Africa

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Mon Jun 12, 2023 2:02 pm

UNSMIL Concerned About Mass Detention of Migrants in Libya

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Migrants in a detention center in Libya, June 2023. | Photo: Twitter/ @TheLibyaUpdate

Published 12 June 2023

The International Organization for Migration revealed that at least 5,000 migrants are being held in official detention centers.

On Monday, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) expressed concern over the arbitrary and mass detention of asylum seekers, following a series of raids carried out throughout the country in recent weeks under the pretext of combating organized crime.

After their arrest in public spaces, homes, or camps and locations of alleged traffickers, "many of these migrants, including pregnant women and children, are held in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions.

Thousands of additional people, including migrants who have entered Libya legally, have been collectively expelled without control or due process," UNSMIL stated, adding that this campaign has been accompanied by a "disturbing" increase in racist and hateful rhetoric against foreigners, both on social media and in the mainstream media.

Therefore, the UN mission urged the authorities to treat migrants "with dignity and humanity" in accordance with international law, as well as allowing international agencies and NGOs unhindered access to detainees in need of urgent protection.

Since late May, the Tripoli-basde Government of National Unity (GUN) has launched airstrikes in eastern and western regions of the country as part of a military strategy to "cleanse" the territory of hideouts used for drug trafficking and human trafficking.

Months earlier, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) revealed that at least 5,000 migrants are being held in official detention centers, "but this may only represent the tip of the iceberg," and called on the international community to seek alternatives to the detention of people in exile.

According to the latest IOM data, since the beginning of the year, over 6,600 people have been intercepted and returned to Libya despite it being considered an "unsafe" location.

At least 651 individuals have lost their lives, and 332 have gone missing while attempting to cross the Central Mediterranean route, the deadliest known route.

In April, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on Libya, which failed to consider human rights violations documented against both Libyan civilians and migrants.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/UNS ... -0010.html

UN Chief Condemns Attack on Peacekeepers in Mali

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UN mission car before the attack, 7 km from the mission's base in Ber. Jun. 12, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@UN_News_Centre

Published 12 June 2023 (7 hours 32 minutes ago)

"...attacks targeting United Nations peacekeepers may constitute war crimes under international law..."


Stephane Dujarric, the spokesman for António Guterres, the Secretary General of the United Nations, said Guterres condemned the attack on a patrol of UN mission task in Mali; the attack killed a UN peacekeeper representative.

"The secretary-general recalls that attacks targeting United Nations peacekeepers may constitute war crimes under international law," Dujarric said in a statement.

Dujarric also said that Guterres asked the transition authorities in Mali not to spare any effort to identify the perpetrators of the attack in order for them to be taken immediately to justice.

According to Dujarric statement, on Friday, 7 km from the mission's base in Ber, in the Timbuktu region, a patrol of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) was hit by an improvised explosive device explosion and fallowed by direct small arms fire.


"The secretary-general pays tribute to the determination and the courage of peacekeepers, who continue to implement their mandates in extremely challenging circumstances in support of the people of Mali," said Dujarric’s statement.

“This tragic loss is a stark reminder of the risks that our peacekeepers face while working tirelessly to bring stability and peace to the people of Mali”, El-Ghassim Wane, head of MINUSMA, said.

“MINUSMA reaffirms its commitment to the people of Mali and its determination to continue its mission in supporting peace and stability in the country. The Mission will work closely with the Malian authorities to investigate the incident and bring the responsible individuals to justice,” Wane stated.

According to the UN, MINUSMA was established a decade ago due to the “rampant insecurity in the north of Mali and a failed military coup by extremist militants.”



https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/UN- ... -0002.html

27 Children Died in Blast in Somalia, UNICEF “Deeply Shocked”

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Children in Somalia. Jun. 12, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@PeoplesDailyapp

Published 12 June 2023

"...the children were playing with remnants of weapons, bombs and landmines..."


The UN's children's fund (UNICEF) has condemned the death of 27 children and injures of other 53 due to the explosion of ordnance in a playing field near Qoryoley in the southern part of Somalia on Friday.

According to the UNICEF Representative in Somalia, Wafaa Saeed Abdelatef, the UN is “deeply shocked and horrified by the tragic incident.”

"This tragic incident underlines the importance of all parties to the conflict in Somalia to handle ordnance with care, to clear existing mines and unexploded devices, and scale up mine risk education among children and communities," Saeed said in a statement issued in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia on Saturday evening.

On Friday, the Deputy District Commissioner of Qoryoley, Abdi Ahmed Ali, said that the incident happened because the children were playing with remnants of weapons, bombs and landmines in a field of a local village.


According to Ahmed, the children found unexploded ordnance in an open field and started playing with it, “but unfortunately, the remnants went off, killing some of them.”

According to UNICEF, children are likely to be attracted to things that look colorful, shiny, or of unusual appearance, and they are unaware of the danger.

"No matter where they are used, or how long ago they may have been deployed, explosive weapons can continue to endanger a child's most fundamental rights for months and years to come," UNICEF stated.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/27- ... -0001.html

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Moroccans protest Israeli speaker’s visit

Protesters called on the Moroccan government to cut all ties with the apartheid state immediately. The Moroccan government normalized ties with Israel in 2020 as part of the Abraham Accords

June 09, 2023 by Peoples Dispatch

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Moroccan people protest against the Israeli speaker’s visit on June 8, 2023. (Photo: Al Mayadeen)

On Thursday, June 8, hundreds of Moroccans staged protests against the ongoing visit of the speaker of the Israeli parliament (Knesset), Amir Ohana. Protests held in the capital Rabat were led by pro-Palestine activists and the Moroccan Front against Normalization.

Ohana arrived in Morocco on Wednesday at the invitation of the speaker of the Moroccan parliament Rachid Talbi Al-Alami, after their respective offices reportedly established contact with one another in the preceding days. A number of Moroccan political parties have also opposed the visit by the Israeli government official. Ohana will reportedly visit the Moroccan parliament this week.

The protests against his visit were held under the banner, “Palestine is a trust, and normalization is betrayal.” Protesters in Rabat chanted slogans calling the normalization “shameful” and asked the government to cut all ties with the Israeli “apartheid state.” They also raised slogans against the speaker, calling him a “war criminal.” They held up posters and placards which read, among other things, “No normalization with the occupier, resistance is the solution”, “From Rabat and Palestine, one people, not two”, and “Morocco is a free land, Ohana get out.” Protesters expressed their support and solidarity with Palestinians and called for a free Palestine. As per reports, an Israeli flag was also burnt at the site of the protest.

Abdelhamid Amine, a member of the Moroccan Front in support of Palestine and against normalization, said while speaking to news outlets regarding the protests, “we cannot accept that the head of the Israeli Parliament can come here with total impunity, even though the Israeli Parliament is currently an extreme right-wing parliament, dominated by fascists, and is coming here to be received by the Moroccan Parliament.”

Protesters urged all political parties to take part in the boycott if the speaker visits the parliament.

The Moroccan government, which signed the Israel-Morocco normalization agreement mediated by the Donald Trump administration in 2020, has deepened ties with the state of Israel despite widespread domestic opposition. Reports noted that the two sides are keen on improving their military and security relations and commercial ties in the fields of tourism and bilateral trade. This was once again made clear during the speaker’s visit when he endorsed the two countries strengthening their security and other relations, saying that his visit was “history being made before our eyes.” Several recent reports have noted that the current far-right extremist government in Israel is mulling extending its recognition to the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara, in contravention of international law.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/09/ ... ers-visit/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Thu Jun 15, 2023 1:40 pm

Canadian Looting of Zambian Resources Led to Debt Crisis
JUNE 13, 2023

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First Quantum Kansanshi Mine Zambia. Photo: yvesengler.com/file photo.

By Yves Engler – Jun 9, 2023

While a geopolitical tussle between Washington and Beijing over Zambia’s debt default has received significant international attention, Canada’s contribution has been largely ignored.

“China is ‘barrier’ to ending Zambian debt crisis, says Janet Yellen,” reported a recent Financial Times headline while Foreign Policy asked, “Is China Responsible for Zambia’s Debt Crisis?” and African Business queried “Should China be blamed for Zambia’s debt talks holdup?”

Two weeks ago the Associated Press published a long piece headlined “China’s loans pushing world’s poorest countries to brink of collapse”, which focused extensively on Zambia.

Washington has criticized Beijing for failing to fall into line with the International Monetary Fund/Paris Club of creditor nations’ plan to renegotiate the landlocked Southern African nation’s debt. For their part, the Chinese have told the US to focus on their own debt issues.

The campaign to ‘blame China’ for the debt crisis reflects Washington’s broader demonization of China as well as worry about declining IMF/Paris Club influence. While the weakening of IMF/Paris Club power is welcome, there are legitimate concerns about the impact of a growing international debt crisis.

A recent Tricontinental article on Zambian debt highlighted the dearth of discussion about the country’s difficulty in generating the funds to pay its debt. Part of the reason is that the IMF, Ottawa and Canadian mining companies took advantage of a previous debt crisis in the copper-rich nation to strip Zambia of its lucrative assets.

The largest foreign investor in the country of 16 million, Vancouver based First Quantum Minerals (FQM) controls half of all the country’s copper. In total, Canadian mining assets in Zambia were worth $9.4 billion or equivalent to half its entire GDP.

FQM’s presence dates to the late 1990s privatization of Zambian Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM), which once produced 700,000 tonnes of copper per year. In a report on the sale, John Lungu and Alastair Fraser explain that “the division of ZCCM into several smaller companies and their sale to private investors between 1997 and 2000 marked the completion of one of the most comprehensive and rapid privatisation processes seen anywhere in the world.”

The highly indebted country was under immense pressure to sell its copper and public mining company. Zambia’s former finance minister Edith Nawakwi said, “we were told by advisers, who included the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank that…for the next 20 years, Zambian copper would not make a profit. [But, if we privatised] we would be able to access debt relief, and this was a huge carrot in front of us — like waving medicine in front of a dying woman. We had no option.”

Ottawa played a part in the privatization push. Canada was part of the World-Bank-led Consultative Group of donors that promoted the copper selloff. With the sale moving too slowly for the donors, a May 1998 Consultative Group meeting in Paris made $530 US million in balance of payments support dependent on privatizing the rest of ZCCM. (Canada had, in fact, been using its aid as leverage to promote neoliberal reforms in Zambia since the late 1980s. As part of a push for economic reform Ottawa secured an agreement that gave a former vice president of the Bank of Canada the role of governor of the Bank of Zambia, where he oversaw the country’s monetary policies and “responses to the “IMF.”)

The hasty sale of the public mining behemoth was highly unfavourable to Zambians. The price of copper was at a historic low and the individual leading the negotiations, Francis Kaunda, was later jailed for defrauding the public company. “ZCCM’s privatization was carried out with a complete lack of transparency, no debate in parliament, and with one-sided contracts which few of us have ever seen,” said James Lungu, a professor at Zambia’s Copperbelt University.

Taking advantage of the government’s weak bargaining position, First Quantum and other foreign companies picked up the valuable assets for rock bottom prices and left the government with ZCCM’s liabilities, including pensions. The foreign mining companies also negotiated ultralow royalty rates and the right to take the government to international arbitration if tax exemptions were withdrawn for 15 years or more. Many of the multinationals made their investment back in a year or two, and when the price of copper rose five fold in the mid-2000s, they made huge profits.

Having conceded tax exemptions and ultralow royalty rates, the government captured little from the surge in global copper prices. In 2006 Zambian royalties from copper represented about $24 million on $4 billion worth of copper extracted. The 0.6% royalty rate was thought to be the lowest in the world. The government take from taxing the mining companies wasn’t a whole lot better. Between 2000 and 2007 Zambia exported $12.24 billion US in copper but the government only collected $246 million in tax.

Zambia subsequently wrestled more from the companies, but it had to overcome stiff corporate resistance. FQM, Toronto’s Barrick Gold and a number of other foreign mining companies screamed murder, repeatedly threatening (and instigating) legal action as well as mass layoffs in the job-hungry country. The mining corporations’ strong-armed tactics have repeatedly succeeded in a country where ZCCM’s privatization gave them immense power over Zambian economic life. By shuttering their mines they could produce economic hardship for thousands and even influence the country’s exchange rate.

Many factors contributed to Zambia’s debt default. While it suits the American Empire’s geopolitical interests to blame China, Canadian companies’ looting of the country’s vast mineral wealth was an important factor in that country’s financial woes.

https://orinocotribune.com/canadian-loo ... bt-crisis/

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Moroccan agents assault former Sahrawi political prisoner Mahfouda Lefkir, besiege her house in occupied territory

A trade unionist and prominent human rights defender, Mahfouda has been unrelentingly participating in the struggle for Western Sahara’s liberation from Moroccan occupation despite torture, imprisonment, and threats of rape

June 13, 2023 by Pavan Kulkarni

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Mahfouda Bamba Lefkir has a long history of fighting the Moroccan state’s occupation of Sahrawi land.

The Moroccan authorities illegally occupying Western Sahara have besieged the home of 39-year-old Mahfouda Lefkir, a former political prisoner and prominent human rights defender, for over a month. Mahfouda has been tortured several times in the past and threatened with rape.

Mahfouda is the head of the Sahrawi Committee for the Defense of Workers Arbitrarily Expelled by the Moroccan State and a trade unionist. She has been on the frontlines of several struggles in the occupied territory, “organizing protests for Western Sahara’s independence and workshops with human rights organizations,” said Babouzeid Lebbihi, President of Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA).

Moroccan security agents stationed outside her house in the occupied territory’s capital El Aaiun since May 4 have physically assaulted Mahfouda, her husband, and her two brothers, who have been stopped from visiting her.

Her 14-year-old son and 20-year-old daughter are also in her besieged home and are allegedly being harassed. Her third child had to be aborted in early 2017 after the occupation police, who had detained her from a protest in El Aaiun, tortured her when she was pregnant.

Her sister-in-law and neighbor Salha Boutangiza, a correspondent at the Sahrawi National TV who had moved into Mahfouda’s home to document the attacks on her, is also held under the siege.

‘Anyone trying to enter her house is being attacked’
“Anyone trying to enter her house to meet them is being attacked,” Babouzeid told Peoples Dispatch. Coordinating with Mahfouda, a delegation of five people, including three CODESA members and two former political prisoners, Khyarhoum Alia and Kaouria Saadi, managed to sneak into her house on June 5, taking advantage of a momentary drop of guard by the security agents.

While leaving, members of this delegation were harassed and threatened with consequences by the security agents who had returned outside her house by then, added Babouzeid.

Mahfouda’s movement has also been restricted. On May 10, while on a visit to her husband’s family, the security agents “demanded that I leave the house immediately, threatening to break in. I left because I wanted to prevent them from entering and harming the elderly,” Mahfouda told El Independiente.

This was an apparent attempt by the Moroccan occupation to preempt the family celebration of the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Polisario Front (PF) on May 10, 1973. PF is recognized by the UN as the international representative of the people of Western Sahara. The UN also recognizes Western Sahara as one of the last few countries yet to be decolonized.

To mark the anniversary of the armed struggle launched by the PF for the liberation of this territory from its former colonizer Spain, Mahfouda along with other women activists held a demonstration in El Aaiun on May 20.

Waving the Sahrawi tricolor, they called for Western Sahara’s liberation from Morocco which sent troops in with the Spanish retreat in 1975 and has since occupied 80% of its territory. The women also flung fliers over the streets, demanding the release of all political prisoners.

Moroccan security agents and police sprung into action, with some assaulting the women, pulling their scarves off their heads and dragging them on the streets, while others chased the fliers in the wind to confiscate them all.

Protesta en El Aaiún ocupado conmemora el 50 aniversario de la lucha armada en el Sáhara Occidental. Mujeres saharauis exigen la liberación de presos políticos y demuestran valentía ante la represión. A pesar del asedio y la violencia, esas mujeres se unieron en la capital. pic.twitter.com/MDyzi0K24w

— Equipe Media (@Equipe_Media) May 19, 2023

Days later, after arresting her brother Omar Lefkir in the neighborhood on May 29, the Moroccan agents proceeded at 1 am on May 30 to remove one of the CCTV cameras Mahfouda had mounted on the wall of her house. On May 31, they also removed the other camera, before allegedly assaulting Mahfouda and her husband Lahbib Boutangiza in front of their home.

When her other brother, Sheikh Lefkir, tried to enter the house later after midnight, the security agents allegedly dragged him away, beat him up, and detained him in police custody where he was tortured for several hours before being released. Omar Lefkir was also released on June 1, but neither of them have been able to meet their besieged sister yet.

This is not the first time such a siege has been imposed on Mahfouda. She was put under a similar undeclared house arrest at her parents’ home when she had visited them before heading to her house after her release from prison in May 2020.

She had been imprisoned on charges of “obstructing justice” and “humiliation of a public official” after she was arrested on November 15, 2019 for protesting in the courtroom during the trial of her cousin Mansour Moussaoui and Mohammed Gargar.

The duo had been arrested for participating in a public celebration of the Algerian football team’s victory in the Africa Cup that year. Since Algeria is a key supporter of the cause of Western Sahara’s liberation, cheering its football team is perceived by the Moroccan occupation as an act of protest that is worthy of a trial.

Enduring over a decade of political persecution
Detained for protesting this trial, “I was thrown into a very small and foul-smelling cell with humidity, darkness and cold, without any blankets and with insects,” Mahfouda recalled in an interview with Equipe Media.

“Then I was taken to an interrogation room where they undressed me completely and left me naked twice [during questioning]… They interrogated me about my relationship with the Polisario Front, my political activities, my involvement in protest gatherings, demands appearing as graffiti.. on walls in occupied El Aaiun.”

The following day, on November 16, 2019, she was handed a six-month sentence. “They threw me into a 15 square-meter cell with seven criminals. It was a pestilential stinking cell due to a toilet inside, without any ventilation and no natural light,” she added. During her sentence, she was allegedly denied access to medicines for the hemorrhoids and asthma she was suffering from.

Allegedly, on the instruction of the prison authorities, the criminals she was held with continuously harassed her, including by contaminating her food with fingernails and rubbish even as her health condition was seriously deteriorating. Undeterred by her prison experience, she returned to political activities right after her release.

Her perseverance for over a decade, despite the violent crackdown by Moroccan authorities, has made her “a feminist struggle icon” rooted in the grassroots movements and looked up to by the young people under occupation as “a role model,” Babouzeid remarked.

“She was also a member of the Gdeim Izik,” he said, referring to the massive protest camp that was erected in October 2010 barely 12 kilometers from El Aaiun.

About 15,000 to 20,000 people had held out in over 6,500 tents pitched in the desert for a month, protesting peacefully against the economic woes and political disenfranchisement imposed on Western Sahara’s people by the Moroccan occupation.

A month later, in November, the protest site was violently attacked and uprooted by the Moroccan police who were reportedly supported by civilian Moroccan settlers brandishing machetes. According to the PF, over 700 Sahrawis were injured, 36 killed and 163 detained, most of whom were tortured in custody.

Gdeim Izik has been described as the “Third Sahrawi Intifada” and “the greatest unrest in the Occupied Territories since the 1991 ceasefire” between Morocco and the PF after the establishment of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). Noam Chomsky has argued that the “Arab Spring” had in fact started with this protest.

19 members of the Gdeim Izik group, including Mahfouda’s cousin Mohamed Lefkir, remain in prison. When their trial began in 2013, two years after their arrests, it was before a military court. UN Special Rapporteur Juan Mendez reported at the time that he had “received credible testimonies relating to torture and ill-treatment in the Prison of Laâyoune [El Aauin], including rape, severe beating and isolation up to several weeks, particularly of inmates accused of participating in pro-independence activities.”

Moroccan occupation threatens rape
In 2014, when Mahfouda took part in protests calling for the release of political prisoners and the inclusion of human rights monitoring in MINURSO’s mandate, she was physically assaulted several times. In January that year, the Moroccan security officials left her face with multiple injuries after an attack, and threatened her with rape if she took part in more protests.

A month later, in February, while out on a walk one evening with family, “four police cars stopped beside us and a number of officers got out. They began to attack me, in front of my husband and kids… My husband tried to rescue me, but they hit him too,” according to her testimony published in a report by the Norwegian Students’ and Academics’ International Assistance Fund (SAIH).

“They.. told me that they were going to rape me,” she added. “They then told us they would take my daughter and rape her too. She was 11 years old at the time.” When Mahfouda refused to yield to threats and continued protesting, she was subjected to multiple assaults in April, during which Moroccan policemen tried to strip her.

Rape is not an idle threat under Moroccan occupation. Sultana Khayya, a prominent human rights defender and Sahrawi activist, was gang-raped and tortured several times along with her sister after being put under house arrest in November 2020 soon after the war resumed as Morocco broke the ceasefire with PF.

“Mahfouda, like all Sahrawi women, has been subject to threats of rape several times,” Babouzeid said, adding that “almost every political prisoner from both sexes has been subjected to sexual violence in the prisons of Morocco. Sexual violence is a commonly used means of political repression by the Morrocan occupation.”

Also common is the practice of laying siege on family homes. A siege amounting to an undeclared house arrest has also been imposed on the family home of the director of Guerguerat Media Network, Sabi Yahdih, since his release from jail on May 28 after two years imprisonment for “filming without a license,” Babouzeid said.

“His mother, brother, and sister were beaten because they stepped out to the front of their house to receive him. Hundreds of Sahrawi activists have been prevented from visiting him after his release from prison.”

‘Morocco committing crimes against humanity’
Babouzeid argues that the widespread nature of the human rights violations by Morocco amounts to crimes against humanity. He insists that such crimes laid out in international law are applicable because the UN has recognized and reaffirmed time and again that Western Sahara is occupied by Morocco, whose claim to sovereignty over the territory has no legitimacy.

Western Sahara has been on the UN’s list of countries that are yet to be decolonized since 1963. The fact that Moroccan forces are at war with Western Sahara people’s UN-recognized international representative, the Polisario Front, warrants the application of the Geneva Conventions, Babouzeid reasoned.

The International Court of Justice, the Court of Justice of the European Union, the United Kingdom High Court of Justice, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights have all recognized that Morocco is illegally occupying Western Sahara.

Nevertheless, since the time former colonizer Spain ceded the country to Morocco at the persuasion of the US in 1976, the occupation has been consistently backed by the US, the UK, and the EU, which are extracting Western Sahara’s resources in cahoots with Morocco.


