination on major international issues.

China is willing to align the Belt and Road Initiative with Angola's economic diversification strategy and continues to provide assistance, without political conditions attached, to major projects suitable for Angola's national development strategy, Xi said.

Lourenco said Angola-China relations are strong and firm. He thanked China for its contributions to Angola's reconstruction and social economic development, and said Angola firmly upholds the one-China policy.

China has always given its precious help when Africa faced difficulties and has been playing a very important role in Africa's peace and development, Lourenco said, adding that African countries highly value their friendship with China and expect to take an active part in the FOCAC development.

After the meeting, the two leaders witnessed the signing of bilateral cooperation documents.

http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-0 ... 439443.htm

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 26, 2018 5:11 pm

3 Words Describe Kwame Nkrumah: ‘Africa Must Unite’
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on SEPTEMBER 21, 2018
Action without thought is empty. Thought without action is blind.

Revolutions are brought about by men, by men who think as men of action and act as men of thought.

It is clear that we find an African Solution to our problems and that this can only be found in African unity. Divided we are weak; United, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world.

– Kwame Nkrumah

Ghana Web

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The daughter of Ghana’s first President says her father’s vision to see a united Africa is relevant today as it was some six decades ago.

“’Africa must unite.’ Not ought to, not should; a must. Africa must unite,” said Samia Nkrumah in reference to three words that describe her father.

Samia was speaking Friday on the Super Morning Show on Joy FM as Ghana celebrates Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Day, also known as Founder’s Day, a national holiday that celebrates the birthday of the late leader.

“For me what this [Nkrumah Memorial Day] brings to mind — and I have said it repeatedly — is that Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah is my Leader. I am a student of Kwame Nkrumah. I read him, I study him and I will urge every Ghanaian, every African to read Nkrumah’s own words to examine his writings, the development plans that were implemented or started under his leadership.

“Kwame was given to us, to Ghana and to Africa, for us to learn from him…and acquire an independent African mindset to guide us as we make decisions for ourselves; to unite Ghana behind our independence struggle and to unite Africa so that we can eradicate poverty and exploitation and take our rightful place in the comity of nations.

“A united states of Africa, one nation, 1.5 billion people who can negotiate the best deals for themselves to raise the living standards of our people. If we study, we can adapt his policies and ideas to today’s challenges and changing circumstances,” she said.

Dr Nkrumah was a leading figure in the short-lived Casablanca Group of African leaders, which sought to achieve pan-African unity and harmony through deep political, economic, and military integration of the continent in the early 1960s prior to the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity, now African Union.

Nkrumah was instrumental in the creation of the OAU in Addis Ababa in 1963.

Kwame Nkrumah was Ghana’s first Prime Minister and President, having led the country to independence from British colonial rule in 1957.

Kwame Nkrumah is hailed in Ghana and world over as an influential advocate of Pan-Africanism.

He was a winner of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1962.

He was overthrown in coup d’etat in 1966 and died in 1972 in exile.

Samia Nkrumah said on Friday that if Dr Nkrumah was alive today, the message he will give to Ghanaians will be the message he always gave.

“That we have to complete our independence struggle. We gained political independence, but we must gain economic independence. We must own and control our gold, our manganese, our bauxite and all that. We must lift ourselves out of poverty and lack and the way to do that is for our African states to unite.

“The mission of this generation is for us to unite. We have to complete our independence. Africa cannot remain down, down-trodden, marginalized and exploited. It is not fair and it is not right and every dignified African must be part of the struggle or the revolution to liberate us fully,” she said.



https://libya360.wordpress.com/2018/09/ ... ust-unite/

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Sat Jan 05, 2019 12:16 pm

US deployed contingent in Gabon and DRC

colonelcassad
January 5, 2:51 pm

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Trump signed an order to deploy the American contingent in Gabon to ensure the safety of Americans in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where riots broke out.
The transfer of troops began on January 2 — 80 servicemen and light armored vehicles arrived in Gabon, which will ensure initial deployment in Gabon. If necessary, the contingent can be increased.