“Africa can… definitely turn the last page of the history of abhorrent colonialism, disgraceful occupation, and shameful plundering of its wealth” only with Western Sahara’s independence, Algeria’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf remarked in his Africa Liberation Day speech on May 25.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/13/ ... territory/

A deadly fight: Senegal’s political crisis escalates after repression of protesters

At least 16 people were killed after protests broke out in Senegal following the sentencing of leading opposition figure Ousmane Sonko to two years in prison. Mass public unrest has grown against President Macky Sall and the continued neo-colonial exploitation of the country by France

June 12, 2023 by Tanupriya Singh

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(Photo: @BangweuluTv/Twitter)

Between June 1 and 3, Senegal erupted in protest after a court in the capital Dakar sentenced leading opposition figure Ousmane Sonko to two years in prison.

The 48-year-old leader of the Patriots for Work, Ethics, and Fraternity (PASTEF) party stood accused of charges of rape and issuing deaths threats against a young woman employed at the ‘Sweet Beaute’ massage salon between 2020 and 2021. The court acquitted Sonko of the charges of rape, but convicted and sentenced him instead on the amended charge of ‘corrupting youth’, defined as immoral behavior towards someone under the age of 21.

The “Sweet Beaute case,” as it is known, is at the center of a major political crisis in Senegal—framed in terms of a contest between Sonko and a popularly-rejected, but as yet unconfirmed, bid by President Macky Sall to seek a third term in the 2024 presidential elections.

Sonko did not appear for the proceedings on June 1, having called upon his supporters to launch a campaign of ‘civil disobedience’ against the judiciary. He has been confined to his home in the district of Cité Keur Gorgui after being forcibly detained by police on May 27 while he was leading a ‘Freedom Caravan’ from the city of Zuguinchor, of which he is the mayor, to the capital.

As the verdict was announced, Sonko’s supporters took to the streets in Dakar. Unrest was also reported from Ziguinchor, Mbour, Kaolock, and Saint-Louis. Smoke and tear gas rose in the streets with the military and riot police deployed in the capital city.

By June 2, 16 people were killed, 350 injured and 500 arrested, according to figures released by the Interior Ministry. Other reports placed the death toll over 20. Visuals circulating on social media showed the security forces using people, including a child, as human shields, alongside reports of non-uniformed armed men in the streets in the presence of, and even alongside, the police.

Meanwhile, access to social media platforms such as Twitter and Telegram was restricted and mobile internet connections remained shut down till days later.

Sonko’s lawyer has indicated that the court’s ruling might not be subject to appeal, given that he was sentenced in absentia. While a warrant for his arrest has not been issued yet, the conviction as it stands points to Sonko’s definite disqualification from the 2024 elections.

He was already facing an imminent threat after he was handed a two-month suspended sentence in a libel case involving Tourism Minister Mame Mbaye Niang. The matter is currently pending before the Supreme Court.

Sonko and his supporters have maintained that the criminal trials against him are a political plot devised by Sall to oust him from next year’s ballot. The president has been repeatedly accused of instrumentalizing the justice system to eliminate political rivals—notably the imprisonment and subsequent banning of his two key contenders, Karim Wade and Khalifa Sall, from the 2019 elections.

This and the Sweet Beaute case combined, with indications of interference and manipulation in the course of the investigation, as well as allegations of abuse of power by the president with not only the arrests of members of PASTEF but also of political activists, civil society members and journalists in the preceding months, all worked to fuel mistrust in the judicial process.

A third term for Sall?
The repression of protests between June 1 and 3 was the second major incident of deadly violence since March 2021 when Sonko was arrested while on his way to court, sparking five days of unprecedented countrywide demonstrations in which 14 people were killed in a similarly brutal crackdown.

It was on June 7 that Sall finally addressed the violence of the preceding weekend, however, not in front of the Senegalese people, but only the Council of Ministers. On May 31, the president launched a “national dialogue,” which was boycotted by sections of the opposition including PASTEF.

When asked again if he was considering a third term, Sall reportedly said that the issue could be a part of the dialogue, adding that the outcome of the conclusions of the dialogue should be expected by June 25, following which he would “address the Nation.”

The president’s refusal to confirm his potential third bid has continued to fuel speculations and public frustration. The question hinges on a constitutional reform approved in 2016 which shortened the presidential term from seven to five years, and put in place a two-term limit on the presidency.

Speaking to French magazine L’Express in March, Sall stated that prior to the referendum, he had consulted the Constitutional Council, which said that his first term would be beyond the scope of the reform, and would be disregarded. “The legal question is therefore settled. Now should I run for a third term or not? That is a political debate.”

According to news reports, a new proposal has been added to the ongoing debate on this matter: Sall would be willing to give up a third term on the condition that his present term be extended till 2026 to “restore order in the country.”

Any such maneuvering, coupled with Sonko’s looming imprisonment, is likely to spark further protests in Senegal, where just over a decade ago, mass mobilizations in the form of the Y’en a Marre or ‘Enough is Enough’ movement broke out against an attempt by former president Abdoulaye Wade to seek a third term. The ensuing elections brought Macky Sall to power.

France Dégage, Macky Dégage
In a context where successive governments have been mired in corruption and nepotism, Sonko has firmly positioned himself outside this “system,” outlining a different vision for the masses in Senegal.

A former chief tax inspector, Sonko rose to prominence for speaking up about government corruption and irregularities in public sector contracts, which ultimately led to his dismissal. Having founded PASTEF in 2014, Sonko entered parliament in 2017, and subsequently contested the 2019 presidential race, coming in third with 16% of the vote.

While Senegal has recorded high levels of economic growth under Sall, this has not translated into an improvement in the living conditions of the people. Nearly 40% of the people live in poverty while facing unemployment and rising costs of living.

Sonko has spoken directly to these issues of poverty and hunger, tying the wealth of politicians to the embezzlement of public funds, and of the enrichment of foreign capital at the cost of the national economy.

While Sall has had close ties with France, Sonko has taken aim at the the CFA Franc — the central tool through which Paris continues to maintain control over its former colonies and undermines a sovereign monetary and developmental agenda. He has called for an exit from the neo-colonial currency system.

This has reflected mass sentiment in Senegal, where protests have not only expressed anger at the ruling political class, but have also explicitly rejected the neo-colonial extraction as it is experienced in everyday life— be it buying groceries from a French supermarket at the expense of local producers, or paying toll fees to a French company.

So, while protestors have burned the French flag, they have also attacked and looted several French-owned businesses, particularly the Auchan supermarkets, gas stations operated by Total, and facilities of telecommunications operator Orange (which also owns a 42.3% controlling stake in Senegal’s telecommunication company, Sonatel).

Similar attacks were reported during June 1 and 3, with Auchan suspending its operations in Mbour.

“There are two political projects fighting against each other, you have the older, neo-colonial political project that is epitomized by Macky Sall and then an aspired liberation project epitomized by Ousmane Sonko,” Senegalese economist and writer, Ndongo Samba Sylla, told Peoples Dispatch.

“People want change, but change has been difficult in Francophone Africa because the legacy of French colonialism has been one where all progressive leaders, be they nationalist, communist, or revolutionary, did not stay in power for long because every time, France, through its local allies, managed to remove them,” he added. History is rife with examples— the coup against Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso in 1987, Sylvanus Olympio in Togo in 1963, and Modibo Keita in Mali in 1968.

A splintering opposition, a presidentialist system, and the popular will
“In Senegal, no political party can conquer power by itself. So the dominant political party in the opposition has to be in alliance with other members of the opposition…the names they give themselves do not matter because they do not apply, most politicians just run for power, they never discuss ideas and their main goal is to conquer power for the sake of power,” Sylla said.

In the 2019 elections, the Yewwi Askan Wi (Liberate the People) coalition led by Sonko formed an alliance with the Wallu Senegal (Save Senegal) coalition led by former president Abdoulaye Wade. The move led to Sall’s party losing its majority in parliament, a first in Senegalese history. Municipal polls held in January that year also saw the opposition make significant advances, with Sonko assuming mayorship of Zuguinchor.

However, this alliance soon began to fracture — first with Abdoulaye Wade and then with Khalifa Sall, Sylla explained, with both leaders agreeing to take part in Sall’s “national dialogue”. This is as much a result of a lack of ideological and political unity in the opposition as it is the very nature of the Senegalese state, where power is concentrated in the presidency.

Not only is Senegal under a presidentialist system, but the current administration has also run the country through “an entanglement of business, family relations, personal privilege, and nepotism,” said Dr. Rama Salla Dieng, a lecturer in African Studies and International Development at the University of Edinburgh.

“The use of political violence to eliminate opponents has been a constant element…When we describe what democracy is we speak of rule of law and the separation of power, this is not something we have in Senegal. The president has a say in who gets elected to the judiciary…the parliament,” she added.

Moreover, violence has served as just one of the means through which the ruling administration has “kept the popular will in check,” the other being the exclusion of young people from the formal electoral process.

According to Sylla, more than 56% of potential voters, that is people between the ages of 18 to 30 years, are not registered to vote. “In April and May of 2022, it was announced that the electoral list would be revised, so people had about three weeks to register. But this period was not sufficient because the offices in charge of voter registration could only process about 300 requests per day, at best.”

“So by the end the voting status, including new registrations, of only about 300,000 people had changed, out of a potential 2.5 million voters.” he said, based on his calculations.

For Sylla, this speaks to a broader crisis of the system of liberal democracy, “which is not made to promote goals that are legitimate and for the people.”

“We do not have leaders who could transform our countries, and those who offer hope face many hurdles… but these hurdles are superficial. For now, the faces that you see are the tip of the iceberg, because those who control the Senegalese economy are not visible.”

“The current conception of democracy that we have is a democracy based on economic violence [emphasis added]. As long as we have the rituals of organizing elections every five years, free press, it is all said to be fine. This ‘fine’ is while people are suffering, they have no jobs, they live in income insecurity… and they [those in power] pretend this is democracy.”

The ‘Senegalese exception’ and a crisis of imagination
Much of the international reporting on the current situation in Senegal laments its loss of stature as a “beacon of stability and democracy” in West Africa. This ‘Senegalese exception’ is invoked in reference to the peaceful transitions of formal political power through the ballot box, in a region which had otherwise seen a wave of coups in the post-independence period.

“This led French political scientists to theorize the ‘Senegalese exception,’” Dr. Rama Salla Dieng told Peoples Dispatch.

In reality, “this [exception] was based on a fragile consensus between the state and the religious leaders (or the Marabouts) —even now, Macky Sall has not spoken to his counterparts or the people that elected him, but he went to the city of Touba to visit these leaders…But this ‘exception’ was also the result of a consensus with economic partners and the civil society.”

The concept of the “Senegalese exception” also does not adequately account for the fact that moments of political transitions have been preceded by popular unrest— by the Senegalese people taking to the streets to have their demands heard. “On what basis do we talk about Senegalese exception?” Dieng asked.

The juncture at which the country stands now is a highly polarized one, with a politicized case whose implications were pre-determined. “It is a deadly fight…and this battle is being fought on the bodies of women and the youth,” Dieng said. “What has become of the investigations into the deaths of the 14 young men who were killed in 2021? Nothing.”

Meanwhile, It was only in 2020 that rape was criminalized in Senegal, a product of feminist struggles dating back to the 1970s. “What we have seen in the past two years is a systematic requalification of any case of rape involving a high profile politician.” Dieng said, pointing to the acquittal of Sall’s ally, and former mayor of Fatick, Sitor Ndour, in the rape of a young domestic worker.

Senegalese feminists have also spoken out strongly in the current context. “There is going to be backlash,” Dieng warned, not just in terms of feminist organizing and issues of sexual violence, but also a shrinking of public spaces for citizens to gather and demonstrate.

“What we are seeing right now is a regime that knows it will not survive and is trying to take anyone else that it can take down with them. So shameful of Macky Sall when we know how to come to power, he risks going down for the very reason that he fought for when he was elected.”

For Dieng, the current situation is also a result of the “abolition of political imagination,” which has resulted in a deeply divided and limited political discourse.

“For me it is very symbolic—the first time the protests happened in 2021 the protesters attacked Auchan and other French-owned stores…these representations of capitalist interests and of neocolonialism. This time, the first place that was attacked was the university in Dakar, which has always been a place of tension and protest but people never targeted it, to burn it or demolish it.”

For Dieng, this conveys the deprivation and disillusionment faced by young people in Senegal, where a popular culture of “hustling” has emerged as a way to lift oneself out of poverty in the absence of access to economic opportunities, leading to a lack of trust in the route of formal education as a path to upward mobility.

So, what does it take to move forward? “It depends on Macky Sall to go out and apologize to the Senegalese people and declare that he will not run for a third term…Beyond that, it takes the capacity to dream again…to win together again…to heal and to reimagine democracy and what it means for us.”

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/12/ ... al-crisis/

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The Illegal Detention of Hannibal Gaddafi in Lebanon
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JUNE 13, 2023
Marinella Correggia

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Hannibal Gaddafi, one of the surviving sons of the Libyan leader killed as a result of the Nato war in 2011, began a hunger strike days ago in the Lebanese prison where he has been held since 2015, without trial or charges. His medical condition is precarious, his lawyer Paul Romanos told the Associated Press, also pointing out that his client is physically exhausted by the conditions of imprisonment in a small cell.

Hannibal, who has never been involved in politics, had been granted asylum in Syria after the Nato war). But on 11 December 2015 he was taken by deception and brought to Lebanon, to Bekaa, by Ali Yacoub with his armed group. After a few weeks, the Lebanese police announced that they had found the detainee in Baalbek but instead of releasing him and arresting the jailers, they let the latter go and imprisoned him in Beirut. Since then Hannibal Gaddafi has been living in an underground cell, without even being able to see his children. He has had no trial.

But what is Hannibal Gaddafi ultimately accused of?

Personally, nothing. But to his family of origin, the Amal movement attributes the disappearance of the Shiite imam Moussa Sadr, founder of the movement, in Libya in 1978. His family believes that he is still in a prison in Libya; he would be 94. Many of Sadr’s followers are convinced that Muammar Gaddafi ordered the imam killed following a dispute over payments from Libya to Lebanese militias.

But Libya has always said that Sadr and his two companions had left Tripoli on a flight to Rome and advanced the hypothesis of a settling of scores within the Shia world.

In any case, Hannibal was three years old at the time of the events. He is unable to reveal anything and is not responsible for anything. Moreover, even under Lebanese law, a person cannot be forced to testify against his family members.

At the head of the Amal movement is the powerful speaker of the Lebanese parliament, Nabil Berri, whose influence in the chaos of Lebanese politics explains the stalemate.

The hunger strike seems to have stirred things up a bit, at least at the Middle East level. The Lebanese lawyer Ziad Obeish, in a tweet reported on the website of the International Union of Arab Media Professionals, thanks “courageous MPs who recalled the political detainee Hannibal Gaddafi” and calls for the issue to be raised in all fora, also recalling the rapid deterioration of his health and the illegality of detention without trial.


Earlier, in 2019, Libya’s House of Representatives (Tobruk), with its chairman Aguila Saleh Issa, had written to the Lebanese authorities declaring concern for his health and reporting that Gaddafi’s son “has never held any position in the security field” and “at the time of Musa Al-Sadr’s disappearance he was not yet two years old”. Russia had also moved in this direction.

And for its part, the presidency of the Government of National Accord (Tripoli), certainly not suspected of sympathising with the Gaddafi family, indeed an emanation of the militias that fought alongside NATO in 2011, had on 5 September 2019 likewise approached the Lebanese Minister of Justice, Alert Aziz Sahran, to ask ‘to speed up his release’, reiterating that he was indeed a small child in 1978; and that before 2011 he had never held intelligence or security roles.

Of Muammar Gaddafi’s sons, two died in the war, only one remains in Libya: Seif, a boycotted candidate in the upcoming elections. Part of the family is in Algeria.

Libyan activists are now appealing to the international community for help and hope that international human rights bodies and the UN itself will comment on this arbitrary detention.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/06/ ... n-lebanon/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Fri Jun 16, 2023 2:48 pm

The UN Condemns the Assassination of West Darfur Governor

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Tribal violence in West Dafur, Sudan, June 16, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/ @feedmileapp

Published 16 June 2023

The governor was killed shortly after criticizing the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces for ethnic attacks.


On Friday, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, expressed his dismay over the assassination of the governor of West Darfur, Jamis Abdala Abkar, and stated that his security was the responsibility of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), who had him in custody.

The assassination occurred on Wednesday just hours after he was detained by the paramilitary forces in El Geneina, the state capital, where the conflict is taking on "ethnic dimensions," with attacks by Arab militias against the Masalit community, which is also predominantly Muslim but adheres to pre-Islamic traditions.

Türk emphasized that the governor, who belonged to the Masalit tribe, was detained and killed shortly after criticizing the RSF for such ethnic attacks in a televised interview.

"All those responsible for this assassination must be held accountable, including those in positions of command," emphasized the Austrian High Commissioner, reiterating that "Abkar was in the custody of the RSF, and it was their responsibility to ensure his security."


The crime occurred just days after another prominent Masalit tribal leader in El Geneina, Tariq Abdelrahman Bahreldin, was also assassinated.

Türk also expressed concern about the rise of hate speech in West Darfur, such as through videos in which Arab militiamen boast about killing their rivals, which, in his opinion, could further escalate tensions in the area.

The state capital has been under attack by the RSF since April 24, particularly in areas inhabited by the Masalit people, who are practically besieged and have difficulties accessing humanitarian aid. Communications have been disrupted throughout Darfur since May 19.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/The ... -0007.html

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Algeria’s Multi-Dimensional War: Mossad, DGSE and DGED Are Operational
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JUNE 15, 2023
Mohsen Abdelmoumen

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The Tuareg are more attached than ever to their country, Algeria. D. R.

The empire and the occult Zionist forces want to break up Algeria, and the outcome of the Russian special operation in Ukraine will be decisive for the execution of their Machiavellian plan, because if they succeed in defeating Russia, our country will be next on the list of countries to be slaughtered.


After the famous Tel Aviv meeting which brought together the Israeli, Moroccan and French secret services to draw up a plan to harm Algeria, the level of danger has increased as our enemies have moved on to the operational stage. The offensive takes the form of a multi-faceted destabilization campaign concocted by Team Jorge, an Israeli organization specialized in information manipulation. The Zionist entity and its empire are using the degenerate kingdom of Morocco as a stooge to destabilize Algeria from the south. To this end, the Makhzen’s rags relay false information created by Team Jorge, one of which refers to a “Touareg uprising” (sic). How clever! It wasn’t enough for them to bank on the separatist MAK in the north, nor on the emergence of a separatist movement in the Aures in the east, they’re now banking on the south by evoking a fictitious Tuareg uprising, which has always made every gangster state on earth salivate with envy.

Algeria is facing a multi-dimensional war, illustrated by everything from the dismantling by our police of a cyber-pedophilia network operating from Morocco, to the arrest in Bechar of nine individuals forming a criminal network that had smuggled in over 2.5 quintals of drugs from Morocco, which is waging a veritable narco-war against our country. Every day brings a new batch of dismantlings and arrests of individuals belonging to mafia networks, some of whom are immediately linked to Morocco. And that’s just the beginning, because as part of this destabilization campaign, we can expect a multitude of actions, such as forest fires and acts of sabotage against infrastructures.

This kind of extremely serious explosive situation can only generate the worst, and it is essential that Algerian citizens prepare for it and become more involved in supporting our security services, as the burden of this threat unfortunately rests entirely on the backs of our army and security services. We also urgently need to deport all Moroccan nationals illegally present on our soil, as we are well aware that each and every one of them represents a potential nuisance that can be exploited by the Makhzen and Mossad.

Algeria has unfortunately inherited the deleterious legacy of Bouteflika’s calamitous era. It suffers from the absence of a real media shield that would alert the Algerian people to the assaults of the empire and the Zionists by doing a real job of informing them. However, this is not the case, as the Algerian press, fuelled by advertising money, is snoozing and doesn’t seem to be interested in defending the country that feeds it. Algeria also suffers from the indifference of associations and political parties, veritable empty shells, which have given up being responsible and aware of the importance of what is at stake, and which rather than having at heart to play a significant role in mobilizing our people against all the attempts at destabilization that target our homeland, are content to be completely apathetic. And, finally, Algeria is weakened by a 5th column made up of various occult forces, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, true to form, who preach a rapprochement with Morocco and its Zionist masters, or what’s left of the oligarchs who have secretly positioned themselves in a tactical alliance with the Rachad and MAK terrorist organizations, financed by the Moroccan Makhzen, protected by the West and obeying the Zionist agenda. The ultimate aim of all these dark forces is to dismantle the Algerian national state that the brave martyrs of November shed their blood to create.

The masks have definitely come off, as the empire and the Zionists are unleashing their fury against Algeria, charging the rags of the Moroccan Makhzen with fulfilling the role assigned to them: to spearhead all attacks aimed at dismantling our national state. For several months now, they have been laying claim to part of our territory, and openly raising the possibility of a war between Algeria and Morocco through a new Sand War. As we have already said, the rotten feudal kingdom of Morocco is the Ukraine of North Africa and will serve in a proxy war against our country. The launch of the 19th edition of the joint military maneuvers dubbed “Lion of Africa”, involving Morocco, the USA and now the Israeli army on our western borders, is a perfect example of the plan being put in place. These manoeuvres coincide strangely with the extravagant affair of the pseudo-Tuareg uprising in the South, fabricated in Zionist laboratories.

In this preparatory phase aimed at destabilizing our country and splintering it, nothing must be left to chance, and all information must be dissected and scrutinized. The recent outing by the former French ambassador to Algeria, Xavier Driencourt, is part of this approach, as this French diplomat is linked to circles hostile to Algeria and never moves without an order from his Zionist masters. No need, therefore, for a team of typists and magnetic powder to discern the fingerprints of the Zionist lobby in the concerted attack on the 1968 Algerian-French agreement. So why has this sudden fever spread in French right-wing circles at this time, if not because it’s part of the same strategy to bring down Algeria?

There’s also a stir in all anti-Algerian circles, which are waging a relentless campaign against our national state and its backbone, the army. And, in this context, petitions are being signed in the salons of the empire in support of certain elements of the 5th Column who have been arrested and put on trial. One of these petitions caught my attention because it was signed by a man I know and have interviewed twice, along with his friend, the late Edward S. Hermann. This is Noam Chomsky, who, after defending the terrorist Mourad Dhina, went on to defend a very active member of the 5th column, namely Ihsane El-Kadi, who, let’s not forget, is not a political prisoner. He is neither Mumia Abu Jamal, nor Julian Assange, nor George Ibrahim Abdallah, nor Leonard Peltier, nor any of the political prisoners locked up and tortured in the jails of the Zionist empire and entity or their Moroccan stooge. He is a traitor and a swindler, and has been tried as such.

At the time the petition in Dhina’s favor was circulating, I informed Noam Chomsky that he had defended a criminal known as “the FIDA butcher” by sending him an article I had devoted to the Rachad terrorist organization. He thanked me for it, saying he didn’t know. I keep our exchange in my archives as proof. But here he is again with Ihsane El-Kadi! I invite Mr. Chomsky to refrain in future from meddling in Algeria’s internal affairs, and to concentrate instead on denouncing the fascism that gangrenes the United States and its European slaves, whose repression of all voices that speak out against the oligarchic minority that rules the West is merciless. Ihsane El-Kadi is a former Trotskyite turned neoliberal like most of his peers, and his trash media was certainly not financed by the Quai d’Orsay for the good of Algeria!

Last time I checked, the French DGSE hadn’t converted to patronage, and when Ihsane El-Kadi and his oligarch associates entered the French embassy in Algiers through a back door in the evening, it wasn’t to enjoy petits fours. It’s about time that the Atlanticist liberal left showed some concern for the welfare of Western citizens living in misery and precariousness, and stopped pestering Third World countries with such empty concepts as “democracy”, “human rights” and other nonsense that merely serve as an alibi for Western interference in and destruction of third countries. Mr. Chomsky, take care of your compatriots sleeping on the sidewalks of your megacities instead of taking an interest in Algeria, about which you know absolutely nothing.

Our role as patriots is more crucial than ever in raising awareness and sensitizing our people to the dangers threatening our country. We have to fight to safeguard our homeland, and we won’t hesitate for a moment to offer our lives for our great and beautiful Algeria, the land blessed by the Brave. For the hour is grave.

The empire and the occult Zionist forces want to break up Algeria, and the outcome of the Russian special operation in Ukraine will be decisive for the execution of their Machiavellian plan, because if they succeed in defeating Russia, our country will be next on the list of countries to be slaughtered. The stakes for the dying empire are colossal, as getting their hands on the riches of Algeria and Russia would give them a second life. Of course, there’s no end in sight, and that’s why our enemies are so relentless. Our much-needed riches make their mouths water, and let’s be aware that the Zionists and their Moroccan vassal will never stop ogling our territory in the hope of breaking our army. This false news about a Tuareg uprising in southern Algeria is part of the fourth-generation wars mentioned by the ANP’s Chief of Staff, General Saïd Chengriha, who has already sounded the alarm on this subject.

Our mission to consolidate our sovereignty and protect the legacy of our brave martyrs is therefore more vital than ever. This concerns every Algerian patriot.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/06/ ... erational/

[The Ethiopia in Question
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JUNE 15, 2023
Beneal Walker

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Abiy Ahmed’s accidental rise to power and reign demonstrates the typical politician capitalizing on opportunity in the midst of chaos, the difference in this instance is that Ahmed’s actions and inactions have evolved Ethiopia’s once political crisis into straight oblivion.

Ethiopia has been devolving, socially and politically. Disregard any economic report that highlights Ethiopia as one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, it’s irrelevant. An economy can only be as robust as its political institutions, an economy can only truly grow long-term, and long-term economic growth should be the primary objective, with the trust of its people in its future, firstly, and amongst other things.

What comes next after a two-year armed conflict that resulted in more than one million casualties in Northern Ethiopia and cost an estimated $28 billion, what comes after the country’s growing inflation and stubbornly high unemployment rate amongst young people persists, what comes next as we continue to witness this administration’s incompetence while it brings Ethiopia and Ethiopians to its knees, what comes next as ethnic politics attempted to enter the religious sphere and was supported by Ethiopia’s so-called leader. What should come next is simple, the dissolution of Ethiopia’s experiment with ethnic federalism.

If we apply the same principles utilized in Ethiopia’s constitution to the United States, we would have five states instead of fifty, each five states representing one of the five largest ethnic demographics within the United States ( White Americans, African Americans, Hispanic/Latino Americans, Asian Americans, and Native Americans). To put it into further perspective, everyone in the South would have to be of African descent, everyone in the Northeast would be of White American descent, everyone in the Central part would be of Native American descent, and the entirety of the West Coast would be comprised of Asian and Hispanic/Latino descent, hypothetically. It does not take one to be a political scientist to easily see the dilemma in such practice. How could this hypothetical social structure of the United States function efficiently? It can’t. Each state is restricted in not just social mobility and economic mobility but social cooperation and the freedom to willfully travel, again, amongst other things; thus completely capping economic growth, hindering social progress, and encourages ethnic tension as reflected in the growing number of extremism in Ethiopia’s regional ethnic-states throughout the years. It secludes everyone.

Ethiopia is currently at a crossroads, in one direction lies the path in which a former European country once took, Yugoslavia, which resulted in the complete break up of the multi-ethnic state into seven independent countries. The other path is the route of much needed reformation and the ultimate dissolution of ethnic-federalism, the Rwandan Crisis of 1994 hints to Ethiopia what it should and should not do if there is anything that we can learn from history. The path Ethiopia decides to embark on will be decided by its people, not Abiy Ahmed.

The Ethiopia in question is only questionable because she has lost her identity. Begging the question, what does Ethiopia mean, and what really has been lost? The first piece that comes to mind is the profound revolutionary article by Ethiopian Activist and Marxist Wallelign Mekonnen “On The Question of Nationalities in Ethiopia” which served and continues to serve as basis for the installment and continuation of ethnic-federalism within Ethiopia. Mekonnen highlights what Ethiopia is, a home to a diverse set of various peoples, cultures, traditions, linguistic feats, and religious followers. This is Ethiopia, this is what makes Ethiopia unique and a symbol for Africa. Although greatly inspired by his work, I must note that I do not believe nor support Mekonnen’s emphasis on ethnic-federalism, I do recognize and acknowledge the necessity to inquire about such transformative change and its root cause but there is a better way.

This root cause, emphasized by Mekonnen and many, including myself, is a disconnect between Ethiopian society in what being Ethiopian means, not everyone is equally represented or even accepted in Ethiopian society and politics. This can be best illustrated through my experience in asking various Ethiopians of varying ages and backgrounds on what comes to mind when you describe an Ethiopian, followed by the off-guard question of whether they believe Gambellans are Ethiopian. Most recognize my intent after answering this set of questions, that there are groups of people within Ethiopia that have little to no representation nor political authority in addition to not being socially and culturally intertwined with each other, I suggest that they should. Nonetheless, Abiy Ahmed’s administration has failed in correcting such issues rather he has intensified it.

Gambellans are Ethiopians but do Gambellans feel that they are Ethiopian is another question that is overlooked and serves as the root to why ethnic-federalism was brought to Ethiopia and why it still lingers. The implementation of solving this dynamic has failed and thus why we must look to another solution.

Equal representation NOT based on the matter of ethnicity but rather on the matter of humanity is the solution to Ethiopia’s ethnic problem, dissolving ethnic-federalism.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/06/ ... -question/

The June Days: Senegal’s Struggle for Justice
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JUNE 14, 2023
ROAPE

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Since the start of the month, Senegal has seen major demonstrations, rioting, and violence. In an interview with ROAPE’s Leo Zeilig, Ndongo Sylla explains what is happening. Supporters of opposition leader, Ousmane Sonko, are furious at the regime’s attempt to frustrate next year’s elections by framing Sonko on false charges. Sylla examines the social and political forces that are engulfing the country and threatening to overturn the political class and the neo-colonial settlement.

Leo Zeilig: Senegal was rocked by protests last week after opposition figure Ousmane Sonko was sentenced to two years in prison on 1 June – yet he was not found guilty of rape. Can you briefly explain the background to the charges and what happened?

Ndongo Sylla: In February 2021, Ousmane Sonko, Senegal’s leading political opposition figure, was accused of repeated rape and death threats by Adji Raby Sarr, a young employee of a massage salon he was visiting during the curfew period at the height of the covid-19 pandemic. His arrest in March 2021 led to violent demonstrations across most of the country for five days. 14 deaths were recorded. Calm was only restored when Macky Sall decided to release Sonko. Sonko and his lawyers claim that he is the victim of a state plot. What evidence did they put forward in favour of their hypothesis? The woman who owns the massage salon, despite the intimidation she had suffered, denied the plaintiff’s accusations. To put pressure on her, during her interrogation, she was separated for several hours from her premature baby whose life was put at risk. According to her lawyer, she was offered money to change her testimony. A woman who also worked for the massage salon contradicted the plaintiff’s claim and revealed that the latter asked her to be left alone in the room with Sonko. The gynecologist who examined the plaintiff maintained that he had no material evidence to prove a possible rape. He was subsequently intimidated. The gendarmerie officer in charge of investigating the complaint found the plaintiff’s statements contradictory and suspected a political plot. He also claimed that his investigation report had been falsified with the aim of charging Sonko. He was eventually fired from the gendarmerie. The “unfalsified” investigation report that discharged Ousmane Sonko ended up with a famous Senegalese journalist, who commented on it extensively in a video that went viral. For this, he was jailed for several months.

The plaintiff herself confided about the alleged rape intrigue to her marabout (religious guide), who recorded their telephone conversations without her knowledge. These recordings were widely circulated on social media. The plaintiff admitted to having contacts with important figures in the regime who want to see Sonko fall. Before the judge, the plaintiff confirmed that it was indeed her voice that could be heard on the phone recordings but specified that she was deliberately lying in order to cheat her marabout. She said she had also lied about her initial statement that she was “pregnant”.

Between March 2021 and June 2023, the plaintiff and her lawyers claimed to have compromising videos. Before the judge, they produced no tangible evidence to support their accusation. According to Sonko’s lawyers, given the absence of any material evidence, the case should have been dismissed from the outset. They saw the decision to hold a trial based solely on the plaintiff’s statements and alleged traces of sperm (unidentifiable) as part of an attempt to liquidate a political opponent.

Sensing that the rape charge was difficult to establish, the prosecutor, in his closing argument, asked the judge to re-characterise it as “corruption of youth”. Sonko, having chosen not to attend the trial, was tried in absentia. As a result, his lawyers were not allowed to speak in court. The final verdict acquitted Sonko of the charges of rape and death threats, but sentenced him to two years’ imprisonment for “corruption of youth”, a charge that had not previously been brought, and which came as a surprise to everyone, including Sonko’s lawyers. This conviction comes on top of another recent one for “defamation”, which apparently renders Sonko ineligible to run in the forthcoming elections.

When the verdict was announced on 1 June, unprecedented violent demonstrations engulfed the country. Roads were blocked everywhere. Bank branches, supermarkets, petrol stations and public infrastructures were ransacked and looted. The homes and cars of certain politicians from the ruling coalition were torched, as were courthouses and public buses. The same applies to the premises and archives of the Faculty of Letters and Humanities at Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar. Even if a complete assessment is not yet available, the economic losses are undoubtedly colossal.

Well-equipped but small in number the Forces of Defence and Security (FDS – police and gendarmerie) were subjected to the fury of demonstrators. Some members of the FDS were killed by the demonstrators or unwittingly by their own colleagues. Demonstrators sometimes managed to seize police vehicles and set them alight. Overwhelmed, the police sometimes used young people as human shields, as attested by a viral video investigated by the Al Jazeera TV channel. UNICEF has publicly called for an investigation into the matter. The FDS also attacked the demonstrators and fired live ammunition at them, resulting in a number of deaths. Despite the claims of the Senegalese authorities, it has been established that the FDS cooperated with armed henchmen who were recruited to suppress the demonstrators. The army came in to reinforce the FDS, notably to protect a few strategic locations, but without taking part in the repression. It received a triumphant welcome from demonstrators in some Dakar neighbourhoods, as online videos show.

Can you talk us through the protests? Tragically at least 15 people were killed by the security services. Where have the protests been? What cities? Who has been in the streets, and are workers mobilising, and what has been the position of trade unions, and civil society?

Demonstrations took place in most of Senegal’s 14 regions. Dakar and Ziguinchor (stronghold of Sonko, who is mayor of the region) were the epicenters of the protests. The 23 deaths – not 14 as you report – including three children, recorded between June 1 and 2 by Amnesty International came from these two regions. The Red Cross assisted around 360 people wounded in these two regions. As in March 2021, young people mobilised in early June this year.

In my opinion, the most symbolic image of this popular uprising is that of an ordinary woman, dressed in a loincloth, dragging, with difficulty, a tire to be burned.

The trade unions were not involved in the protests. Neither did the “official” civil society organisations – those in dialogue with the government and donor agencies, which opts for other modes of action. Sonko’s party, the PASTEF, and his coalition (Yewwi Askan Wi) have called on the demonstrators to continue their “resistance”, arguing that this is a right recognised by the Senegalese Constitution. The same goes for the Y’en a Marre movement, which is now calling for Macky Sall’s resignation, and FRAPP (Front pour une Révolution Anti-impérialiste Populaire et Panafricain), a movement that has seen some of its members unjustly imprisoned.

Demonstrations in support of Sonko have also been organised by the Senegalese diaspora in several cities: Washington, Paris, Milan, etc. Following some attacks, the Senegalese Ministry of Foreign Affairs has temporarily shut consulates abroad. Social media have been an important place for information sharing (images, news and also how to circumvent state imposed restrictions on social media) and (emotional) mobilisation through the hashtag #FreeSenegal. It’s worth noting the recent emergence of diaspora-based cyberactivists who provide their numerous followers with information of varying quality on the situation in Senegal, while urging them to take to the streets to “get rid of” Macky Sall, or to orchestrate acts of sabotage against the property of those close to him or his supporters (e.g. burning down their homes). It should also be noted that, prior to the June events, hacker group Anonymous took down Senegalese government websites in “retaliation” for restrictions on liberties.

Who is responsible for the violence?

In the face of numerous destructions and the unfortunate death toll, Senegalese intellectuals who have dared to point the finger of blame at the government have been subjected to violent ad hominem attacks by its hired pens. But are these intellectuals wrong? I don’t think so. By calling for “resistance” and the law of retaliation, Sonko and his supporters have undoubtedly contributed to making things worse. But the worm was already in the fruit. Senegal would never have ended up in this situation if the current regime had behaved in a constitutional manner, was mindful of the law and had not developed the habit of using the justice system against its opponents.

The unprecedented outpouring of violence from ‘both camps’ could have been prevented if Macky Sall managed in a fair manner, as he promised [see from 1h42], to “reduce the opposition to its simplest expression”. Instead, his regime started relentlessly hunting down Sonko’s party members as well as journalists and activists who dared to criticise his policies and rule. Before the events of June, over 400 people had been put in prison, a number that must have risen since then. Most of us know young people who, although not among the protesters, are languishing in prison because they were in the wrong place at the wrong time.

The leader of Y’en a Marre, Aliou Sané, was arrested and put in prison for a few days by the prosecutor’s office on the grounds that he was taking part in the demonstrations. Having been lucky enough to be assisted by a lawyer and to appear before a judge, he was able to produce a video clearing him of the charges against him. But how many young people, unknown to the public and often detained in horrific conditions, are so lucky?

Against this backdrop of unprecedented government repression, freedom of expression has also been drastically curtailed. Reporters without borders released a report in early May showing a 31-place fall for Senegal between 2022 and 2023. A trend that has continued recently with the cutting off of mobile internet for several days, the suspension of the signal of the Walf TV, reputed to be “the voice of the voiceless”, and even of one of its electronic accounts where it is supposed to receive solidarity donations from ordinary Senegalese.

In French-speaking Africa, in the post-single-party context, the tendency of the regimes in power – faithful allies of Paris – is to use state power to choose their own opponents in elections. In the 2019 presidential election won by Macky Sall in the first round, his two main rivals – former Dakar mayor Khalifa Sall and President Wade’s son Karim – were eliminatedfrom the race following prison sentences handed down against them. To “rationalise” the number of presidential candidates, the regime introduced “citizen sponsorship”, which ECOWAS Justice Court considered afterwards as a violation of “the right of free participation in elections” that should end. That is still not the case. Moreover, Macky Sall has in the past years repeatedly stated that he is not entitled to a third term in office. This was confirmed in emphatic terms by his current Minister of Justice, a professor of constitutional law. But in an interview with a French magazine, Macky Sall now maintains that he has the right to do so, and that he reserves the right to decide whether or not to run for another term.

In 2020, in Côte d’Ivoire, Alassane Ouattara forced a third term, obtained an international arrest warrant for his main political opponent in exile and also introduced “citizen sponsorship” as an electoral guillotine. The same methods are still at work today. His rival Laurent Gbagbo is ineligible, having been struck off the electoral roll as a result of a well-timed judicial conviction.

When rulers abuse the law, persecute opponents and dissidents without a second thought, and restrict civil liberties, we should not be surprised to see a counter-power emerge in the form of popular protest and violence. This is not an excuse for violence, but a simple observation drawn from the lessons of history. As Mandela wrote in his autobiography The Long Walk to Freedom, “it is the oppressor who defines the nature of the struggle, and the oppressed is often left no recourse but to use methods that mirror those of the oppressor. At a point, one can only fight fire with fire.”

Many commentators have said that the movement in Senegal is the largest since 1988 (when former president Abdou Diouf declared a state of emergency as supporters of a defeated rival, Abdoulaye Wade, fought the police) – how do you measure the scale of the protest action, and how is it being organised on the ground? Can it be sustained?

Although the 1988 events sent Senegal into a state of emergency, it’s not the reference I’d choose. In terms of national scope, numbers mobilised and violence, the events of early June 2023 are, in my opinion, a repeat on a larger scale of the “five days of anger” of March 2021.

In terms of political significance, the events of early June are akin to the socio-political crisis of December 1962, which saw President Senghor, backed by France, get rid of Mamadou Dia, then President of the Council and head of the Executive. At the time, Mamadou Dia wanted to liquidate the colonial economy, and was banking on the creation of democratic rural cooperatives. His societal project collided with the interests of the dominant political class, the marabouts who controlled the groundnut economy, French capitalists and their government. These various groups set their sights on Senghor, a member of the Christian minority in a country whose population is officially over 90% Muslim.

Senghor had used the judicial system to imprison Mamadou Dia for over 11 years in inhumane conditions. With Dia ousted, Senghor had free rein to create a monarchical constitution…at the cost of forty dead and over 250 woundedfollowing the twin elections of 1963.

In my opinion, this is the same type of struggle that’s being played out right now between Macky Sall and Sonko. But there are some differences. Unlike Dia, Sonko enjoys an enormous popularity rating among young people, a social group now numbering in the millions, most of them being “idle” (not in employment, education or training) and very much present on social media, a tool that enables a better circulation of information, whatever its quality, and helps to make visible the reprehensible acts that existing powers would be tempted to hide, censor or disguise.

Some people have been arguing that Senegal is no longer the vibrant democracy it used to be. What do you make of this claim?

Comrade, let me make it clear from the outset that so-called “representative democracy” was not originally designed to be representative of any “public interest”. Its purpose was to block democracy, understood as a regime in which the working classes sit in (and numerically dominate) the sovereign bodies of legislation and control. In the 19th century, the regime we now call “democracy” (representative/liberal) was known as “republic”, “elective aristocracy” and “bourgeois government”. It was only in the 20th century that this oligarchic regime came to be equated with democracy. That capitalism and democratic government were incompatible was self-evident to the American founding fathers, some of whom regarded democracy as “the worst of all political evils”. That’s why the words “democracy” and “democratic” are nowhere to be found in the current US Constitution, which was conceived against a backdrop of serious social unrest for which a constitutional antidote was needed. For those interested in this little-known history, I refer you to my own workon the topic and to those of John Dunn, Luciano Canfora and Francis Dupuis-Déri.

The so-called Western democratic countries have oligarchic governments (the rich make the sovereign decisions; note that it’s a mistake to consider the election of representatives as a “delegation of power”, it is rather a way of influencing the formation of a sovereign body), but they have managed to achieve democratic performance (the conquest of important freedoms and better living conditions for the majority) due to historical factors that cannot be reproduced in countries under imperialist domination, and which I cannot dwell on here for lack of space.

The point here is to say that the idea that Senegal is a “democracy” is farcical. If the Western countries that are supposed to be “models” are not, how can “mimicking student” Senegal be? As in most French-speaking countries, which have imitated the French Constitution of the Fifth Republic, the one that General de Gaulle carved out for himself, the Senegalese political system gives excessive powers to the president, who is a kind of monarch by electoral right for the duration of his term.

However, with that said, it has to be acknowledged that Senegal has succeeded in forming a nation: ethnic and religious pluralism has not been a source of discord as in some countries on the continent. So far, there has been a culture of tolerance, peace, and hospitality among the people. These laudable aspects have nothing to do with – and do not derive from – the nature of the political regime, which has been and remains fundamentally despotic in its current practice.

Anger at President Macky Sall’s tenure is intense across the country, with very little support. What does Sall represent, and who does he represent. What is the balance of international (and specifically western) influence and power across Senegal and how are these dynamics impacting the political crisis?

For his supporters, Macky Sall is the president with the best economic record in Senegal’s history. They cite economic growth rates of around 6% on average per year before the pandemic, visible through modern infrastructures – such as a toll highway, a regional express train, a new airport, etc. – and social programs such as cash transfers, a measure recommended by the World Bank, particularly with a view to making poor households more “resilient”, and presumably preventing a social explosion driven by popular frustrations. But there is another way of looking at it.

Senegal’s economic growth has been driven by foreign currency debt, which has more than doubled since 2012 as a proportion of GDP. It has not generated any net creation of decent jobs, one of the main demands of the Senegalese people. Interestingly, the French Treasury noted in 2020 that Senegal’s Development blueprint – the Plan Sénégal Emergent – has been highly beneficial to the French economy.

Assessing Macky Sall’s economic policy from the point of view of economic and monetary sovereignty, I’d say he’s mainly been concerned with defending foreign interests. He agreed to sign the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union, despite the fact that (i) most of the existing studies carried out by independent Senegalese experts and by ECOWAS [Economic Community of West African States] showed a significant negative impact, and (ii) Senegal’s status as a Least Developed Country (LDC) meant that he was under no obligation to sign them. Better still, he defended the signing of such agreements by other West African countries. Another example is the trade and financial sanctions against Mali. In January 2022, the ECOWAS member countries, under the auspices of their French-speaking counterparts, themselves under the orders of France, decided to sanction Mali officially to put pressure on the military government to hold early elections. An unspoken motive was that the French government also wanted to punish the new Malian regime, which had resolved to drive out the French military troops present on its soil. As a result, the Malian government, a member of the CFA franc zone, was no longer able to access its accounts at the common central bank and to its domestic financial system. It had to default on its debts. The problem was that these commercial and financial sanctions were illegal under domestic law, franc CFA monetary union and ECOWAS provisions.