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Additional intrigue for this step is given by the fact that Russia in 2018, relying on its position in Sudan and Central African Republic (where military instructors and PMCs are deployed), is sensing the situation in the DRC to spread military-political influence on this country.
A month ago, John Bolton officially announced the need to counter the expansion of Russia's influence in Africa. In this context, the US deployment in Gabon looks like using a formal pretext to step up the struggle for spheres of influence in Africa.
In addition, it is worth noting that in recent years, China has made significant investments in the transport and energy infrastructure of the DRC (investment valued at billions of dollars) and increases the impact on the local regime. Given the deteriorating relations between the US and China, US actions in the future can be directed against Chinese interests in this country.

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Ps. In addition, French commandos interacting through the AFRICACOM structures with the American marines and Delta troops are operating in the region. In perspective, they can also be used for operations in the DRC.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/4685297.html

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Sun Jan 13, 2019 7:04 pm

The US Military Is All Over Africa Despite Not Being at War in Africa
There are currently roughly 7,500 US military personnel, including 1,000 contractors, deployed in Africa. For comparison, that figure was only 6,000 just a year ago.

by Strategic Culture Foundation

Around 200,000 US troops are stationed in 177 countries throughout the world. Those forces utilize several hundred military installations. Africa is no exemption. On August 2, Maj. Gen. Roger L. Cloutier took command of US Army Africa, promising to “hit the ground running.”

The US is not waging any wars in Africa but it has a significant presence on the continent. Navy SEALs, Green Berets, and other special ops are currently conducting nearly 100 missions across 20 African countries at any given time, waging secret, limited-scale operations. According to the magazine Vice, US troops are now conducting 3,500 exercises and military engagements throughout Africa per year, an average of 10 per day — an astounding 1,900% increase since the command rolled out 10 years ago. Many activities described as “advise and assist” are actually indistinguishable from combat by any basic definition.

There are currently roughly 7,500 US military personnel, including 1,000 contractors, deployed in Africa. For comparison, that figure was only 6,000 just a year ago. The troops are strung throughout the continent spread across 53 countries. There are 54 countries on the “Dark Continent.” More than 4,000 service members have converged on East Africa. The US troop count in Somalia doubled last year.




When AFRICOM was created there were no plans to establish bases or put boots on the ground. Today, a network of small staging bases or stations have cropped up. According to investigative journalist Nick Turse, “US military bases (including forward operating sites, cooperative security locations, and contingency locations) in Africa number around fifty, at least.” US troops in harm’s way in Algeria, Burundi, Chad, Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan Tunisia, and Uganda qualify for extra pay.

The US African Command (AFRICOM) runs drone surveillance programs, cross-border raids, and intelligence. AFRICOM has claimed responsibility for development, public health, professional and security training, and other humanitarian tasks. Officials from the Departments of State, Homeland Security, Agriculture, Energy, Commerce, and Justice, among other agencies, are involved in AFRICOM activities. Military attachés outnumber diplomats at many embassies across Africa.

Last October, four US soldiers lost their lives in Niger. The vast majority of Americans probably had no idea that the US even had troops participating in combat missions in Africa before the incident took place. One serviceman was reported dead in Somalia in June. The Defense Department is mulling plans to “right-size” special operations missions in Africa and reassign troops to other regions, aligning the efforts with the security priorities defined by the 2018 National Defense Strategy. That document prioritizes great power competition over defeating terrorist groups in remote corners of the globe. Roughly 1,200 special ops troops on missions in Africa are looking at a drawdown. But it has nothing to do with leaving or significantly cutting back. And the right to unilaterally return will be reserved. The infrastructure is being expanded enough to make it capable of accommodating substantial reinforcements. The construction work is in progress. The bases will remain operational and their numbers keep on rising.

A large drone base in Agadez, the largest city in central Niger, is reported to be under construction. The facility will host armed MQ-9 Reaper drones which will finally take flight in 2019. The MQ-9 Reaper has a range of 1,150 miles, allowing it to provide strike support and intelligence-gathering capabilities across West and North Africa from this new base outside of Agadez. It can carry GBU-12 Paveway II bombs. The aircraft features synthetic aperture radar for integrating GBU-38 Joint Direct Attack Munitions. The armament suite can include four Hellfire air-to-ground anti-armor and anti-personnel missiles. There are an estimated 800 US troops on the ground in Niger, along with one drone base and the base in Agadez that is being built. The Hill called it “the largest US Air Force-led construction project of all time.”