Worse still, in Senegal’s case, imposing sanctions against Mali was tantamount to punishing itself. As an export destination for Senegalese products, Mali is more significant than all the EU countries combined. No government concerned with legality and its economic interests would have agreed to sanction a neighbouring country just to please France and the EU.

A final example: the government of Senegal awarded oil and gas exploration licenses to Total, despite the fact that Total had initially not even been considered in the call for tenders, and that its late bid was apparently not advantageous for Senegal. Shocked by such an outcome, the then Minister of Hydrocarbons, Thierno Alassane Sall, resigned and subsequently accused President Macky Sall of “high treason” in a book.

With the imminent exploitation of oil and gas, Senegal has become a popular destination for world leaders. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, President of the EU Commission Ursula Von der Leyen, IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva, US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and others have all made the trip to Dakar. Each of them see Macky Sall as a valuable guardian of Western interests.

Unsurprisingly, the communiqués by Western countries in response to the recent uprising were as timid as those issued by ECOWAS and the African Union. They called for calm, but refrained from denouncing the government’s handling of the crisis, unlike organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

Can ‘the streets’ – and the extraordinary history of social movements in the country – win out? Previously efforts to remake Senegal from below have failed, with (opposition) politicians, riding a wave of popular mobilisation, from opposition into government. Is there an alternative emerging from within the radicalising support base for Sonko?

The “streets” can never win outright because the people – the popular and dominated classes – do not participate in the exercise of “institutional power”, State power. Others must decide for them within the framework of the representative system. At best, the “streets” can act as a brake on despotic excesses and, if necessary, redistribute the cards within the political game. So far, this force has saved Sonko from prison on two occasions, in March 2021 and early June 2023. So far, Sonko enjoys “popular immunity”.

Let me give you an example. The Secretary General of his party, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, was arrested without a warrant and put in prison for posting a text on Facebook in which he spoke of the “beggarisation of the judiciary” (clochardisation de la justice – in French). Sonko took the same text and posted it on his Facebook page. Nothing happened. Because the government knows what will happen if it tries to put him in prison. At the moment, even though he has been convicted by the Senegalese courts, he still hasn’t been arrested…he is rather, according to his lawyers, ‘illegally sequestered’ at his home by the FDS since the end of May, without the possibility of leaving his home, receiving his lawyers, his party members, and so on. The ultimate aim of the demonstrators is for Sonko to be the victorious candidate in the next presidential election scheduled for February 2024. There are fears of a new cycle of violence when the government tries to stop him or his candidacy. For the time being, a temporary peace will likely be “bought” in exchange for the pursuit of a regime of impunity. But for how long?

What sort of alternative does a Sonko government offer the poor?

Sonko currently represents the hope of change for Senegalese youth and a significant part of the diaspora. Assuming he emerges from his legal troubles and becomes Senegal’s fifth president, he will be placed between the hammer of powerful enemies – the privileged inhabitants of the neo-colonial order and possibly the social groups and countries whose economic interests might be threatened – and the anvil of demands from the working classes, who expect an improvement in their living conditions, and from his own militants, who will want to be rewarded for their “sacrifices”.

To be frank, I fear that Senegal is heading for political instability. Why? Contrary to the “rosy” and apologetic analyses that extol the unshakeable strength of Senegal’s “social contract”, I understand Senegal’s relative political “stability” in two ways.

Firstly, until now the ruling class (including most intellectuals) has been satisfied with the neo-colonial pact with the French elites. As long as political struggles do not challenge this neo-colonial pact, the country can aspire to neo-colonial political stability. This is the same type of “stability” found in countries such as Cameroon, Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire (until the death of Houphouët Boigny). Before Sonko, the only challenge to this neo-colonial pact came from Mamadou Dia.

Secondly, Senegal’s political stability depended on one thing it didn’t have: strategic resources such as oil. All the oil-exporting countries that use the CFA franc have heads of state who are presidents for life: there are no presidential term limits (Gabon, Cameroon and the Republic of Congo), and often the simple majority system (one round) prevails.

A democratic jolt is therefore needed to prevent an undesirable scenario. However, I don’t see it coming from the “political class” or the intelligentsia, the vast majority of whom continue to demonstrate their inability to divorce themselves from the liberal thinking of Thomas Hobbes and Montesquieu, with a view to original, endogenous socio-political reflection.

As for young people, who make up the reality of the demos, the gerontocratic political system excludes them from decision-making bodies that decide their future. This leaves them only with the “streets” and social networks. And yet, beyond the partisan conflicts of the moment, we Senegalese should all listen carefully to the words of a young demonstrator (my translation from Wolof):

President Macky Sall […] we don’t even have enough to treat our poor sick mothers. We are socially marginalised people! Our little brothers and sisters no longer go to school. Life is expensive: a loaf of bread costs 175 CFA francs, a kilo of sugar 700 CFA francs. What is the price of a bag of rice? What’s the price of gas? Macky take pity on us! We have resources like oil, gas, zircon, gold. We have everything we need to develop our country! As soon as the gold from Sabadola [located in south-eastern Senegal] is extracted, its destination is France. France is one of the countries with the largest gold reserves. Yet they have no natural resources […] How many years has our oil been exploited? Our zircon? Our phosphate? We love our country! We believe in it!

Admittedly, the official destination of gold mined in Senegal is often Switzerland rather than France. But the message is unequivocal and straightforward: Senegalese youth aspires to an economy that serves the needs of the masses.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/06/ ... r-justice/
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Jun 21, 2023 3:30 pm

Socialist Party of Zambia president Fred M’membe faces threat of arrest

A warrant was issued against Socialist Party President Fred M’membe without any of the proper formalities being followed. He said that the police, in collaboration with ruling UPND cadre drafted into the State House security, intended to “abduct” him

June 19, 2023 by Tanupriya Singh

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President of the Socialist Party of Zambia, Dr. Fred M’membe.

The Socialist Party (SP) of Zambia is once again the target of persecution by the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND). On June 15, SP President and journalist, Dr. Fred M’membe issued an alert via his social media accounts that the Party had been “reliably informed” that the Police “in collaboration with UPND cadres drafted into the State House security” intended to “abduct” him.

M’membe further accused President Hakainde Hichilema, together with the Deputy Inspector General of Police of the State House, Mr. Fanwell Siandenge, of handling issues of law enforcement in a “gestapo style,” adding that the SP had been informed that Siandenge was “working in cohorts with known UPND cadres in State House security”.

On June 16, M’membe stated that a warrant of arrest had been issued against him. However, he emphasized that no prior police callout had been issued.

Under normal procedure, a callout notice gives an individual an opportunity to go to a police station to respond to the allegations made against them, Akende Chundama, the spokesperson of the SP chairperson explained to Peoples Dispatch. An arrest warrant is issued when the individual ignores the notice.

“What they want is to use this warrant to abduct me,” M’membe warned in a post.

In a later update, he added that President Hichilema, who was in Ukraine on June 16 as part of a “peace mission” with six other African heads of state, had issued instructions that M’membe be arrested before he returned to Zambia in a plan to “insulate Mr. Hichilema from the gestapo style of policing (abductions)”.

According to M’membe, the warrant for his arrest is in relation to two letters allegedly issued by government officials that have been shared on social media.

The first letter, dated March 14, 2023 bears the signature of the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Home Affairs and Internal Security, Josephs R. Akafumba, and requests the Secretary to the Cabinet to petition the Vatican regarding the actions of Archbishop Alick Banda of the Catholic Archdiocese of Lusaka, accusing him of “working with a foreign entity to undermine the sovereignty of the Republic of Zambia.”

The second letter, dated December 7, 2021, titled “Presidential Directive” appears to bear the signature of President Hichilema and is addressed to the Director General of the Zambia Security Intelligence Service, directing him to “contain the influence” of the Roman Catholic Church on “other Faith Based Organizations,” “government and quasi-government institutions,” and “on the Republic” and to contain the influence of the Arch-Diocese of Lusaka on the Republic.

During the 2021 elections, some members of the Catholic Church had supported the Patriotic Front (PF) which was in power then while others had supported a change in government, Akende said. After the election, some members of the Church had started speaking out against the promises that the new government, led by incumbent president Hichilema, had made but did not deliver upon, resulting in the emergence of a wedge between the two.

In a press conference, Ministry of Information spokesperson, Thabo Kawana, stated that the alleged letters were fake, and that action would be taken against those who had circulated them.

Kawana proceeded to list the Facebook pages of the PF, the page of news platform Grindstone Television, and that of M’membe as those who had circulated the alleged letters.

Luki and Phiri were reportedly detained by police and subsequently held at the Woodlands Police Station. Phiri had allegedly obtained the said letters from the Facebook page of UPND member, Matomola Likwanya, according to the SP.

On June 17, it was reported that Zambian police had formally charged and arrested former diplomat and PF Central Committee member and presidential aspirant, Emmanuel Mwamba, and one other person, Andy Luchinde, with forgery and publication of information in relation to the two letters.

Mwamba, who had been detained earlier this week, has stated that he was brutally attacked by a group of men at a car wash before being forcibly taken to a police station. A picture of Mwamba at the University Teaching Hospital where he sought medical care on June 16 shows him with bruises on his arm.

Growing attacks against the SP
Meanwhile, this recent episode comes just months after the SP was brutally attacked by UPND cadres during election campaigning in the Muchinda ward in April. While none of the attackers were apprehended at the time, the police in turn arrested and charged M’membe with “Unlawful discharge of a firearm” and “Assault occasioning actual bodily harm”.

M’membe, and the SP, have been a steadfast voice in the resistance to US imperialism in Africa and its coercion, through various means, of countries on the continent to serve its narrow foreign policy and strategic interests.

Within Zambia, the SP has offered an alternative political vision for the people— away from the neoliberal policies of successive governments, and one which addresses core issues of poverty and inequality.

M’membe has condemned the Hichilema administration for carrying out “retaliatory arrests” and political repression. He has highlighted recent arrests including that of Chris Zumani Zimba, a political advisor to former president Edgar Lungu from the Patriotic Front (PF) on the charge of “being in possession of articles for terrorism” as examples.

As M’membe faces a renewed threat of arrest, he has received messages of support and solidarity, including from the International Peoples’ Assembly, which is a network of over 200 trade unions, political parties, and social movements from around the world.

The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) also strongly condemned the arrest warrant against M’membe in a statement on June 17, recalling how before coming to power, Hichilema had himself been a victim of unlawful detention by the state under former president Lungu.

“We are demanding that Hichilema must stop his senseless and ruthless attacks on members of the opposition…Hands off Fred M’membe, hands off!,” the union said, adding that while Hichilema had been “celebrated by the liberal media when he was elected”, he was “behaving like a tin-pot dictator”.

“His behavior is an excellent lesson to all those who naively believe that liberalism is democratic. Liberalism is democracy for the benefit of corporations…If at that time democracy is dispensable, they will dispense with it, as long as it serves their interests.”

“There is a sentiment of disappointment among the people, of betrayal of what was promised [by the Hichilema government] but has not been delivered,” Akende told Peoples Dispatch.

“These sentiments have grown against the backdrop of the people seeing the Socialist Party as an alternative [political force] in the 2026 general elections…The SP is fighting for the rights and the livelihoods of the people, and the repression will grow, but we are prepared,” she added.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/19/ ... of-arrest/

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Bomb Blast Kills Three People in Police Vehicle in NE Kenya

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KDF police vehicle in Kenya. Jun. 21, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@Abdisalamguled

Published 21 June 2023

"...the victims are two policemen and an engineer..."


On Tuesday afternoon, at least three people were killed by a bomb explosion in the vicinity of the town of Guba, located in Mandera county, near the border with Somalia.

Official reports state that the victims are two policemen and an engineer, but their identities have not yet been revealed; the primary suspect of the incident is the Somali group, Al Shabaab.

Amos Mariba, the Mandera County Commissioner, confirmed the incident and detailed that a security forces vehicle "was hit by an anti-personnel mine."

Mariba also explained that the police vehicle was escorting a bus that was heading from the town of Banisa to Sarman, both located in the north of Mandera, while he assured that after the explosion there was a shootout. "Our officers acted bravely in front of the attackers and managed to repel them," Mariba said.


"There was no further damage. All passengers on the bus have been rescued and are now traveling towards Mandera under full escort," he added.

According to the statement, this event took place two days after two military personnel were killed in an attack by suspected Al Shabaab members in Lamu county, also located near the Somali border, in which more than 20 soldiers were also wounded.

Official reports show that Al Shabaab has carried out numerous attacks in Kenya and against Kenyan military personnel deployed in Somalia.

On Tuesday, in response to this situation, Aden Duale, the Kenyan Defense Minister, said that the government plans to modernize the weaponry of the Armed Forces in order to fight against Al Shabaab and end the attacks in the region.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Bom ... -0004.html

Libya: 165 Nigerian Migrants Deported, 90 Are Women

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Nigerian women migrants before being deported. Jun. 21, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@RatopatiE

Published 21 June 2023 (8 hours 40 minutes ago)

"...the women and their children were placed in a room at the headquarters of the Anti-Migration Agency in Tripoli..."


On Tuesday, Libyan authorities announced that, in coordination with the International Organization for Migration as part of a voluntary return program, deported 165 Nigerian migrants, more than half of them women and children.

Colonel Haitham Belqasim, spokesman for the Libyan Anti-Illegal Immigration Agency, said in an official statement that Libyan authorities have "deported 165 illegal immigrants to Nigeria," adding that among the deported immigrants were "90 women and nine children."

According to official reports, the women and their children were placed in a room at the headquarters of the Anti-Migration Agency in Tripoli, under the guard of policewomen who monitored the distribution of meals, drinks and travel necessities.

The migrants were deported from Tripoli's Mitiga International Airport on board a private Libyan airline, Al-Buraq. “Other flights are scheduled to be organized next week to Nigeria," said Belqasim.


According to the International Organization for Migration, a total of 7,477 illegal immigrants have been rescued and returned to Libya so far this year.

Official data show that, due to the insecurity and chaos in the country since the fall of late leader Muammar Gaddafi's government in 2011, many immigrants, mostly Africans, choose to cross the Mediterranean Sea to European shores via Libya.

Last week, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya expressed its concern about the "arbitrary detention" of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers in Libya, calling on the Libyan authorities to stop these measures and treat migrants with "dignity" and "humanity.”

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Lib ... -0002.html

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Mali Demands That UN Troops Leave
JUNE 19, 2023

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The uniforms of United Nations peacekeepers are seen in Mali. Photo: United Nations/Minusma.

Bamako’s top diplomat said the international peacekeeping mission has become “part of the problem”

Mali has called on the United Nations to end its decade-long peacekeeping mission “without delay,” saying the international military force has only fueled tensions and instability in the African country.

Addressing the UN Security Council on Friday, Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop said officials are willing to continue coordination with the UN, but demanded an end to its “stabilization mission.” The UN force, known as MINUSMA, was deployed in 2013 in response to the Tuareg rebellion in the northern part of the country.

“Unfortunately, MINUSMA seems to have become a part of the problem in fueling inter-community tensions,” Diop said, calling for the withdrawal of UN troops.

The minister accused UN forces of “begetting mistrust among the Malian population” and creating a “crisis of confidence” within the government.

MINUSMA head El Ghassim Wane responded by saying that it would be “nearly impossible” to continue the UN mission without the consent of the host country. The UN has until June 30 to extend the deployment, which requires nine votes in favor from the Security Council and no vetoes from its five permanent members.

Relations between Bamako and the UN have deteriorated over the last year, with Mali’s interim military authorities suspending troop rotations under MINUSMA in July 2022. The decision came shortly after the Malian authorities arrested 49 soldiers from Cote d’Ivoire and described them as “mercenaries.” Ivorian officials, meanwhile, insisted that the troops were part of the peacekeeping mission.

Last August, Mali ordered the expulsion of MINUSMA spokesman Olivier Salgado after he publicly stated that the Ivorian military personnel were assigned to the UN force. The head of MINUSMA’s human rights office, Guillaume Ngefa Atonodok Andali, was also declared persona non grata in February and was asked to leave the country for “destabilizing and subversive actions.”

Mali has seen years of political instability, including two separate coups in 2020 and 2021 and an ongoing jihadist insurgency in the country’s rural northern region. The 2012 Tuareg uprising led to the creation of the UN mission, which ultimately swelled to more than 15,000 foreign troops. The international mission was aimed at bolstering security in Mali, as well as facilitating humanitarian aid and the transition to civilian government.

Moscow has said that MINUSMA lacks the proper mandate to assist Mali with its most pressing problems. Speaking to the Security Council on Friday, Russian UN envoy Vassily Nebenzia argued that the local government’s top priority was “fighting terrorism,” which he said is not a main focus of the UN mission.

Separately from the UN, France deployed its own troops in 2014 to fight insurgents on behalf of the Malian government. The French soldiers withdrew from the country last year as the relations between Paris and Bamako worsened.

https://orinocotribune.com/mali-demands ... ops-leave/

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Sudanese left skeptical of US-Saudi led peace talks, “The resolution has to be found here in Sudan”

The Sudanese Communist Party argues that the ceasefire mainly serves for the warring parties resupply their forces and resume fighting with greater intensity

June 20, 2023 by Pavan Kulkarni

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The Sudanese Armed Forces have been carrying out air raids of residential areas occupied by the RSF in the capital Khartoum. Photo: ICRC

The fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which entered its third month on June 15, has lulled into an uneasy calm with the start of the 72-hour-long ceasefire from 6 am on Sunday, June 18, albeit with violations.

In the agreement, secured late on June 17 at talks jointly hosted by the United States and Saudi Arabia in the latter’s city of Jeddah, both sides committed to not undertake offensives, resupply their forces or reinforce their positions.

The US-Saudi joint statement on the talks also highlights that the parties have “agreed to allow the unimpeded movement and delivery of humanitarian assistance throughout the country.”

While similar commitments were made in the previous, frequently violated, ceasefire agreement, hardly any aid reached the civilians trapped in the fighting during the week-long truce at the end of May.

“The agreement only proved to help both the warring parties to reorganize, resupply, and strengthen forces. What followed was the worst of the fighting,” Fathi Elfadl, national spokesperson of the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), told Peoples Dispatch.

He fears that the new ceasefire is bound to have the same effect again. Elfadl believes that the RSF, whose fighters are mostly from a group of nomadic Arabic-speaking tribes spread across the national borders in the region, “is bringing in more fighters from neighboring countries like Central Africa, Niger etc.”

“The army is mobilizing troops from different parts of Sudan…We are not at all hopeful of any positive outcome from Jeddah. The fighting has only intensified and spread since these talks began there [on May 6], and both sides are stronger than before.”

“Even if this ceasefire lasts for three days, it is back to hell again after that,” he added, insisting that “hell” is the proper word to describe what the civilians are enduring, especially in Darfur in western Sudan and in the national capital region.

In capital Khartoum and its sister cities of Khartoum Bahri (North) and Omdurman, the SAF’s planes have been bombing densely populated residential areas with artillery and airstrikes, while the RSF kill, loot and rape civilians on the ground, and occupy their homes and properties.

An increasing number of civilians have been displaced or caught in the crossfire, especially over the last few weeks since the army dispatched additional infantry to engage the RSF in street battles in the residential neighborhoods they occupy.

Along with several homes, Elfadl said that the RSF has also occupied and destroyed the Abdel Karim Merghani Cultural Center. It describes itself as a “library, a research resource, a lecture and performance arts venue and a publishing house for Sudan’s written culture and history.”

SCP’s headquarters was also occupied by the RSF on May 25. Only on June 18, the SCP members, including Elfadl, were able to enter their office again. “Although the RSF troops have now vacated the headquarters, the whole neighborhood of Khartoum 2 is now under the control of the RSF,” Elfadl said. He added that the SAF meanwhile, has been forcing civilians to vacate the city so they can fight the RSF.

“I advise the civilians that if the RSF elements occupy your house and you are forced out, the neighbors, in turn, should evacuate the houses adjacent to this house because from now on, we will attack them anywhere,” General Yasir al-Atta announced on June 16.

Soon after this announcement, the SAF unleashed two days of heavy shelling and airstrikes on residential areas around the capital region, during which 217 people were estimated to have been killed in Khartoum and its sister cities, Elfadl said. Most of the deaths occurred in the northern part of Khartoum and in northern and central parts of Omdurman, where he resides.

Thousands killed in two months
In the two months of fighting, more than 3,000 people have been killed and over 6,000 have been injured, Health Minister Haitham Ibrahim said on June 17. This data seems to exclude the killings in West Darfur state’s capital El Geneina because all the hospitals “are out of service” in the city which is under siege and incommunicado. According to a report published on Monday, June 19, by an organization representing the tribe under siege in Darfur, more than 5,000 people had been killed in El Geneina alone, as of June 12.

In a statement that day, Fadil Omar, spokesperson of a local Resistance Committee, said, “The city of Geneina is now isolated, with its residential neighborhoods and displacement camps cut off from the world… say this with complete certainty: no place on this earth is more miserable than Geneina.”

He added that reports indicate that “the majority of kidney patients in the region and those with chronic illnesses, especially those suffering from heart problems, have either died or are on the brink of death. Pregnant women are also experiencing highly challenging conditions, and there are reports of cases of rape in the area.”

Two days after Omar’s statement, the governor of West Darfur, Khamis Abakar, was killed on June 14. He is the highest government functionary to be killed since the war broke out between the SAF and the RSF. Footage shows him being detained by a group of armed persons, including several in RSF uniform. Another video allegedly showed his bloodied dead body, lying on the ground with slash wounds, including on the side of his neck.

The civil society activists, the SAF, and the UN have all accused the RSF of his murder. Denying the charge, the RSF claimed in a statement that it had taken his custody and driven him to the headquarters in El Geneina “to protect the governor” but “two outlaws” killed him after kidnapping him from the RSF’s custody. Their statement has been met with skepticism.

Abakar was a member of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), which was among the armed groups in Darfur at war with the Sudanese state in 2003. In protest to the political and economic marginalization under the Islamist regime of former dictator Omar al Bashir, the region’s sedentary farming tribes, that speak local African languages, supported the armed rebel groups.

The regime in turn armed and organized into militias a group of nomadic Arabic-speaking cattle-herding tribes, whose competition with the African farmers over resources had been intensifying, particularly since the increased desertification in the mid-1980s.

These militias, known as the Janjaweed, committed mass atrocities in coordination with the SAF, whose Darfur commander at the time was Abdel Fattah al Burhan, the current chief of the SAF. The first five years of the civil war left 200,000 to 300,000 dead and millions displaced by 2008. In 2009, the International Criminal Court (ICC) indicted Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, but he continued to rule for another decade.

The Janjaweed, in the meantime, coalesced to form the RSF in 2013 under the command of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, aka Hemeti. He has since taken control over much of the mining sector in Darfur, home to the majority of Sudan’s gold deposits. Sudan is Africa’s third largest producer of the precious metal.

After months of mass pro-democracy protests, which had erupted in December 2018, forced the removal of Bashir in April 2019, his trusted generals, SAF chief Burhan and RSF chief Hemeti, formed a military junta, with the former as its chairman and the latter as his deputy.

After the RSF put down the pro-democracy mass demonstration outside the SAF’s HQ with a massacre on June 3, 2019, the junta agreed to share power with a coalition of right-wing parties in August of that year and formed a joint civilian-military transitional government.

Juba peace agreement reaches a dead-end; Darfur back to civil war
In August 2020, several armed groups, including the JEM in Darfur, went on to sign the Juba peace agreement. This brought no peace to Darfur. Since the agreement was signed, several hundred thousand more have been displaced in attacks by the nomadic Arab tribes, armed and backed by the RSF, which was accused of undertaking a depopulation campaign with the support of SAF.

Nevertheless, the leaders of different armed groups who got a share in state power, including Khamis Abakar, went on to later support the military coup by Burhan and Hemeti in October 2021 to remove the civilians in the transitional government. All state power has since been concentrated in the military junta led by Burhan and Hemeti, with the former rebel commanders also enjoying their share.

Elfadl argued that Abakar had become one of the “collaborators used by the military junta”. After the internal power struggle simmering between the junta’s leaders, Burhan and Hemeti, exploded into a war on April 15, pitting SAF and RSF against each other, the RSF, along with the Arab tribes from which its troops hail, have unleashed a mass killing of African tribes. Most of the victims were living in camps, displaced during the civil war.

In these circumstances, Abakar, who hails from the Masalit, the largest tribe in the African farming community under attack in Darfur, broke ranks with Hemeti and started organizing defense for his community, explained Elfadl. “So the RSF removed him from the governor’s office by assassination.”

In an interview hours before he was killed, he accused the RSF and its Arab militias of repeating a “genocide”. He had urged the international community to bring the killings to a stop, pointing out that, “Civilians are being killed randomly and in large numbers…We haven’t seen the army leave its base to defend people.”

Abakar’s killing is yet another reiteration that the Juba peace agreement is a dead-end, offering no way out of the spiral of violence, Elfadl argued.

The SCP, the Darfur Bar Association, and the General Coordination of Displaced and Refugees have all criticized the agreement as a mere power-sharing arrangement between the junta and rebel leaders. The key questions of resources and rehabilitation of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) have yet to be considered in earnest, making peace in Darfur still out of reach.

Other states in the Darfur region, including South Darfur and North Darfur, have also suffered attacks and killings. Late last month, Minni Minnawi, a former rebel leader of Sudanese Liberation Army’s largest faction, called on people to arm themselves. Minnawi had signed the Juba agreement and went on to support the coup after being appointed the regional governor of Darfur (including five states).

Minnawi’s call to arms, Elfadl argued, is an indication of his “desperation”. “After the Juba agreement, his own armed group splintered into different groups, and he can no longer rely on them. So he is asking others to take arms,” Elfadl said. “There was no need for him to call on people to take arms. Arms are everywhere in Darfur, and a civil war is already underway. He is only fueling it further.”

His call to arms, Elfadl reiterates, “is only a clear confirmation that the Juba agreement has brought no peace at all to Darfur. On the contrary, Darfur is going through the worst violence it has seen since the beginning of the civil war in 2003.”

“The consequences have been devastating on the communities, with over 100,000 people forced to flee across the border to Chad,” Toby Howard, the coordinator of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) in Darfur, said last week. Another hundred thousand have been displaced within Darfur.

Across Sudan, almost 2.5 million people have been displaced since the war started on April 15. This figure includes an estimated 1.9 million people who have been internally displaced, and another 550,000 who have fled to neighboring countries, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported on Monday, June 19.

They include over a million children, 270,000 of whom were displaced in Darfur, which had most of the 3.6 million IDPs already living in camps across Sudan by the end of 2022.

The ceasefire agreement is reported to have reduced the scale of violence in Darfur, although attacks were reported in North Darfur. But the ceasefire expires at six on the morning of Wednesday, June 21.

Democratic forces fight for peace
No resolution to the conflict in Sudan can be brokered by the US and Saudi Arabia in Jeddah, Elfadl argued, adding, “The resolution has to be found here in Sudan.” Left to the international powers to bring the conflict to an end, he warns, Sudan will be hurling toward a situation comparable to that in Iraq, Syria, or Libya. The war, he argued, can only be stopped decisively after power is “usurped” from the generals, and they are put to trial for igniting this war.

To this end, “we are trying as a first step to find the broadest possible agreement on a common minimum program for Sudan’s future, among all the different political forces who are truly opposed to this war.”

Already, in parts of Sudan where there is no active fighting, protesters are trying to reclaim the streets with anti-war, pro-democracy demonstrations, especially in Atbara, a northeastern city with a militant labor history which saw the first protests of the December Revolution in 2018. “Port Sudan and some other cities in the eastern region have also witnessed protests,” Elfadl said.

“Although not large enough yet, it is the beginning. The democratic forces in Sudan, which is the majority of the population, are gradually trying to occupy the streets again and reclaim the revolution. Yes, it is still in an embryonic stage. But it is the beginning of a long march to return to the scale of mass demonstrations that characterized Sudan before the war started on April 15.”

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/20/ ... -in-sudan/

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Did Former U.S. Army Rangers Conspire to Steal $16 Billion Seized in Counter-Terrorist Raid in the Ivory Coast?
By John Kiriakou - June 20, 2023 3

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[Source: Photo courtesy of Iztok Plevnik]

…And Unjustly Imprison an ICC Official Who Was Trying to Return the Money to the U.S. Treasury?

Most Americans complain about corruption, whether at the local, state, or even national levels. Yet we are taught to believe that we don’t have to live with corruption as an endemic part of our culture, like many other countries endure. And so it’s frustrating when one encounters it.

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Iztok Plevnik [Source: Photo courtesy of Iztok Plevnik]

And then what happens when the corruption one encounters is so egregious, so bold, as to put a person’s life in danger? What happens when greed clouds the judgment of otherwise accomplished, professional people? What happens when your own lawyer turns against you? And how about if he’s working with Rudy Giuliani to do it? You go to court. And you sue them.

I would like to introduce you to a friend of mine. Iztok Plevnik was born and raised in Slovenia. A patriot and natural athlete, he decided to join his country’s intelligence service, where he specialized in counterterrorist operations. He trained with the U.S. Secret Service and the Navy SEALs before deciding to emigrate to the United States in 2003.

Because of his athletic ability, he was drafted as a place kicker by an NFL team in 2004, an offer he declined so that, instead, he could work for a company under contract with the International Criminal Court (ICC). Iztok led counterterrorist teams to retrieve evidence or to capture people around the world under indictment in the ICC.

It was during one of these operations in 2017 that Iztok and his team of operations officers entered a series of alleged terrorist safehouses in Africa in pursuit of terrorist suspects. They found their men. But they also found stash houses with pallets of American currency—notably one with $6 billion and another with $10 billion in $100 bills.

The source of the money is a mystery. It most likely belonged to the government of former Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi. It may have been the CIA’s money. It could have been money hoarded by al-Qaeda. Iztok ordered that the cash be secured in warehouses, and, because he is a patriot, he sought to return it to the U.S. Treasury.

The following account was taken directly from a lawsuit that Iztok has filed in the Federal District Court for the District of Columbia.

Iztok traveled back to the United States in 2018 and engaged the legal services of a former federal judge, Eugene Sullivan, Sr., to walk him through the process of returning the money. How do you get billions of dollars back into the treasury? You can’t just load it onto a plane. Can you imagine flying into Dulles Airport, having a customs agent ask if you are bringing more than $10,000 into the country, and responding that you are bringing in $16 billion in $100 bills? It’s a non-starter.

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Eugene Sullivan, Sr. [Source: wikipedia.org]

According to the court papers, Sullivan expressed excitement about the project and said he would inquire at the Treasury Department about the modalities of transferring such a huge amount of money. But a few months later, in a follow-up meeting, his excitement had vanished. He said that he wanted nothing to do with the project and, without any further explanation, he voiced concern for the safety of his family if he remained involved. He was out.

A year and a half later, Covid hit. Iztok arranged for the production of a large number of KN95 masks that he wanted to try to sell to the federal government. That is when Sullivan reversed course on the repatriation of the money, and he told Iztok that he would act as his attorney in the process. Iztok asked Sullivan to make sure that the repatriation was done legally. Could Sullivan liaise with the Department of the Treasury to get a letter authorizing him to carry out the transaction?

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[Source: Photo courtesy of Iztok Plevnik]

Just a few days later, Sullivan told Iztok that he had made all the arrangements with the Treasury Department to have Iztok approved to return the money. Iztok was asked to remain outside the Treasury building, next door to the White House, as Sullivan went inside, claiming to meet with Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin.

When he came out, he gave Iztok a letter on Treasury Department letterhead, signed by the Department’s General Counsel, authorizing him to return the money. A few days later, a companion letter arrived, also signed by the General Counsel, with wiring instructions to transfer the money to the Treasury Department. Sullivan wished Iztok luck on his trip to Africa.

On December 3, 2020, Iztok flew to Kenya to repatriate the first tranche of the money, $10 billion, to the Treasury Department. Sullivan was standing by in case of a legal problem. Iztok had the money moved from the safehouse to the Nairobi Police Department, where he was told that he needed to show proof that the money was legitimately being sent back to the Treasury. Otherwise, Kenyan banking officials would be unwilling to make the wire transfer.

Iztok called Sullivan in Washington to ask him to call the State Department to ask that they allow the American Embassy in Nairobi to authenticate the letters from Treasury’s General Counsel. But Sullivan refused, saying that it was the middle of the night in Washington and he did not want to wake anybody. In fact, he said, he had a bad feeling about the whole operation, and he told Iztok to abandon the transfer and to return to Washington immediately. Iztok got on the next plane home.

Iztok and Sullivan met in February 2021 at the Justice Department along with Sullivan’s son, attorney Eugene Sullivan II; a Justice Department official, Michael Keilty; and a handful of other DOJ attorneys. The meeting was for the specific purpose of getting Iztok to reveal the location of the money in Africa, something which he declined to do. He said that he had written permission from the Treasury Department to return the money, and that is what he intended to do. He said that he would check in with the local U.S. Embassy when he arrived in Africa.

On August 1, 2021, Iztok flew to Abidjan, Ivory Coast, to attempt to repatriate the second tranche, $6 billion. On Sullivan’s recommendation, he first made an appointment to see James Billington, the American Embassy’s Regional Security Officer. The meeting was supposed to be a simple courtesy. But as soon as Iztok arrived at the Embassy, he notes in the lawsuit, Billington’s hostility was apparent. Billington accused Iztok of having forged the Treasury letters and said that Iztok, Sullivan, and former President Donald Trump would all go to prison for their conspiracy.

Iztok protested, telling Billington that he was there on behalf of the Treasury Department solely to repatriate the money. He told Billington where the money was located and insisted they go immediately to pick it up and bring it back to the American Embassy, but Billington allegedly claimed he was uninterested. Billington reportedly said that, in the meantime, Iztok was not formally under arrest, but that he was being detained, and he was not permitted to leave the Embassy. He was kept in the interview room by three Marine guards armed with machine guns, while nine members of Iztok’s team were waiting outside.

Ninety minutes later, Billington returned to the interview room. Iztok alleges that he said that he had contacted the Treasury Department to check on the authenticity of the letters, but that he had not yet heard back. Four hours later, Iztok was allowed to leave the Embassy.

Of course, by then, all the money was gone, apparently spirited away while Iztok was being “detained.”

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Ivorian counter-terrorism troops during raid. [Source: Photo courtesy of Iztok Plevnik]

Iztok went to his hotel, angry, confused, and unable to sleep. And then at 6:00 a.m. the next day, August 4, 2021, 40 Abidjan policemen arrived at the hotel and arrested him. He was arraigned on charges of money laundering and misrepresenting official documents, and, he says, put in a jail cell with murderers and terrorists.

Later in the morning, a local police official put Iztok in a car and took him to the warehouse where the money was supposed to be. The facility, however, contained only illegal drugs, diamonds, coffee and counterfeit cash. The legitimate cash had already been removed—by whom is still not definitively known.

They then returned to the jail, where the “interrogation” began. Iztok was asked repeatedly how he knew about the money. He answered all questions truthfully, he says, but that did not stop police officers from stripping him naked, hanging him from his wrists, beating him severely, and breaking his wrists and fingers during a rough “interrogation session.”

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Prisoners captured by Ivorian counter-terrorism squad. [Source: Photo courtesy of Iztok Plevnik]

For that, he alleges that he now suffers from PTSD. That afternoon, he was finally allowed a phone call, which he used to get in touch with his long-time attorney in France who had strong connections in Francophone Africa. His French attorney found him a powerful attorney in Abidjan who went to the jail to visit Iztok. At the jail, the lawsuit says, the attorney was saluted respectfully.

The police official who had beaten Iztok told the attorney that he had been arrested for smuggling weapons to the United Arab Emirates, Iraq and Iran, an outrageous falsehood that made the attorney laugh. Thanks to his attorney’s actions and relationships, Iztok was soon released, and he went back to his hotel to await a flight back to Washington.

On August 8, 2021, Iztok says that he met with Sullivan at the latter’s office in Washington. Sullivan reportedly asked whether he would be willing to go back to Africa to give the repatriation another try. Sullivan allegedly offered Iztok a U.S. diplomatic passport, something that he would have been utterly unauthorized to do.

Iztok left the office for a flight back to his home in Florida. While he was awaiting the flight, Iztok says that Sullivan called to say that he could no longer be his attorney. Sullivan allegedly said falsely and disingenuously that, because Iztok had been charged with crimes “in Ivory Coast and the United States,” the Sullivan family would be at risk of violence if Sullivan continued to represent him. When he landed, Iztok called Sullivan back with a question: “Does that mean the documents you gave me were fake?” Sullivan hung up on him, he says.

Earlier this month, Iztok filed a federal lawsuit against Judge Sullivan; Sullivan’s attorney-son; Keilty, the Justice Department official; Billington, the Embassy security official; and Todd Brown, Billington’s boss and the Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Diplomatic Security, alleging fraud. And that fraud allegation runs deep. First, Sullivan Sr., Billington, Brown and Keilty are all connected. They were all Army Rangers. Is that just a coincidence?

Second, the money disappeared only after Iztok revealed its location to Billington. Third, Sullivan purchased two homes next door to each other in Bethesda, Maryland, a tiny suburb of Washington, D.C. One was for him and his wife. The second was for his recently divorced son. This was despite the fact that he says that he is broke and that his son is going through a difficult and expensive divorce.

And finally, attorney Bruce Fein, a former Associate Deputy Attorney General of the United States, acting on Iztok’s behalf, filed a Freedom of Information Act request with the Treasury Department asking one simple question—were the documents giving Iztok permission to repatriate the money real or fake? Treasury has been unable to find any record that any such letters were ever written.

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Bruce Fein [Source: washingtonpost.com]

The suit goes on to ask several important questions: Did Sullivan, Sr., Sullivan II, Billington, Brown and Keilty conspire to steal the money? If so, did they throw Iztok to the wolves in the Ivory Coast? Was his arrest and beating there meant to frighten him off the case? Was it meant to kill him? And where is the money? Was it laundered and distributed among the conspirators?

So far, only the Sullivans have responded to the lawsuit. Their entire response was confined to two short paragraphs. It said,

“Absent from the complaint is an allegation that Eugene Sullivan made a false statement of material fact that caused Plaintiff [Iztok] damages. The only alleged false statement alleged to have been made by Eugene Sullivan is: ‘Plaintiff left Defendant Sullivan I’s office to fly back to Florida, where he resides. Approximately 45 minutes after Plaintiff left, Defendant Sullivan I called him and said Defendant Sullivan I could not represent him any longer. Defendant Sullivan I falsely stated Plaintiff had been accused of criminality in both the United States and Ivory Coast and that Defendant Sullivan I’s family would be threatened if he continued to represent Plaintiff.’

“The complaint does not explain how Eugene Sullivan’s alleged statement to Plaintiff that Plaintiff had been accused of criminality in both the United States and Ivory Coast could be material to Plaintiff’s cause of action, even if it were false, or how the statement could have caused Plaintiff damages.

Because Plaintiff’s damages are alleged to have taken place when Plaintiff was arrested in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, those damages were—based on Plaintiff’s complaint—caused by Plaintiff’s arrest in a foreign country, rather than Eugene Sullivan’s alleged statement to Plaintiff.”

Most notably, neither of the Sullivans challenge the specific allegations of fraud.

Their response to the lawsuit is a lot of gobbledygook. What it doesn’t say is “I didn’t steal the money.” And that, after all, is the bottom line. I’ll let you know how the case plays out.

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2023/0 ... ory-coast/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Jun 28, 2023 2:21 pm

People’s movements set to converge in Johannesburg for dialogues on socialism in Dilemmas of Humanity Conference

The III International Dilemmas of Humanity Conference, organized by the International Peoples’ Assembly, is scheduled to be held in October this year, to “confront the crises of humanity” and highlight the solutions that movements, governments, and working people are building together to overcome the system

June 28, 2023 by Peoples Dispatch

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Members of the IPA marched in Caracas, Venezuela in 2019 as part of the International Peoples' Assembly in Solidarity with the Bolivarian Revolution and Against Imperialism. Photo: Rafael Stedile

People’s organizations, leaders, intellectuals and progressive public figures around the world are set to converge in South Africa later this year, to “confront the crises of humanity with concrete alternatives and solutions.” The III International Dilemmas of Humanity Conference, organized by the International Peoples’ Assembly (IPA), will be held between October 14 and 18, in Johannesburg.

As per a statement released on Wednesday, June 28, announcing the upcoming conference, movements from around the world have initiated the process of dialogues and coordination for the upcoming event, which intends to “to debate and create consensus that will lead to a common platform for reflection and action.”

Some of the prominent figures participating in the conference include Leila Khaled, Palestinian freedom fighter and member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), João Pedro Stedile, economist and leader of the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (MST) of Brazil, Thomas Isaac, economist and a leader of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M))), and Daniel Jadue, the mayor of Recoleta and member of the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh).

The conference will also include representatives from several social movements and progressive political groups, including National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), MST, Socialist Movement of Ghana, Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM), and Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) in the United States,.

The momentous conference is designed with an intention to have people’s movements “debate and discuss not only the crises generated by capitalism that people across the world face today, but also the solutions that movements, governments, and working people are building together to overcome this system.”

The concept note about the conference states that the event is organized with an aim “to debate and create consensus that will lead to a common platform for reflection and action.” The past two Dilemmas of Humanity conferences have often played a significant role in bringing together social movements and leftist political groups in solidarity and internationalist dialogues.

The five-day event will also be held in the aftermath of regional conferences in Tunis, Kathmandu, Santiago, Atlanta, and Johannesburg, in a bid to “synthesize the experiences and reflections from each continent to bring to the international conference.” The conference will include multiple plenary discussions on broader themes and will be open to the public and broadcast live on different platforms.

Some of the broader themes of discussion for the conference will include, building socialism today, working class organization, people’s democracy, and anti-imperialism and national sovereignty.

The First International Dilemmas of Humanity Conference was organized by MST and held in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil, in 2004, an unprecedented effort to discuss “the dilemmas of humanity” across sectors and movements.

The Second International Dilemmas of Humanity Conference held in São Paulo, Brazil in 2015, formed an international framework for “defining common strategies raised by popular movements and political organizations around the globe,” which eventually led to the creation of the International Peoples’ Assembly.

The IPA is a unique internationalist coalition of over 200 people’s organizations, including social movements, political parties, trade unions, and media platforms, from around the world.

Irvin Jim, secretary general of NUMSA, a host organization of the conference, stated that they “will be going deeper into discussion to reflect about the fact that capitalism as a system has no solutions for the problems that confront humanity.”

“We have a historical duty to once more go all out in raising levels of consciousness, in learning from the working class, to trigger this consistent belief that another world is possible, and socialism is the future we must continue to build,” Jim added, highlighting the central purpose of the upcoming conference.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/28/ ... -humanity/

Will revamped constitution herald stability in war-torn Mali?

A recent referendum has brought about major changes to Mali’s constitution and laid the foundations for elections next year. Despite challenges posed by separatist groups and Islamist insurgency, there is hope that the referendum is a step in the right direction

June 27, 2023 by Pavan Kulkarni

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A woman casts her ballot during the constitutional referendum in Mali on June 18. Photo: Habib Kouyate/Xinhua

Mali’s electoral authorities said on Friday, June 23, that the amendments to the 1992 constitution were approved by 97% of the 8.4 million voters who took part in a referendum on June 18. The UN-backed vote was conducted by the country’s Transitional Military Council (TMC).

Touted as the herald of the fourth republic in Mali, the amended constitution will provide the framework for the Presidential elections scheduled for February 2024, which will end the transitional period and mark a return to civilian rule. The amendments envisage substantial changes to state institutions, including the presidency and parliament. Voter turnout stood at 39.4%, higher than many recent elections.

The result of the referendum is seen as a demonstration of the popularity of Col. Assimi Goita who deposed the former elected president, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, in a coup in August 2020. The coup took place amid widespread demonstrations calling for the departure of French forces from Mali.

The French forces were deployed in 2013 to fight insurgencies that spread across the Sahel as a fallout of the war against Libya, in which France itself was a major participant. However, they failed to stop the terrorist groups that have since taken over increasing areas of Malian territory.

After removing Keita, who was largely perceived by protesters as corrupt and subservient to the former colonial power, Goita went on to position himself as the interim president of the military junta with another coup in 2021.

His popularity was consolidated when he asked France to withdraw its troops in 2022 – a move that was celebrated by a mass demonstration in the capital, Bamako.

The previous constitution had not specified whether the state was federal or unitary. The new constitution ends this ambiguity by describing Mali as a unitary republic. To accommodate regional and local representation in the unitary system, it introduces a Senate, in addition to the existing National Assembly.

The constitutional amendments demote French, recognized as the national language in the 1992 constitution, to a “working language,” currently in use for government communication. “The State may,” however, “adopt any other language as a working language,” the amended constitution states, adding that the “national languages are the official languages of Mali.”