According to Business Insider, “The US military presence here is the second largest in Africa behind the sole permanent US base on the continent, in the tiny Horn of Africa nation of Djibouti.” Four thousand American servicemen are stationed at Camp Lemonnier (the US base located near Djibouti City) — a critical strategic base for the American military because of its port and its proximity to the Middle East.

Officially, the camp is the only US base on the continent or, as AFRICOM calls it, “a forward operating site,” — the others are “cooperative security locations” or “non-enduring contingency locations.” Camp Lemonnier is the hub of a network of American drone bases in Africa that are used for aerial attacks against insurgents in Yemen, Nigeria, and Somalia, as well as for exercising control over the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait. In 2014, the US signed a new 20-year lease on the base with the Djiboutian government, and committed over $1.4 billion to modernize and expand the facility in the years to come.

In March, the US and Ghana signed a military agreement outlining the conditions of the US military presence in that nation, including its construction activities. The news was met with protests inside the country.

It should be noted that the drone attacks that are regularly launched in Africa are in violation of US law. The Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), adopted after Sept. 11, 2001, states that the president is authorized to use force against the planners of those attacks and those who harbor them. But that act does not apply to the rebel groups operating in Africa.

It’s hard to believe that the US presence will be really diminished, and there is no way to know, as too many aspects of it are shrouded in secrecy with nothing but “leaks” emerging from time to time. It should be noted that the documents obtained by TomDispatch under the United States Freedom of Information Act contradict AFRICOM’s official statements about the scale of US military bases around the world, including 36 AFRICOM bases in 24 African countries that have not been previously disclosed in official reports.

The US foothold in Africa is strong. It’s almost ubiquitous. Some large sites under construction will provide the US with the ability to host large aircraft and accommodate substantial forces and their hardware. This all prompts the still-unanswered question — “Where does the US have troops in Africa, and why?” One thing is certain — while waging an intensive drone war, the US is building a vast military infrastructure for a large-scale ground war on the continent.

https://www.mintpressnews.com/africom-u ... ca/248552/
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Mon Jan 14, 2019 2:47 pm

Question about the bloody and violent repression of the demonstrations in Sudan

The KKE delegation in the European Parliament condemned the savage repression of the Sudanese bourgeois regime at the expense of demonstrators as well as the apprehensions of communists and other activists, with a question to the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, F. Mogherini. MEP Kostas Papadakis in his question underscores:

"The authoritative bourgeois regime of Sudan confronted the massive and just demonstrations of thousands of people, communists and other activists with violence and repression that had as a result the demise of 40 demonstrators and the wounding of hundreds. The workers and the popular strata of the country are protesting against the immense poverty, the hunger and misery that are experiencing as a result of the the anti-people policy of the Sudanese regime that is supported by imperialist unions and lashes against the Yemen in the margins of the Saudi invasion there.

The High Representative is asked:

- Does she denounce the savage repression of the Sudanese regime at the expenses of the just demonstrations of the Sudanese people?

- What is Her position in the demand

- that the Sudanese regime liberates the communists and the hundreds of other activists that are incarcerated for their participation in the popular struggles?

- to stop all kinds of persecution at the expense of the Sudanese Communist Party and of the people of the country that struggles?


11/01/2019

KKE delegation in the European Parliament

https://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/Questi ... -in-Sudan/

*****************************************

Release now the cadres of CP of Swaziland

The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) strongly condemns the apprehension of the Deputy President, Mcolisi Ngcamphalala and of the International Organizer, Njabulo Dlamini of the Communist Party of Swaziland.

The two cadres of the CP of Swaziland were apprehended by the repression mechanisms on January 11th, 2019 in Manzini, Swaziland, while en route to a Meeting of the Swaziland National Association of Teachers, where they both belong, to schedule the activities of the Union. The two cadres of the CP of Swaziland are charged with "obstruction of police on duty" and "resisting arrest".

The CP of Swaziland stresses that this is a persecution of political nature of the Mswati regime against the CP of Swaziland and against the working class' and trade-union movement. The Mswati regime is the last absolute monarchy in sub-Saharan Africa: the political parties are banned, trade-union activity is under severe restrictions, 70% of the country survives with less that $2 per day and 38% of the people live in absolute poverty.

The KKE condemns the unacceptable apprehension of the cadres of the CP of Swaziland and demands their immediate release, as well as the unhindered functioning of the trade-unions, the political parties and of the CP of Swaziland.



14.01.2018

https://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/Releas ... Swaziland/

Why are US Special Forces deployed all over Africa anyways?
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Feb 20, 2019 5:24 pm

Somali war: A continuing result of United States foreign policy

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Jan 27, 2019
Pentagon bombing operations against the Horn of Africa state of Somalia have killed numerous people over the last several weeks under the guise of the United States “war on terrorism.”

On 30 November 2018 the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) reported that airstrikes were launched on al-Shabaab positions in Lebede killing nine people. (Reuters, 2 December 2018)

Although Washington routinely claims these bombing operations only target so-called “terrorists” there is no way of verifying who is actually struck on the ground. Other damage such as the deaths of civilians and the dislocation of people in small towns and rural areas are never acknowledged by the military.

Official statements from AFRICOM indicate that there are approximately 500 soldiers stationed in Somalia. The actual numbers have increased since the ascendancy of the administration of President Donald Trump during 2017 as a part of his purported foreign policy aims of battling armed Islamist groups such as al-Shabaab.

Other AFRICOM reports suggest there have been 37 bombing operations inside this oil-rich Horn of Africa state over the course of 2018. Successive US administrations have supported the federalised governance system, which was installed under the tenure of former President George W. Bush, Jr., who founded AFRICOM in early 2008.

Just one week prior to the November 30 attacks, the US announced several bombing missions in Harardere in Galmudug state where over 40 people were killed. The 19-21 November airstrikes were said to have hit an al-Shabaab training camp along with a weapons cache.

During early December, a ground offensive was launched by the Western-trained Somali National Army (SNA) commandos against areas controlled by al-Shabaab around the farming village of Awdhegle in the Lower Shabelle region. The raids were reported by Somali intelligence officials noting that the attacks received support from AFRICOM forces along with units from the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which still has thousands of US and United Nations-backed troops occupying the country. (Association Press, 5 December 2018)

Somali governmental sources, which spoke on the condition of anonymity, said the raids on al-Shabaab areas in the Lower Shabelle were designed to weaken the economic base of the organisation. The US-backed government in Mogadishu said that al-Shabaab taxes merchants and residents in the area in order to fund its activities.

In an apparent retaliatory attack on 6 December, two generals in the SNA were killed when a roadside bomb exploded destroying their vehicle in the village of Dhanaane located on the coastal road linking the capital of Mogadishu to the port city of Marka. Al-Shabaab later claimed responsibility for the attack in an announcement over their broadcasting outlet Andalus Radio. (Voice of America, 7 December 2018)

These developments are complicated by the emergence of two distinct factions within al-Shabaab over the last two years. One grouping is reportedly linked with al-Qaeda and another minority faction is allied to the Islamic State (ISIS). (Canadian Press, 7 December 2018)

Several killings have been attributed to this rivalry within the ranks of al-Shabaab. Both groups are heavily dependent upon the forced taxation of businesses and residents inside the areas where they operate in the central and southern regions of Somalia.

Canadian Pressand Associate Press dispatches reported that the factionalism has increased substantially in recent months noting: “The ISIS-affiliated group in Somalia, largely made up of al-Shabaab defectors, first announced its presence in 2016 with attacks in the far north, far from Mogadishu and most al-Shabaab strongholds. Though estimated at a few hundred fighters at most, their emergence in one of the world’s most unstable countries has been alarming enough that the US military began targeting it with airstrikes a year ago.”

These same articles continued by saying: “With no strong government to protect them, businessmen often say they have no choice but to pay in exchange for protection. Among the companies targeted by suspected ISIS-linked extremists is Somalia’s telecom giant, Hormuud, which intelligence officials say has lost up to ten employees in attacks in recent weeks. Hormuud officials did not respond to requests for comment. Businesses worry that the rise of another extremist group seeking cash, as well as a new effort by Somalia’s central government to impose taxes, will bleed them dry.”