In an apparent attempt to prevent the possibility of a French citizen ascending to the head of state, which has recently caused a scandal in Madagascar, the new constitution prohibits dual nationality for the President.

Access to food and water has been recognized as a right in the new constitution, drafted after what the government described as a “vast national consultation, called the National Refoundation Meetings” in December 2021.

Increasing presidential power while empowering parliament with impeachment authority
Amid speculation that Goita himself, or one of his loyalists, may contest for the presidency, with a high chance of winning the election given his current popularity, several critical commentators have argued that the new constitution undermines the parliament. Multiple reports stressed that the amended constitution allows the president to dissolve the national assembly.

It is of note, however, that the 1992 constitution also granted the president the authority to dissolve the National Assembly, with caveats similar to those in the amended constitution. However, while the former required the president to consult the prime minister and the president of the National Assembly before dissolution, the latter requires him to consult the elected presidents of both chambers of the parliament and the president of the constitutional court. The prime minister, who is the head of the government, need not be consulted as per the amendments.

The president, who appointed the prime minister, and in consultation with the latter, the other members of the government, had the authority to terminate their functions, even under the previous constitution. However, the amendments allow the president to remove the prime minister even without the latter’s resignation letter. Further, while the government was primarily responsible to the parliament previously, the amendments make it responsible to the president.

While thus strengthening the presidential power, the amendments also empower the parliament to impeach the president for high treason for violating the presidential oath. The 1992 Constitution made no such provision.

Financial accountability and secularism
In line with the requirements of the regional West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), it introduces the Court of Auditors, before which all legislators, ministers, and the president must declare their assets annually. The previous constitution imposed no requirement for asset declaration on any holders of state power.

The new constitution’s reiteration of the republic’s secular character in the Muslim-majority country was opposed bya grouping of 20 Islamist organizations. However, the estimated 3,000 Islamists who had mobilized in Bamako on June 16 to protest against the draft constitution ahead of the referendum were overwhelmingly outnumbered by around 50,000 supporters who demonstrated for a ‘yes’ vote.

Opposition to the new constitution also came from the traditional political parties. Sidi Toure, spokesperson for the opposition Party for National Rebirth (PARENA), was reported to have said that the draft constitution concentrates “too much power in the hands of the future president” and “will squash all the other institutions.”

Higher voter turnout than recent elections
The voter turnout was cited by the United Front against the Referendum as an indication of its rejection. The United Front is a coalition of political parties that called on citizens to either boycott the referendum or vote ‘No.’

However, the turnout was higher than the final round of the presidential election of 2018 (34.5%), in which Keita, the former president, was elected. The parliamentary elections that were held in 2020 just before Keita was deposed saw a turnout of 23.22% amid security concerns.

Ever since the introduction of multi-party democracy in Mali after the ouster of the military dictatorship by popular protests in 1992, voter turnout has remained low except during the presidential election in mid-2013, which saw a turnout of 48.9%. Keita won his first term in this election.

However, with the escalation of the war with the separatist insurgent groups and Islamist extremists, voter turnout in the subsequent parliamentary election dropped to around 38%. The turnout continued to decline in subsequent years as armed groups intensified their attacks and authorities found it difficult to secure conflict-hit areas.

Much of the country’s northern part is controlled by separatist rebel groups and Islamist terrorist organizations, including those with Al-Qaeda and ISIS affiliations. Voting for the referendum did not take place in the northeast in Kidal, one of Mali’s eight regions.

In the town of Tondidarou in Timbuktu, Mali’s largest region stretching from the north to the center, “electoral agents were kidnapped, beaten and tied up by unknown assailants… Their motorcycles and phones were taken,” the Malian Election Observation Mission reported. At a rural commune in the Segou Region of central Mali, the presidents of two polling stations were abducted. Ballot boxes were seized in several areas.

Armed groups also oppose referendum
The Permanent Strategic Framework for Peace, Security and Development (CSP-PSD), a coalition of northern armed separatist groups that had signed the Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation with the Malian government in Algiers in 2015, opposed the referendum.

The draft put to referendum “constitutes an obstacle for good governance and a democratic decline in view of the absence of a national consensus,” the coalition said, adding that the amended constitution “does not support the main provisions” of the Algiers agreement.

UN Special Representative El-Ghassim Wane maintained, however, that “nothing in the draft constitution runs counter to the implementation of the agreement, including the legislative and regulatory provisions relating to the institutional framework and to territorial reorganization.”

Concerned about the disagreements developing between the government and the Algiers agreement signatories over the referendum, he told the UN Security Council in January: “The ongoing transition offers a unique opportunity to advance the agreement: an opportunity that cannot and should not be squandered.”

Despite its support for the referendum, relations between the Malian government and the UN have been souring. There have been repeated protests in the country demanding the withdrawal of the 15,000 peacekeeping troops deployed under the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA).

Tensions mount between Malian government and the UN
The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) alleged in May that “there are strong indications that more than 500 people were killed—the vast majority summarily executed—by Malian troops and foreign military personnel during a five-day military operation in the village of Moura in the Mopti region of central Mali in March 2022.”

It added that “witnesses reported seeing “armed white men” who spoke an unknown language operating alongside the Malian forces and at times appearing to supervise operations,” in what is reportedly a thinly veiled reference to the Russian Wagner Private Military Company.

Its chief, Yevgeny Prigozhin, was exiled to Belarus on June 25 following his rebellion against the Russian government amid the ongoing war in Ukraine. However, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov reportedly confirmed on June 26 that Wagner members will continue to work in Mali as “instructors.”

Denouncing the UNHRC’s report, Abdoulaye Maiga, spokesperson of Mali’s government, called it a “biased report that is based on a fictitious narrative.” He added that “no civilian[s] from Moura lost their life during the military operation. Among the dead, there were only terrorist fighters and all those arrested were handed over to the gendarmerie.”

Ahead of the conference on June 16, Mali’s foreign minister, Abdoulaye Diop, asked the UN to withdraw its peacekeeping force. “Unfortunately”, he complained, “MINUSMA seems to have become a part of the problem in fueling inter-community tensions.” A demonstration reiterating the call for MINUSMA’s withdrawal was held once again on June 23.

Against all odds
Russia’s ambassador to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, told the UN Security Council that “one of the key tasks for the government of Mali is fighting terrorism,” and the peacekeepers, who do not have such a mandate, are unable to assist.

The Council must decide whether or not to renew MINUSMA’s mandate, which is to expire by June 30. A renewal against the wishes of Mali’s government seems unlikely. However, CSP-PSD has warned that “the withdrawal of the MINUSMA will be a fatal blow deliberately struck against the Peace Agreement.”

This risk of an unraveling of the peace agreement with separatists looms over the government, which is opposed by most political parties and is already at war with terrorist groups to wrest back control of about two-thirds of the national territory. Mali has also accused France of airdropping weapons to terrorist groups after its troops were ordered out.

Despite all these odds stacked against a secure and peaceful future for Mali, a popular confidence that the referendum is a step in the right direction is palpable, especially in Bamako, say media reports.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/06/27/ ... torn-mali/

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Human Suffering Worsens in DRC, the Heart of Africa
Ann Garrison, BAR Contributing Editor 28 Jun 2023

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A million more Congolese people have been displaced to satisfy the resource hunger of the industrialized world.

It’s easy to think that the human suffering in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) couldn’t get worse until it does, and it always does. How much more Black life will have to be sacrificed to fuel the industrial world’s hunger for Congolese resource riches, meaning most of all the minerals essential to high-tech manufacturing, including state of the art weaponry? Black Africans fight one another in DRC, but all those of us on our phones, sitting in front of our laptops or in the seats of commercial and military aircraft, and in every other way wired to modern technology should know that this is our war, our highly complex and catastrophic proxy war.

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre estimated the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in DRC to be 5.7 million at the end of 2022, and according to the UN Group of Experts on DRC’s latest report , a million have been displaced in the past year alone. The report describes myriad armed groups battling over DRC’s resource wealth, no matter what they call themselves, but Rwanda is the only state actor identified among them and the only one reported to be responsible for such staggering displacement. Most of the summary of the 240-page report is devoted to M23 and the Rwandan Defense Force working together:

Despite bilateral, regional and international efforts to de-escalate the crisis related to the Mouvement du 23 mars (M23), the sanctioned armed group continued to significantly expand its territory and increase its attacks. The armed group’s expansion engendered a catastrophic humanitarian crisis, causing the displacement of more than 1 million civilians in North Kivu Province. Announced withdrawals and disengagements appeared to have been temporary and tactical, aimed mainly at buying time amid mounting international pressure. M23 also launched attempts to win allies in South Kivu, in particular the armed group Twirwaneho, with the objective of opening a front in South Kivu.

The variety of M23 military equipment, some produced recently, provided insight into the significant firepower of the armed group and attested to violations of the arms embargo. The Group of Experts obtained further evidence of direct interventions by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) on Democratic Republic of the Congo territory, either to reinforce M23 combatants or to conduct military operations against the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) and local armed groups.

The Group identified several RDF commanders and officials coordinating RDF operations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. A new pattern of targeted attacks by M23 on civilians emerged, with several deadly operations targeting populations associated with, or presumed to support, FDLR and other armed groups. Incidents of rape, including gang rape by M23 combatants, were prevalent.

All the Western powers that have supported and made use of President Paul Kagame’s Rwanda and its military force for the past three decades are complicit. The great powers of the East benefit from Congo’s wealth as well and are therefore complicit even though they have not done so much to empower Rwanda during those decades.

The rest of the 240-page report is full of detail, much of it horrifying and most of it comprehensible only to longtime students of the many players and multiple layers of conflict and even then only partially. The authors of the report acknowledge working with very partial information themselves.

These are a few highlights of what’s revealed, even if not explicitly stated:

1) “Tin, tantalum and tungsten supply chains from the mining town of Rubaya, North Kivu, have become compromised by the presence of armed groups and the suspension of all activities to ensure the traceability of minerals. This also threatened tin, tantalum and tungsten supply chains in South Kivu Province, where the production of minerals in Rubaya was laundered.” Tin, tungsten, and tantalum are minerals that the electronics industry must have, and Lockheed Martin can’t go to work without them.

The threat to these supply chains features prominently in the report and is no doubt of greatest concern to the major powers on the UN Security Council—from both East and West—who commissioned it. It’s not clear what “compromised” means.

2) The Ugandan People’s Defense Force is in DRC, reportedly to fight the Allied Defense Forces, a reported Islamist group. However, Uganda has longstanding resource trafficking operations and territorial ambitions in DRC, so it’s ridiculous to believe that they are playing any legitimate role in the interest of peace and security for the Congolese.

3) The East African Regional Force has done nothing to stop the fighting. “Despite a symbolic handover by M23 to the East African Community Regional Force of Kibumba and Rumangabo towns on December 23, 2022 and January 5, 2023, respectively, M23 leaders and combatants remained present and operational in those towns and the surrounding areas.”

The very idea of expecting an East African force including Rwandan and Ugandan forces to secure peace and security in DRC was ridiculous and cynical on its face from the beginning.

4) “The political situation remained tense in the run-up to general elections scheduled for December 2023. The Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo noted with concern that dynamics related to the electoral process, combined with the ongoing heightened conflict in the east and strained regional relations, posed a threat to the country’s peace and stability.”

DRC will hold elections, most significantly a presidential election, in December 2023, and pre-election tensions are present on either side of the jungle that separates Congo’s densely populated provinces. Who will be registered? Who will have the chance to vote and how will votes be counted? Who controls the army and who will it side with?

In 2018, the Catholic Church documented that Martin Fayulu had in fact won the presidential election, but Félix Tshisekedi assumed power and has held it since. The Congolese need leaders who actually represent them.

If the world gives legitimacy to another stolen election, it will be contributing to the suffering of the Congolese people.

https://www.blackagendareport.com/human ... art-africa

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Sudanese Army Urges Civilians to Fight Paramilitary Forces

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Devastation left by the internal war in Sudan, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/ @eyeonSudan

The Army commander Al-Burhan asked the young people to join the military units to fight the insurgent groups.

On Tuesday, General Commander of the Sudanese Armed Force Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan urged those who are able to carry arms to join the fight against the paramilitary forces.

"We ask all the youth of my country and whoever can defend not to hesitate or delay in playing this patriotic role in the place of his residence or by joining the military units to get the honor of defending the country," said Al-Burhan in a speech broadcast by the official Sudan TV.

The army commander called on everyone to "be vigilant and ready to confront the existing threats to Sudan," a country he said is targeted by conspiracies both internally and externally.

Al-Burhan further announced a unilateral one-day cease-fire "on the occasion of Eid al-Adha, or the Feast of Sacrifice," which will take effect on the first day of the festival on June 28.

On Monday, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) Commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo announced a two-day unilateral cease-fire "in consideration of the Eid holiday circumstances and for humanitarian purposes."

However, the truce failed to stop the bloodshed in Sudan as heavy fighting continued between the two rival factions in the capital Khartoum on Tuesday.

Sudan has been witnessing deadly armed clashes between the army and the RSF in Khartoum and other areas since April 15, which have left over 3,000 people killed and more than 6,000 others injured, according to the Sudanese Health Ministry.

About 2.5 million people have been displaced inside and outside of Sudan since the conflict broke out, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Sud ... -0007.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Fri Jul 07, 2023 2:55 pm

Sudan: War, Partition and Ethnic Cleansing
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 6, 2023
Guadi Calvo

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While the civil war is still raging in Sudan and the cease-fire agreements established in the negotiations in the Saudi city of Jeddah, monitored by Riyadh and Washington, are systematically failing, reports are increasing of episodes of ethnic cleansing being practiced by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in the Darfur region.

These paramilitary forces are led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, alias Hemetti, an old warlord elevated to the rank of general by the dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir. Beyond the tough confrontations in Khartoum with the regular Sudanese army, he has concentrated much of his efforts to assert himself in Darfur.

Hemetti, a native of that region like a large number of his troops, has not forgotten his unfinished business since 2003, when, under the pretext of putting an end to the separatist group Haraka Tahrir Sudan (Sudan Liberation Movement), which had attacked the Darfur region in April 2003, which had attacked in April 2003 the airport of El Fasher, in the capital of Shamal Darfur (north), one of the five states of the region, launched a campaign of extermination against the black ethnic groups or Masalists, a group of tribes, Nilo-Saharan (Christian and animist) farmers.

The operation ended with the death of more than half a million Masalists, a massacre perpetrated by the Janjaweed (armed horsemen), camel drivers, then led by Hemetti together with the Baggaras, an ethnically Arab community of Muslim faith, which would end up forming the seed of today’s rapid forces. The genocide in Darfur has remained unpunished since then, despite the fact that those most responsible for it have been identified and proven to have committed countless war crimes such as extrajudicial executions, kidnappings, torture, mass rape of women and girls, forced displacement of the civilian population -which exceeded two million people and included the use of chemical weapons- which today can so easily be repeated in exactly the same way as the crime of 20 years ago.

Although the civil war is being fought mainly in Khartoum, the country’s capital, today in fact a ghost town after having become the epicenter of the fighting. Entire neighborhoods have been looted and then razed to the ground, destroying most of the hospitals and supply centers, so that the population that has not been able to escape from the capital has no way of obtaining basic goods, drinking water, electricity, internet, banks, classes in schools and universities.And the entire public administration, which could have brought even minimal order to the chaos, has disappeared.

In the battle for Khartoum, it seems that the RSF are beginning to prevail over the regular Sudanese army, commanded by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, which has not been able to gain a greater advantage despite the fact that it has aviation, which the paramilitaries completely lack, and which is widely imposed with their ground forces.

Since the beginning of the current conflict, last April 15, between the Rapid Support Forces and the Sudanese armed forces commanded by General al-Burhan, the operations against the black civilian population of Darfur have not stopped, and new crimes against the civilian population have been constantly reported, again at the hands of the same vectors, who have changed their name but not their methods.Last June 15, the governor of Ghard Darfur (West), Khamis Abdullah Abakar, was assassinated by RSF paramilitaries, which has precipitated further violence against the civilian population.Governor Abakar was executed after giving a television interview in which he alleged that the RSF had killed hundreds of ordinary citizens in the region.Abakar was abducted in El-Geneina, the state capital, and later found dead.The murdered governor had a high standing in society, having once fought against the Janjaweed and saved the lives of hundreds of Masalit, which cost him imprisonment and exile.

The assassination of Abakar caused greater concern among the population of the regional capital, which has taken to the roads seeking refuge in neighboring Chad, whose border is less than 30 kilometers from El-Geneina, where refugees already exceed 300,000 and new contingents continue to join every day. Meanwhile, as many others have reached the border with Egypt as well as South Sudan and Ethiopia, where Sudanese refugees are believed to number around one million in bordering countries, while internally displaced persons have reached three million.

Beyond Khartoum and Darfur, another of the main centers of conflict is located in the central Kordofan region, between Darfur and the Nile Valley, where the RSF attacked the town of El-Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan, where a key oil refinery is located in addition to the transit of the pipeline that transports oil from Sudan and South Sudan.The regional force of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, composed mainly of members of the Nuba ethnic group, led by Abdulaziz al-Hilu, is taking advantage of the conflict to position itself with its strength and expand the Nubian cause to South Kordofan, capturing positions abandoned by the army in the framework of the priorities demanded by the civil war.

While the negotiations in Jeddah are failing, the African Union (AU) countries do not seem to know how to intervene and while the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) – the regional bloc of the Horn of Africa – cannot find a way to mediate, last Friday the official request of the Sudanese Sovereign Council – meaning the force of General a-Burhan who is in fact president of the country – through Vice-President Malik Agar, for Russian collaboration to cooperate in the resolution of the conflict was made known.

Angar stated in a press conference during his visit to Moscow, “We have asked for Russia’s help to put an end to the war in Sudan and informed the Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, about a road map for the solution of the crisis”.

Beyond the cooperation of President Vladimir Putin’s government, it must be understood that other regional factors are at play in the Sudanese conflict, as is the case of Egypt, which is openly supporting General al-Burhan, while the United Arab Emirates (UAE), together with the Libyan force controlled by General Khalifa Hafther, is supporting Hemetti, whose organization, RSF, collaborated with Hafther at the time, as it did together with the UAE and Saudi Arabia throughout the war in Yemen.

In the current context of the war, some local analysts consider that it could be reaching the point where both sides could agree on the partition of the country, since the differences between the Army and the RSF are of such a caliber that a collegiate government would be impossible and the differences would only be settled by one force being able to impose itself absolutely over the other, so that most of the western and southern territories could remain under the control of the RSF, while the army of General al-Burhan would take the north and the east of the country.

In addition to taking into account the numerous regional and tribal forces which, throughout these two and a half months of conflict, have charted their own course by committing themselves, depending on the occasion, to one of the two main sides.The decision to reach this agreement urges fundamentally the army, where cracks and discussions regarding the course of the war, economic and even ideological interests have been detected within this force. All the more so now that the army historically controlled by the riparian elite or of the great Khartoum, as it is also known, has been losing representativeness over the last few years and fundamentally after the coup against Omar al-Bashir in 2019.

It will be necessary to continue to monitor the possibility of partition, because there is a risk that the Hemetti forces could remain in control of all of Darfur, which could guarantee the annihilation of the Masalist people.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... cleansing/

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Somalia: The Lawless Frontier
Ann Garrison, BAR Contributing Editor 05 Jul 2023

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Screenshot from the Aljazeera documentary "Beyond The Massive Security Wall In Somalia."

A UN "peacekeeping" mission continues operations in Somalia.

Last week the UN Security Council adopted a resolution to extend the UN peacekeeping mission in Somalia until the end of December 2023, but the troops are supposed to withdraw entirely by the end of December 2024. The mission’s name is the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) , but although the troops are African, it’s actually a Security Council mission funded by the US/EU/NATO nations. I spoke to Somali Kenyan scholar Dr. Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad about the troops and whether or not they’ll really withdraw.

Ann Garrison: Dr. Abdiwahab, do you think the ATMIS troops will actually withdraw?

Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad: I don’t think so. ATMIS is there for the interest of the West in Somalia, and they’ll stay until their job is done. They have been there for fifteen years now, just guarding specific government installations, not fighting Al-Shabaab. Their mandate was to root Al-Shabaab out of Somalia, but Al-Shabaab has not gone anywhere. In fact they’re much stronger than they were fifteen years ago. They infiltrated both ATMIS and the Somali National Army. They’re bribing the top military brass, looting sophisticated military hardware, and killing both government soldiers and ATMIS troops.

AG: What interests of the Western world do they serve, and how do they do that?

ASA: When I say the Western world, I mean the US, UK, EU and NATO. That’s who funds ATMIS. The AU failed to raise funds for it. The West’s interest is to keep Somalia weak, fragmented, and fragile, so that they can easily exploit its resources.

AG: Can you remind us what those resources are?

ASA: Somalia enjoys the longest coastline in Africa. The EU and others are doing illegal fishing and mining and dumping their worst waste products off the Somali coast. They’re also eager to extract its untapped offshore oil and gas reserves.

AG: Has President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) asked to have the ATMIS mission extended?

ASA: HSM is a foreign project. He has to do what they want. His Western puppet masters dictate to him, and he is not answerable to his people, who never voted for him.

AG: Isn't HSM calling on more foreign mercenaries to take the place of the ATMIS troops who have departed so far? According to reports some thousands of the 20,000 troops have departed and more will go by December.

ASA: One thing I can tell you for sure is that Hassan can’t go against his Western masters, and I think they want to bring foreign mercenaries in to minimize the cost. ATMIS is more expensive than they will be. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) are training 10,000 mercenaries for the next six months to reduce the cost of ATMIS.

Somalia is a theater of war. It’s Afro action cinema.

AG: You've already got all sorts of private freelance mercenaries in Somalia. What are they up to?

ASA: There are more than thirty foreign security companies stationed In the Halane compound in Mogadishu, the equivalent of the Green Zone in Iraq. If you talk publicly about what all these private freelance mercenaries are up to, you will become a moving target. You will be dead the next day. Somalia is the black hole of the globe, but, unfortunately, few researchers are aware of that.

AG: But you’re talking about it for Black Agenda Report,

ASA: Those in Somalia can’t talk about their activities, but I’m in Kenya where I can talk.

AG: So what do they do?

ASA: Illegal mining, illegal fishing, targeted assassination, illegal trade such as buying and selling weapons, guarding foreign embassies, escorting Western dignitaries, etc.

AG: It sounds like their excuse for being there might be guarding foreign embassies, escorting Western dignitaries, etc., and then they get up to all this extra stuff on the side.