The economic interests of imperialism in Somalia

Since the immediate years after the conclusion of World War II, Somalia has been the focus of oil and natural gas exploration. This coupled with its geographically strategic location on the Indian Ocean and near the Gulf of Aden, which is one of the most lucrative shipping lanes in the world, makes the country important in the overall global economic system.

Beginning around 1948 the search for oil and gas resources began. In the early 1950s these efforts were conducted by Agip (Italian) and Sinclair Oil Corporation, then based in the US.

Later during the 1980s, when the country was in sharp decline due to its internal conflict and the failure of the US to provide any genuine assistance economically, several multi-national petroleum firms won concessions for exploration. These corporations included Conoco-Phillips, Shell (Pectin), Amoco, Eni, Total, Exxon Mobil and Texaco. Eventually the resources were designated “force majeure” meaning that these companies reserved the right to come back for exploitation at a later time period when the political situation became more stable.

In recent years, the northern breakaway region of Puntland has seen drilling by the Canadian-based Africa Oil and Africa Energy corporations. This interest in oil and natural gas exploration are not confined to Somalia.

All along the East African coast from Somalia right down through Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique, there have been monumental discoveries of offshore natural gas and oil resources in the region. Consequently, the imperialist states encouraged by the multinational corporations and international financial institutions are eager to stake claims on the potentialities of enormous profits related to energy resources exploitation.

The increasing presence of AFRICOM is clearly related to the on-going quest for imperialist domination on the continent. With the People’s Republic of China (PRC) emerging as a major trading and development partner with African Union (AU) member states, Washington and its allies in London and Paris are quite concerned over the possibility of losing out to the PRC as it relates to economic cooperation.

Impact of US foreign policy in Somalia

As alluded to earlier in this article, Washington and its imperialist partners have been adamant about maintaining control over the Horn of Africa, the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean basin regions. This concern has been manifested in the repeated interference and interventions into the internal affairs of Somalia.

With the recent death of former US President George H.W. Bush, efforts were made by the corporate media acting on behalf of the ruling class to paint a picture of the 41st head of state as a “statesman” and “consensus builder.” This could not be further from the actual truth of events during his one-term presidency from 1989 to 1993.

In addition to the unjustified Pentagon invasion of Panama in late 1989 and the massive bombing, ground invasion and imposition of draconian sanctions against Iraq in the first Gulf War, Bush also intervened in Somalia in December 1992 on the eve of his departure from the White House. Operation Restore Hope was ostensibly designed to provide relief for Somali civilians on the brink of famine resulting from the collapse of the previous government of Mohamed Siad Barre in early 1991.

Nonetheless, the deployment of 12,000 US Marines to Somalia by Bush was part and parcel of the desire to reassert the military prowess of the US in the aftermath of its colossal defeats in Southeast Asia during the mid-1970s, Lebanon in 1983-84 and Southern Africa in the late 1980s, where the world’s leading imperialist state was forced to retreat after humiliating failures. The successor to Bush, President Bill Clinton, inherited the Somali invasion where within a matter of months huge sections of the country rose in rebellion against the US and UN occupations, leading to the deaths of thousands of Somali and the loss of hundreds Pentagon and so-called peacekeeping soldiers during 1993-1994. The US and the UN were both forced to leave Somalia by 1994.

This did not sit well with Washington and some 12 years later, the Pentagon began to bomb Somalia under the leadership of the-then President George W. Bush, Jr. By 2007, the US had facilitated another invasion, this time utilising the military forces of neighbouring Ethiopia and later Kenya. AMISOM, an aggregation of troops from several regional states, was assembled, trained, armed and deployed as a mechanism to implement US foreign policy in Somalia and the entire Horn of Africa. This same policy continued under President Barack Obama right through to the current administration of Trump who has altered the regulations guiding military involvement in Somalia to justify the deepening of the intervention utilising commando units and airstrikes.

However, after decades of military involvement and political machinations the situation remains unstable. The Somali’s only hope for sustainable peace and development lies within the national unity of its people absent of the tutelage of the US.


* Abayomi Azikiwe is Editor at Pan-African News Wire.

https://www.pambazuka.org/human-securit ... ialnetwork
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