ASA: Basically, they are guns for hire who develop their own business interests. They even do some training. These foreign freelance mercenaries are messing up all Somalia.

AG: Training whom?

ASA: They trained Somaliland Special Forces, and you know that Somaliland Special Forces are now attacking the people of Laascaanood in the Sool Region. who want to be part of Somalia, not part of a Somaliland secessionist state.

AG: What nationalities are they?

ASA: They’re mostly from Western countries.

AG: Are Blackwater mercenaries there?

ASA: Yes, they are there but using another name.

AG: This sounds like the Wild West, the lawless frontier.

ASA: It’s horrific.

AG: What do US troops bombing Al-Shabaab add to all this chaos and lawlessness?

ASA: They are there for their own interests, securing resources and geopolitical positioning for the West. They don’t care about anything else.

AG: OK, we know that a nation without a sovereign military is not truly sovereign, so it's impossible to say Somalia is truly sovereign with US troops, UN troops, and all sorts of mercenary armies operating there under different commands. What can be done to build a sovereign Somali military?

ASA: Somali security forces should be trained in a single friendly state, preferably Turkey, which enjoys a central command, and other countries must withdraw their proxy forces. Somalia must fully engage in bilateral security cooperation with the Turkish government during the training period, and the rest of the countries involved must stop their training. Once Somali forces have been trained to take control in Somalia, then ATIMIS, the US, and all the freelance mercenaries must leave the country with immediate effect.

AG: Dr. Abdiwahab, thank you for speaking to Black Agenda Report.

ASA: You’re most welcome.

https://www.blackagendareport.com/somal ... s-frontier

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Gaddafi’s Son Jailed in Lebanon Without Trial Hospitalized Due to Hunger Strike
JULY 5, 2023

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Hannibal Gaddafi, son of murdered Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. Photo: AP/Abdel Magid al-Fergany.

Hannibal Gaddafi, son of the murdered Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi has been hospitalized in critical condition due to his hunger strike at the prison of the Lebanese internal security forces, Al-Hadath TV reported citing informed sources.

Last month, Gaddafi’s son Hannibal went on a hunger strike to protest his incarceration without trial in Lebanon since 2015, his lawyer said.

Al-Hadath TV reported on Sunday, July 2, that Hannibal Gaddafi suffered a sharp drop in his blood sugar level because of the hunger strike and was hospitalized in critical condition.

Hannibal Gaddafi was captured on the Syria-Lebanon border. He and his family received political asylum in Syria following the assassination of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya in 2011.

https://orinocotribune.com/gaddafis-son ... er-strike/

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REUTERS HELPED OVERTHROW EGYPTIAN DEMOCRACY IN 2013
Jul 6, 2023 , 4:51 p.m.

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The English outlet helped overthrow Egypt's only democracy in 5,000 years (Photo: Shutterstock)

Ten years after the coup d'état against Mohamed Morsi, executed by the army chief, General Abdel Fattah Sisi, documents come to light that reveal how the Reuters news agency, acting as a media weapon of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the The United Kingdom served as a channel for the financing of an Egyptian outlet that called for the overthrow of the first democratically elected leader in 5,000 years of Egyptian history.

Any democratic advance in the country has since been reversed. Political parties and critical media have been banned and many have been harassed, disappeared, tortured and imprisoned. Egypt has the highest rate of political prisoners in the world, some 60,000.

Leaked documents reviewed by The Grayzone reveal that Reuters worked closely with the British Foreign Office to push the fateful events of July 3, 2013. The genesis goes back to the anti-Mubarak protests in 2011 that ended in the end of that government and the possibility, finally, of ending military governments.

Faced with the possibility of an independent government being installed and different from the servile authoritarianism of the West, the fear of the British government, a former colonizer and its largest investor today, grew. It is there that the Thomson Reuters Foundation (TRF) established Aswat Masriya, a ostensibly independent media outlet to cover Egyptian affairs.

According to The Grayzone investigation, London had injected 2 million euros into the initiative. "Reuters offices in Cairo provided payroll, human resources and security support to Aswat Masriya, and the outlet was based there for its duration," he notes.

The story and the outcome of what happened are already known. What is remarkable about what is confirmed by these leaked documents is the method used to overthrow a government: training of journalists who generate products in several languages, financing local communication projects and NGOs, among other strategies that have been recycled in other countries.

https://misionverdad.com/reuters-ayudo- ... ia-en-2013

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At Least 8 Dead in Eastern DR Congo Raid
JULY 6, 2023

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M23 rebels prepared to leave after a ceremony to mark the withdrawal from their positions in Kibumba, in eastern DR Congo, in December 23, 2022. Photo: AP.

Five women and two children were killed in the attack.

In a fresh attack in the unrest-plagued east of DR Congo, at least eight people were killed, including five women and two children, locals told AFP on Wednesday.

Eight people were killed in an overnight raid by armed men on the village of Bungushu in the North Kivu province, according to a local Red Cross employee.

According to him, four of them were killed by hacking, and the bodies of another four were later discovered in pit latrines.

While local administrative official Isaac Kibira stated that the death toll was “around nine”, another civil society source — under the same condition of anonymity — confirmed the death toll.

The M23 rebels that battle the DR Congo’s armed forces and local militias, were the suspects, according to Kibira.

The Kivu Security Tracker (KST), a reputable observer of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, backed up that assertion.

It posted on Twitter that while its soldiers were pursuing a fighter with the Nyatura CMC, a primarily Hutu armed group, the M23 rebels attacked civilians.

“The killings… which occurred on the night of July 4 in Bungushu, Tongo and the surrounding area,” the M23 militant group said in a statement, blaming them on the “Kinshasa government forces.”

After a long period of inactivity, the M23 started fighting again in late 2021 and quickly seized large areas of land close to the DR Congo’s border with Rwanda.

The government accused Rwanda of aiding the rebels as its beleaguered army struggled to cope; this accusation was refuted by Kigali but supported by United Nations analysts.

One notable accusation against the M23 is the massacre of over 170 people in November at Kishishe, a community located around 15 km (9 miles), north of Bungushu.

https://orinocotribune.com/at-least-8-d ... ongo-raid/
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Jul 12, 2023 1:21 pm

Africa’s Battle Against Terrorism

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Fight against terrorism in Africa. Jul. 10, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@direct_1africa

Published 10 July 2023 (10 hours 34 minutes ago)

In today’s hyperconnected world, the spread of terrorism in Africa is not a concern for African Member States alone. The challenge belongs to the whole world.

Amr Farouk, a researcher in the affairs of terrorist groups, confirmed that Egypt's provision of heavy weapons to Niger is a reflection of Cairo's vital and strategic role in combating terrorism in Africa.

Farouk indicated in a statement to RT that the Egyptian state's efforts to support the countries of the Sahel and Sahara regions to uproot extremist currents and terrorist groups come within the framework of several levels.

He highlighted the most important one: Cairo's participation in chairing the Global Counterterrorism Forum (GCTF), which is currently co-chaired by Egypt and the European Union. The Forum brings together policymakers and practitioners from around the world to share experiences and expertise and to develop practical, publicly available tools and strategies on how to prevent and counter the evolving terrorist threat.

Its objectives are in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the relevant Security Council resolutions, and international law, as well as supporting the United Nations strategy to combat terrorism.

Its overarching mission is to reduce the vulnerability of people worldwide to terrorism by mobilizing expertise and resources to prevent, combat, and prosecute terrorist acts and counter incitement and recruitment to terrorism.

The terrorism affairs researcher pointed out that the Egyptian state also launched the "Sahel and Desert" center to combat terrorism in African countries through three tracks: information exchange, training, rehabilitation, and armament. It also focused on strengthening the capabilities of its defense and security forces for effective combat and its contribution to laying the foundations for planning. Egypt makes use of its experience in the field of combating terrorism and violent extremism in the implementation of its plan. In addition to achieving a set of successes in stopping the penetration and expansion of terrorist groups.

The UN has always been very keen on combating the issue of terrorism in Africa. Speaking on behalf of Secretary-General António Guterres, Amina Mohammed has many times tackled the issue, where she emphasized that “nowhere has terrorism been felt more keenly than in Africa,” underscoring that terrorists and violent extremists, including Da’esh, Al-Qaida and their affiliates, have exploited instability and conflict to increase their activities and intensify attacks across the continent.

Urging support for regional organizations and sustainable financing to counterterrorism in Africa, the Deputy Secretary-General stressed that the spread of terrorism is a concern for the entire international community and requires a preventive approach that includes respect for human rights and international law.

“In today’s hyperconnected world, the spread of terrorism in Africa is not a concern for African Member States alone. The challenge belongs to us all,” she underscored. Countering international terrorism requires effective multilateral responses that address concurrent and converging threats, such as the worsening climate crisis, armed conflict, poverty and inequality, lawless cyberspace, and the uneven recovery from COVID-19.

Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, said African initiatives, such as the Accra Initiative and the Peace Fund, demonstrate that the continent can mobilize its resources and its men and women in the fight against terrorism. However, the traditional means of responding to threats to peace—peacekeeping and peacebuilding—no longer correspond to new menaces.

Faki Mahamat stressed that the mandates of United Nations missions should be revised to make them more effective. The Union stands ready to work with the United Nations and the Council to initiate a new approach to counter the scourge and its direct and indirect causes.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Afr ... -0022.html

BRICS Summit Will Be Held in Person in South Africa

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BRICS Summit in South Africa. Jul. 10, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@its_maria012

Published 10 July 2023 (8 hours 52 minutes ago)

The BRICS need to coordinate forces and strategies in an increasingly polarized international scene, where traditional hegemonies are being restructured in a way that has not been seen since the Cold War.

Next August, Pretoria will hold the BRICS meeting. The 5 emerging powers that make up the group: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, which holds its presidency, have decided that the summit will be held in person.

The BRICS need to coordinate forces and strategies in an increasingly polarized international scene, where traditional hegemonies are being restructured in a way that has not been seen since the Cold War. Within this projection of the bloc's unity, the less influential members in international politics, such as Brazil and South Africa, defend their membership of the group as an example of neutrality in the face of war in Europe.

Brazil and South Africa, while collaborating economically from the space offered by the BRICS as well as from the diplomatic and bilateral ties that flow from it, keep their channels of communication and collaboration with the West. They are both keen to be present in forums and meetings convened by Western powers and organizations. This is the specific case of South Africa, when Cyril Ramaphosa visited Europe with the aim of meeting with the presidents of Russia and Ukraine, respectively. Last month, Ramaphosa led the presidents of the Republic of Congo, Egypt, Senegal, and Uganda in a historic attempt to broker peace between Kyiv and Moscow.

The delegation went to the city of Bucha, a suburb of the city of Kiev, and there they spoke of the need for peace and shared their experiences on the devastating effects of wars on the present of nations and their future generations. They also participated as guests in the international economic conference in Russia.

The summit is an opportunity for Pretoria to convene greater economic collaboration, considering the moment of inflation and rising poverty. Pretoria has done strong diplomatic work to avoid holding the summit in China. There were fears in the bloc that one of the least strong members of the economic bloc would see its socio-economic and political agenda with the Western powers affected by organizing a summit in a neutral position because of the war in Ukraine.

According to African media, Pretoria has the intention to include a space for dialogue for peace in the summit. Cyril insists that the summit will not only be a forum on economic issues but also an opportunity, under his leadership, to bring up the issue of peace between Russia and Ukraine as well as the negotiation of grain exports.

Perhaps the weakest country in the block is South Africa. Today, it is going through a tough economic situation, which has forced a return to the blackout regime and unleashed the reputation of poverty indicators. Presumably, the government seeks to have a greater voice before its partners in the framework of the summit.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/BRI ... -0025.html

The Awakening of Africa

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Africa political discourse. Jul. 10, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@RussiaUN

Published 10 July 2023 (13 hours 17 minutes ago)

The transformations in the new political discourse of the leaders of Africa were accompanied by similar shifts in the media and cultural discourse.


The African continent has witnessed several positive signs that may eventually lead to what can be described as the dynamism that precedes a general continental renaissance. Firstly, there are new discussions from the side of African leaders after they gradually returned to adopting a liberal political discourse.

This discourse mainly focused on the development of the continent and revealed what had been hidden from issues left over since colonialism: the economy, finance, terrorism, and relations with Western armies. In addition to the south-south relations and east-south relations.

All these issues were so far represented through a mirror of the colonial West’s gate and its endeavor to improve the functioning of capitalism as a system to dominate the destinies of the countries of the world.

African Media as a support for the liberalization of the economy
The transformations in the new political discourse of the leaders of Africa were accompanied by similar shifts in the media and cultural discourse. Assassinations of the leaders who struggled for the liberation movement, those who began to express the will for financial and economic independence, did not prevent this visionary return to calling for dusting off the facts that were carefully hidden. The best example of that is, for instance, the truth about the African franc and the disasters that France's policy resulted in on a continent that was carefully planned to keep moving backwards.

These capitalist plans were designed in order to preserve the precious resource of the treasury beyond the sea and to maintain the progress and economic well-being of Europe and the West in general. Well-being was not only something western societies benefited from, but was also mainly directed to the pockets of the world's wealthy. The capital represented by multinational companies also benefited from this opportunity.

African media professionals have confronted Western propaganda that has constantly sought to mobilize them to resist the independence tendency of the leaders. They did so by directing African public opinion towards topics such as the Chinese economic presence on the continent and its danger to relations with the West.

Why is Africa at the center of the attention of the colonial West?
A few days ago, a group of heads of state from the African continent visited Ukraine and Russia on a mediation mission for peace. After their first visit to Ukraine, the impression that may have prevailed is that the solutions to the whole issue are in the hands of the Russian president, who can take the initiative to restore the situation to what it was before Russia's military operation. Appearances do not always reflect the reality of the situation on the ground.

The African presidents came out of their session with President Putin with a different conviction, of which they were not completely unaware. Some hope remains in them that their good intentions will move the Ukrainian side. They came to the conviction that the keys to the solutions lie in the Western capitals, which, since the days of the Minsk Agreement, have been merely observing the operations of the Russian side and feeling the pulse of its intentions. The West is the owner of the game and the real decision-maker, and in such circumstances, it is necessary to mediate between the real parties to the conflict and not spend time and effort trying to find the guilty.

Africa is working hard, both politically and culturally, to bring about a revolution in its economy, considering that it is still a virgin continent. Its leaders are convinced that a real change in the economy must go through a revolution against dependency and a path to getting rid of its political tools. These tools have been represented by the inherited political and military elites since the era of colonialism. These latter do not serve the people, nor do they believe in development or aim for progress. The West will not be a trusted partner due to the differences between them and the African countries and, basically, due to the differences between both sides' strategies.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/The ... -0019.html

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The UK-Rwanda Pact to Keep Migrants from Crossing the English Channel
Ann Garrison, BAR Contributing Editor 12 Jul 2023

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The UK is spearheading a European drive to outsource migrants to Rwanda.

UK officials have been trying to ship African and Middle Eastern migrants to Rwanda since June 2022 despite successful legal challenges mounted by immigrant rights advocates, including intervention by the European Court of Human Rights .

At the end of June, three UK Court of Appeal judges said Rwanda could not be considered a “safe third country” where migrants from any country could be sent, but the government has vowed to appeal .

One thing is clear about this policy. Its real purpose is to stop migrants from crossing the English Channel for fear of being deported to Rwanda. Imagine making it all the way across the Mediterranean, then Southern Europe, then the English Channel, only to wind up where? In Rwanda, the second most densely populated nation in Africa and one of the most politically repressive.

That might seem like enough to keep migrants on the French side of the Channel or drive them to seek refuge elsewhere in Europe, but Denmark has already signed a deal with Rwanda on transporting migrants to Rwanda and sought EU collaboration in sending asylum seekers outside the block. The European Union already pays Libyan militias to stop migrants, force them into dangerous detention centers, and send them to Rwanda .

I spoke to Rwandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza about the UK and the rest of Europe offloading migrants to Rwanda. Ingabire spent eight years in a Rwandan prison after her failed attempt to run for president in 2010. She is now a political prisoner, not confined to her home as previously, but unable to leave Rwanda and frequently summoned for interrogation by authorities.

Ann Garrison: Victoire, you’ve said that deporting migrants to Rwanda violates international law. Why is that?

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza: It violates the UN refugee convention that asserts that a refugee should not be returned to a country where they face serious threats to their life or freedom.

AG: The European Union is paying to stop migrants in Libya and send them to Rwanda. What happens to them when they get there? Do you have any idea what percentage actually stay to become permanent residents or citizens of Rwanda, and what percentage are deported back to their home countries or resettled elsewhere in Africa?

VIU: These are refugees who temporarily stay in Rwanda waiting to be resettled anywhere else. This arrangement has been agreed on by the Rwandan Government, the African Union, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The European Union provides for living expenses of the refugees in transit while they are waiting to be resettled. Thus, these refugees stay in a special place with better living conditions than Burundian and Congolese refugees who’ve crossed Rwanda’s borders and live in camps.

Between September 2019 and today, 1500 refugees from Libya have been received in Rwanda. Nine hundred of them have been resettled to other African countries. I have not heard of any of them having been deported or given permanent residence permits in Rwanda.

AG: The BBC reports, “They may be granted refugee status to stay in Rwanda. If not, they can apply to settle there on other grounds, or seek asylum in another ‘safe third country.’” What would they face if they stayed in Rwanda?

VIU: Rwanda does not have enough jobs for its own people let alone Britain’s migrants. So many young Rwandans do not have jobs that it will not be possible to find work for others, and I doubt that these migrants will have enough money to set up their own businesses. And they would face severe state repression if they ever protested government policies here.

AG: Why do you think Rwandan officials agreed to this policy? Is it anything more than what’s been called a “grubby cash for humans” plan, in which the UK and the EU both pay large sums of money to Rwanda for handling their problem?

VIU: Prior to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) that took place in Rwanda last year, the United Kingdom had harshly and publicly criticized and condemned the Rwandan government’s human rights violations. However, since both governments agreed on that asylum deal, the British government has abstained from criticizing the Rwandan government.

Instead, British officials are often heard praising Rwanda as a safe country that has achieved remarkable progress. I am not suggesting that the British government or any partner of Rwanda shouldn’t praise Rwanda’s progress, but the British government’s sudden change in communication is an indication that the Rwandan government, by entering into these deals with its development partners, gains from not being criticized for its lack of respect for human rights and the rule of law as well as for its disregard for democratic values in Rwanda. So it is not only about money.

AG: Is there anything else you’d like to say about this?

VIU: My country has unsolved problems with Rwandan refugees who are afraid to return to Rwanda. There are more than 250,000 Rwandan refugees across the world who cannot return because they feel Rwanda is not a safe country for them. The majority of these refugees have settled in neighboring countries. This situation has created political tensions with our neighbors, leading to border closures with both Burundi and Uganda. Today Rwanda is not on good terms with the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) partly due to the issue of Rwandan refugees there.

In my opinion, before the Rwandan government focuses on taking asylum seekers deported from the UK, it needs to tackle the core issues that lead Rwandans to flee and fear to return home.

First and foremost, it needs to take the necessary steps to divorce Rwandan politics from violence, removing all social and political incentives for dissident groups to take up arms or do politics in exile.

To achieve this, the Rwandan government must enter into an inclusive and open dialogue with its dissenting voices and Rwandan refugees from across the board. It should use this dialogue to draft governance reforms that would guarantee political inclusion, respect for human rights and the rule of law in Rwanda, and that can be supported by all stakeholders. Rwanda’s development partners, such as the UK, should encourage and support such a process.

Last week’s British court decision that the UK and Rwanda immigration plan is unlawful is not what the British government expected.

The British government has learned something out of this decision and understands that it is time to support the Rwandan government to engage in political dialogue with its dissenting voices so that a better, safer political system can be implemented in Rwanda.

https://www.blackagendareport.com/uk-rw ... sh-channel
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Africa and the Tyranny of the Cult of Mediocrity
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 11, 2023
Dr William J Mpofu

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One of the most stubborn truths about colonialism as a system and a power structure that was violently imposed on Africa is that it has remained alive and working many decades after the political independence of African countries. For the majority of Africans, economic and political conditions have remained colonial in what scholars of decolonial consciousness and sensibility have called coloniality. The tragedy of this for Africans is that the durable colonial modes and structures of power have come to be used by leaders that have become native colonisers of their own people in the violent way in which they monopolise power and loot public resources for personal gain. For these scholars, this reality creates a vexing philosophical dilemma that they must confront.

Acknowledging the existence of vexing truths

The vexation evidently stems from the sour truth that some African leaders have maintained Africa in a state of underdevelopment. Hence African scholars must embrace this rude reality or resign to political denialism where such leaders are defended no matter the facts. Decolonial scholars, in the main, have a tragic wish that Walter Rodney’s truth that Europe underdeveloped Africa though slavery, imperialism and colonialism remains the only truth in the basket of truths. It is a strong temptation for some of these scholars to be possessed by the tragic fantasy that the African condition of poverty and underdevelopment could solely be understood in terms of settler colonialism and imperialism that Europeans deployed to under develop Africa. As such, that some African leaders have become native colonisers of Africans is a shame.

For instance, when commentators such as Greg Mills observe that: “The main reason why Africa’s people are poor is because their leaders have made this choice,” the decolonists wish that this was false in all circumstances. Mills continues to offer that: “The record shows that countries can grow their economies and develop faster if leaders take sound decisions in the national interest,” which most African leaders have not done. In the case of Zimbabwe what would embarrass and shame the decolonialists is when Zimbabweans, suffering under the native colonialism of the Zanu-PF government publicly exclaim that life was far much better under the Rhodesian settler colonialism of Ian Smith. It is a piercing indictment to African liberation sensibility when, like some biblical Jews in the long desert to Canaan who demanded that Moses returns them to Egypt, Africans begin to loudly express the wish to return to the colonial days. Clearly, decolonial scholars need the courage to name and shame native colonialism even as we collectively reject this distortion of history that seeks to whitewash the crimes of European colonialism. African scholars do not have to choose between European colonialism and native colonialism; they rather need to confront the latter as vehemently as Africans fought the former. For choosing to defend native colonialism is promoting mediocrity.

Colonial economic and political conditions are at their zenith when a few powerful individuals monopolise the polity and the economy at the expense of the majority in any country. It takes some decolonial courage like that of Chinua Achebe who, in the case of Nigeria, argued that: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership, there is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or anything else,” but the failure of the leaders to work and lead in the national economic and political interest of African countries. Achebe’s judgement of the Nigerian political and economic condition is true of many African countries such as Zimbabwe that are failed or failing states whose polities and economies are in crisis. I must add to Achebe that the African leadership crisis is accompanied by a crisis of followership where genocidal and corrupt African leaders have armies of flatterers and choirs of sycophants that lionise them and urge them on in their tyranny and thievery. Achebe is correct in that, as Africans: “We have displayed a consistent inclination since we assumed management of our affairs to opt for mediocrity and compromise, to pick a third and fourth eleven to play for us.”

Looking at such African violations of Africa, using decoloniality as a philosophy of liberation, one must swallow Afrocentric pride and construct the painful vocabulary of naming, not just European colonialism that underdeveloped Africa, but also native colonialism where some African liberation movements have degenerated into native colonialist and genocidal cults whose violence and corruption smell to the high heavens.

Any discerning African that has watched the recent Al Jazeera documentary, The Gold Mafia, will admit that native colonialism, where African leaders through their families, friends, and fronts siphon a country’s resources and launder public money exists. Vividly represented in the Zimbabwean political and economic condition is that African tragedy of coloniality where Rhodesian settler colonialism, at the political independence of Zimbabwe in 1980, gave way to native colonialism where the ruling elite did not only monopolise political power but took ownership of the economy and resources of the country that they conspicuously consume, swimming in opulence and prosperity while the majority of Zimbabweans are drowning in abject poverty and unspeakable misery. In the way the natural resources and the public money of Zimbabwe is squandered by the top leadership, Zimbabwe is a crime scene.

The ruling elite are loud about how western imposed sanctions hurt the Zimbabwean economy and deafeningly silent on the Gold Mafia, in shape of the ruling elite, that daily bleeds the economy and the polity of Zimbabwe. Their unbridled corruption has been normalised to a political culture that has become the very definition of the country. Achebe called such leaders and their political parties and factions the ‘cult of mediocrity’ that lead by failing and that give African leadership itself a bad name. Leadership is so defamed by the leaders that it has become easy for Zimbabweans to loudly exclaim that Rhodesian colonialism was far better than the present regime, which is a political tragedy.

Enter the Cult of Mediocrity

It is that titanic decolonial philosopher, Frantz Fanon, who made the telling remark that most African postcolonial leaders have sold their countries to the lowest bidder, stupidity itself. Africa has telling examples of how the continent has elected to positions of leadership some leaders that have elevated idiocy, in the Greek sense of the word, into sanctity. From Idi Amin to Mobutu, amongst many, the continent has fronted leaders that tragically affirm the colonial and racist stereotype of Africans as unwise, violent, and incorrigibly dishonest.

That Zimbabwe has been colonised by a cult of mediocrity that operates as native colonialists is not only confirmed by government critics, political activists and concerned scholars. It is a truism that is also confirmed by the leaders of the cult and their spokespersons. In shocking video footage Mnangagwa himself declares that as the ruling party: “We are the people, we are the army, we are the police, we are the intelligence, we determine who can do mining in Zimbabwe, we determine who can build a road in Zimbabwe, no other party can do so.” This is not only the vaunting of a gold mafioso, but it is also the celebration of a native colonialist regime that has effectively privatised the security sector, the economy, and the polity that they are weaponising against the people of Zimbabwe. The judiciary and the legislature, critical arms of good governance have also been collapsed into instruments of the tyranny of mediocrity that has enveloped Zimbabwe. The principle of separation of powers has been thrown down into the lavatory as the party has made itself into the state and effectively captured for partisan reasons state institutions that were supposed to defend the country, not the party.

As the country approaches another national election in August this year, the ruling cult has used its parliamentary majority to pass what is called the Patriotic Bill which will, if passed into law, criminalise the criticism of government and its leaders. Patriotism which is the sentiment and passion of one’s love and devotion for the country has been colonised and collapsed into coerced support for the ruling cult and its leaders. Achebe, once again, defined free patriotism in terms of a patriot as a lover of his or her country and not an unwilling follower of a political cult:

“A true patriot will always demand the highest standards of his country and accept nothing but the best for and from his people. He will be outspoken in condemnation of their shortcoming without giving way to superiority, despair, or cynicism. That is my idea of a patriot.”

As such, true patriotism that is not captive to any ruling cult involves challenging and opposing leaders without fear or favour for the love of one’s country. It is only a cult of mediocrity and a native colonialist regime that believes that patriotism can be legislated and that citizens can be forced to support a ruling cult in the name of patriotism. For narrow and partisan political gains the leadership in Zimbabwe continue to tragically confirm racist and colonial stereotypes of Africa as heart of darkness and a province of hell itself.


From decolonial embarrassment to decolonial excellence

It is Decolonially embarrassing that the African condition can no longer be explained in terms of the wounds of slavery, colonialism, and imperialism alone. That some African leaders have led native colonialist regimes that have impoverished their countries is a subject of decolonial shame. The case of Zimbabwe is a case of an African country that moved from the pan of settler colonialism into the fire native colonialism. The cult of mediocrity that has taken Zimbabwe down and under is not a natural disaster but a human political artefact that can be undone.

Zimbabweans in Zimbabwe, and Africans in similar African countries, might have to look at themselves in the eye and understand that the struggles before them are struggles for liberation from native colonialism. Liberation struggle mode should the mood of Africans that are under the tyranny of the cult of mediocrity or else Africa will remain frozen in poverty and unfreedom. Decolonial embarrassment and shame may not be enough if they do not lead to decolonial excellence in the struggle for liberation.

That African liberation struggles did not lead to liberation but to simplistic political independence, and that bountiful African natural resources are not translated into the happiness of Africans, but the personal wealth of their leaders demands decolonial excellence from Africans. Africa will become part of the leadership of the world and overcome durable imperialism and coloniality when native colonialism is defeated in most African governments that cannot genuinely challenge imperialism and neocolonialism because they have reproduced colonialism in their countries. Africans in their different countries should equip themselves with the political software of zero tolerance for tyranny and mediocrity. It should dawn on us that poor political followership irrigates poor leadership in the continent.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... ediocrity/

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Uganda and Its Campaign to Normalize Homophobia

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LGBTIQ+ people in Uganda. Jul. 10, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@wunpini_fm

Published 12 July 2023 (7 hours 23 minutes ago)

Promoting the rights of LGTBIQ+ groups or any other type of activism in favor of them can be punished with 20 years in prison.


In Uganda, you can simply be arrested for being gay or lesbian. Since May, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has signed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, despite widespread condemnation from many Western governments and human rights activists. Since that time, sexual relations between people of the same sex have been punishable by jail or life imprisonment.

This violative practice has been legal in the country, but the new law imposes harsher penalties for LGBTIQ people. Uganda is the country that launches the most repression against LGBTIQ+ even above countries like Saudi Arabia, which has greater visibility in the violation of the human rights of these groups.

More alarming are the death sentences for what has come to be called "aggravated homosexuality". Aggravated homosexuality is when a homosexual infects another person with HIV, especially when minors or disabled people are involved.

Promoting the rights of LGTBIQ+ groups or any other type of activism in favor of them can be punished with 20 years in prison. The main consequence of these measures is constitutional. It violates the right to privacy, the right not to be discriminated against or denigrated, legalizes cruelty, and profoundly limits all kinds of individual freedom.

The most paradoxical thing about the case is that the Ugandan government is a signatory to regional and international treaties on human rights, like the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

A few months ago, the Minister of Public Works and Transport, Francis Ecweru, stated that "Homosexuality is a threat to the human race, and what we are discussing is the preservation of the human race..." He added, “I have gone to some hospitals, and I have seen children with a torn anus. The doctors told me that they were raped by homosexuals.”

Despite this bleak outlook, within Ugandan institutions, there are voices that have spoken out against these repressive measures. This is the case of the deputy of the ruling party, Fox Odoi-Oywelowo. He spoke out against the Anti-Homosexuality Bill 2023 in Parliament, describing it as a breach of human rights.

"The bill contains provisions that are unconstitutional, reverses the achievements recorded in the fight against gender violence, and criminalizes people," he said.

The case of Uganda, as we said before, stands out for its level of cruelty, repression, and impunity. However, worldwide, the institutionalization of homophobia has been increasing in recent years. It has been a rebound at a time when the greatest achievements were made in the defense of the rights of homosexual people and a certain consensus was generated in international public opinion.

Homosexuality is currently illegal and constitutes a criminal violation in more than 60 countries. In Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Iran, Nigeria, and Bahrein there is the death penalty for people who perform sexual acts, even if they are consensual between adults. It is also prohibited legally in countries that all follow Islamic law, like Qatar, Afghanistan, Sudan, Pakistan, Somalia, and the United Arab Emirates.

International organizations have developed a set of initiatives to dialogue with and pressure the Ugandan government to dismantle this set of violative measures. There were very hard efforts to end this legal and harsh situation from the sides of the UN, Amnesty International, and the European Union.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Uga ... -0002.html

The Suffering of Darfur After Two Decades

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Situation in Darfur. Jul. 11, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@alberdiorg

Published 12 July 2023 (7 hours 4 minutes ago)

A civil war has existed between the northern and southern regions of Sudan for more than a decade. Since Sudan’s independence in 1956, the ruling elite in Khartoum has neglected the huge country’s peripheries, including Darfur in the west. Both Darfuri Arab and non-Arab communities were underrepresented within successive regimes, whether military or civilian, leftist or Islamist.


Although the Darfur region is predominantly Muslim, there are economic and ethnic differences in the region. Economically, the Arab groups had been nomadic herders, while the African groups (such as the Fur, Maasalit and Zaghawa) were pastoralists. The Sudanese government exploited these differences by arming ethnic Arab militia groups, known as the “Janjaweed,” to attack ethnic African groups.

The region then witnessed the killing of hundreds of thousands of people in what was widely labeled a genocide. The government of Omar al-Bashir would then attack from the air, and then the Janjaweed forces would enact a scorched earth campaign, burning villages and poisoning wells. Nearly 400,000 people have been killed, women have been systematically raped, and millions of people have been displaced as a result of these actions.

Then came the idea of the intervention of United Nations forces based on Article VII to stop these violations and protect civilians. This initiative also failed, even though it reduced the violations to a certain level.

Complacency with the war criminals and the failure to disarm the Janjaweed led to the outbreak of war in a race for power and wealth between Hemeti and Al-Burhan.
In the framework of the current war in Sudan, the conflict returned to the region of Darfur (Nyala, Zalingei, El Geneina, Tawila, etc.). These cities are now the scene of a new genocide and the displacement of thousands, with the threat of civil war.

Many people from non-Arab communities are living again under the brutality of these attacks: the killings, massive destruction of property and food reserves, and looting. This is reminding them of the early dark days of the conflict in Darfur 20 years ago.

The Rapid Support Forces (RSR) are now calling for several Arab tribal leaders in South Darfur to stand with them. From his side, the other general, Abdul Fatah Burhan is calling on youth to take up arms to confront the RSF. There is a general fear among Sudanese that this could lead to a tribal, ethnic, and racist war. This also shows without doubt that both parties failed to resolve the war in favor of either of them.

To understand how the RSF became so powerful, causing this atrocious war the country is going through, we have to understand a series of elements. The Sudanese army did not try to stop Hemeti but rather legalize it constitutionally, its entry into the capital, and its acquisition of sovereign and military positions. All this was a result of the military powers that Hemeti gained and the great amount of wealth he accumulated with the support of the European Union to prevent immigration. In addition to this, he gained both wealth and power through his participation in the Yemen War and the gold that was granted in the gold mine at Jabal Amer. Even during Omar Al Bashir's government, he benefited from the open budget that the previous Sudanese president allocated to his military element, the Janjaweed, and his companies, such as Al-Junaid Company, etc.

Darfur was the center from which the war was transferred to Khartoum to return to Darfur. Even with fighting concentrated in Khartoum, Darfur appears to still make up the largest share of the national count—more than 1,000 deaths and 11,000 injured by June 17—all figures that are widely believed to be underestimated and appear not to fully include Darfur.
With little hope in international efforts to broker a ceasefire, local players across Darfur decided to take matters into their own hands. Traditional leaders, revolutionary activists, and rebels—more or less connected and influential depending on the area—tried to obtain truces. They had some success in towns like el-Fasher. In others, the fatigue of 20 years of war may not yet be enough to extinguish the fire.

This situation requires urgency to stop this war, a comprehensive and just solution, the consolidation of peace, and democratic civil rule. This should begin with the dissolution of militias and movements ‘armies, the return of the displaced to their homes and villages, and fair compensation for them. The most important claim is to bring war criminals to trial.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/The ... -0004.html

Air Attacks in Sudan Increase Civil Death

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Heavy weapons in the war in Sudan. Jul. 11, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@warsintheworld

Published 12 July 2023 (7 hours 39 minutes ago)

Crossfire in urban areas without protection infrastructure for civilian causes many deaths and injuries, especially in civil buildings and institutions that gather large numbers of people.


The increase in heavy weapons in the war in Sudan has had an impact, as expected, on the civilian population. The paramilitary group Rapid Support Force (FAR) has increased its weapons power in the last month and has achieved some strategic victories in urban areas.

To counteract this situation, the Sudanese government has carried out air strikes on these residential areas with heavily armed fighter planes. The paramilitaries have used this fact to hold the government responsible for the deaths of more than 22 people in the city of Omdurman, very close to the country's capital.

This air raid on the city of Omdurman has been one of the deadliest attacks yet in the weeks-long fighting between Sudan’s army and a renegade paramilitary force.

However, residents themselves have denounced the bombings. Witnesses said that the anti-aircraft defense, like the defensive drones with which the paramilitary group confronts the fighters, causes as many deaths as the government air force.

Crossfire in urban areas without protection infrastructure for civilian causes many deaths and injuries, especially in civil buildings and institutions that gather large numbers of people. In addition, from the moment that a city is taken over by the paramilitaries, civil protection, which, although precarious, is assumed by the Sudanese authorities, is forgotten, and the population is left totally unprotected.

Residents also denounce that their houses and apartments are used as human shields. Omdurman's residents were caught in the crossfire, with many having to leave their residences to escape counter-attacks by government aircraft.

Fighting has focused on Omdurman in recent days, as the western part of the city is a key supply route for the RSF to bring reinforcements in from Darfur, its power base.

The city's infrastructure has been badly damaged, losing vital services such as electricity, water pumping, and food storage.

According to Mohamed Osman, a Sudan researcher at Human Rights Watch, “Sudan’s warring armies are showing reckless disregard for civilian lives by using inaccurate weapons in populated urban areas.” He explained, “Rockets, bombs, and other types of explosive weapons are killing and wounding civilians and damaging infrastructure critical for access to water and medical care.”

The fighting threatens to drag the country into a wider civil war, drawing in other internal and external actors in the East African nation that lies between the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, and the Red Sea.

The UN, relying on the experience that the war in Ukraine has shown, warns the world governments involved in wars currently to focus on military criteria, ignoring the right of the civilian population to life and physical integrity.

The intense fighting that has been going on for more than 500 days in Ukraine has conditioned the way in which war is waged in other countries. The attack of cities with missiles, massive drone attacks in urban spaces, and the intensive use of technology have been cloning many combat zones, as seems to be happening in Sudan.

The war in Sudan has been going on for three months. This is an internal war between the military and an armed group made up of paramilitaries. The Sudanese government acknowledges almost 3,000 deaths and nearly 7,000 wounded. The country is suffering from a deep humanitarian crisis, causing many people to decide to emigrate or move towards border areas.

If the paramilitaries manage to sustain their logistical infrastructure, which includes drones and modern firearms, it is to be expected that an arms war between the two sides will be activated on a small scale but with a high level of civilian casualties.

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Fri Jul 14, 2023 4:57 pm

The European Left Should Hear What the Global South Has to Say About War
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 13, 2023
Saïd Bouamama

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In the West, the last major mobilization against war dates back to 2003, when the United States decided to invade Iraq. Since then, military interventions have multiplied with the complacency and even the support of many leftist movements. The most recent example is Ukraine, where many “progressives” are rallying to NATO to send arms and prolong the conflict. Saïd Bouamama and Michel Collon have analyzed this drift in the book The Left and the War: Analysis of an Ideological Capitulation. The sociologist we find every week in “Le monde vu d’en bas” reminds us of the causes and consequences of the left’s pro-war reversal.

Why do some left-wing currents, which are very critical of economic, social or ecological issues, follow the dominant trend on international issues?


There are two essential factors: historical and ideological. The historical factor, still largely underestimated, is the impact of colonial history on the left and the far left. To understand why anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism have always been points of weakness of these currents, it is necessary to understand that operations as vast as colonization could not be carried out without the oppositions being soaked in dominant ideology.

Indeed, in a form certainly different from the right, the idea of civilizing mission was also present in the scripts of the left. The break with the colonial mental space did not go all the way. Moreover, at the time of the colonial conquests, with the exception of a few small groups really opposed to colonization, there was no real opposition, including on the left. There was no massive protest within the labor movement. There was at best the idea that a more humanitarian colonization was needed, that capitalism was bad because it colonized badly.

An idea that is no longer so widespread on the left today…

It’s true, but it left a legacy: international issues, like the question of colonization and imperialism, take a back seat. For most of the left, these questions are disturbing. It doesn’t talk about it. And if the media debate forces it to position itself, the left often finds itself supporting external interventions.

So much for the historical factor. What about the ideological factor?

We underestimate what happened within the great powers in the 80s and 90s and the carefully crafted ideological campaign to disrupt all the usual landmarks of political position-taking. A CIA report, for example, indicates that it is necessary to support financially and in an opaque way the reviews, writers and researchers who tend to deny the notion of the social system as a whole.

This ideological campaign has made it possible to put forward a lot of theories which may be correct on this or that form of domination, but which are never linked to the overall functioning of society, to the dominant capitalist system and to social classes. However, these theories have been gradually disseminated and have influenced the protesting fringes of society. Today we have people who condemn racism or sexism without linking these issues to the functioning of capitalist society. Likewise, one cannot understand international issues without understanding the interests of the dominant classes of the great powers who colonize, plunder and interfere in the countries of the Global South. If we combine the historical heritage with this ideological campaign, we end up with what we have today: people on the left who should condemn wars, but who end up supporting them, as in Libya for example.

On the question of refugees from Libya, many journalists evoke a chaos that seems to have fallen from the sky. The responsibility of NATO and France, however crucial, seems forgotten. How can we explain this permanent amnesia?

Many factors prevent the media system from reporting reality as it is. This doesn’t mean that all journalists are rotten, but economic factors such as the hunt for ratings gives precedence to immediate, ideological factors, or sociological factors related to the journalist’s social environment and the need for recognition… A whole series of factors have made the media system an ideological apparatus of the State in the service of wars.

In the introduction to the book The Left and the War, you remind us that unlike Iraq, Libya did not evoke strong mobilizations against the war. In 2003, Jacques Chirac opposed US intervention. And in the process, the French media had criticized the war. Did all this facilitate the mobilizations at the time?

Yes, and that once again shows the weakness of anti-imperialism on the left and on the far left. In Iraq, the opposition of French imperialism to US imperialism made it possible for the left to position itself against the war. But when the French government was itself involved in the conflict, as in Libya, we saw more ambiguous or even pro-war positions within the left and the far left.

You write in the book: “It is the wars of our own imperialism that arouse the least indignation”. There is the example of Mali. When he launched this war, François Hollande was showered with praise. Journalists even believed that he was finally returning “to his presidential costume”.

Absolutely. It is all the more problematic, and new, if we remember one of the historical propositions of communism, for example. One of its main principles was that one must first oppose one’s own imperialism before opposing others, because it is on one’s own imperialism that one can act to stop a war. We are more effective where we live. However, the situation is completely reversed today. We are critical of the foreign policy of other countries, but we are silent, even complacent with the imperialism of France for the French or Belgium for the Belgians. We see the same thing with police violence elsewhere. Lots of articles criticize this violence in the United States. But it is much more difficult to talk about police violence at home.

As an ideological factor, is there not also the fight against pseudo-conspiracy which has been waged since the 2000s? Recently, the Marianne fund affair revealed that personalities and associations – some of them attacked Investig’Action in particular – had been paid by the State to carry out propaganda work.

To understand the emergence of this global discourse on conspiracy, it must be placed in our own historical trajectory. With the disappearance of the Soviet Union and the end of the balance of power that resulted from the Second World War, we have witnessed twenty years of decline in peoples’ struggles. The emergence of a multipolar world that challenges US hegemony has stopped this decline. It’s fragile, it’s just being constructed. But once again there is a dynamic of struggle at the international level which seriously puts the American hegemony in danger. The rise of China, the rapprochement between Beijing and Moscow, the critical discourse on the situation in the Sahel in Mali or Burkina… The United States has realized that it has had to react at all costs.

The first reaction was ideological, and took the form of forbidding people to take an interest in state strategies. Any ideology that qualifies as dangerous or dubious or provides any reflection on the strategies of the dominant classes is labelled a conspiracy. Saying that France has interests in the Sahel that explain its policy in the region is conspiracy! To emphasize that in Libya, the assassination of Gaddafi referred to an international balance of power and to a strategy of the French State, is a conspiracy! These charges of conspiracy are an injunction to become stupid, because they preclude any reflection on the strategies implemented. There is a criminalization of thought: as soon as we try to find a logic to explain a political act, we are called conspirators. Obviously, there are real conspirators who invent things where there is nothing. But there are also real conspiracies that are actually strategies.

In a chapter devoted to the countries of the Global South, we see a tendency by the North to ignore, or even despise, their points of view on the war. Is it voluntary?

There is a real disconnect between the political dynamics of the South and the North. On Libya for example, from Latin America to Asia via Africa, everyone was against NATO intervention with the idea that it would bring nothing to the Libyan people. The political left of the countries of the South have been completely flabbergasted by the positions taken by the political left in the North. In the book I quote left leaders in Latin America who wonder if there is still a European left insofar as this left participates in or supports imperialist wars. Perhaps, we could say that these people come from the Third World, so they are dumber than us. But one could also wonder to what extent we are imbibed with the ideology of the dominant classes of our States who, through their media and their ideological campaigns, manage to contaminate us with their own interests.

Regularly, we find a form of contempt in the Western media for the peoples of the South or their leaders. Very recently, a French public radio show evoked with great irony the disappointment of African heads of state with regard to Putin who has been seen as being too tender with Prigozhin…

There has always been contemptuous speech. We can point to the way that demonstrations that brought together several thousand Malians and Burkinabés are treated. It is claimed that it was Putin’s propaganda that pushed them to mobilize to demand the withdrawal of French troops. This amounts to considering that Malians and Burkinabés have no brains, as if there could be no opinion on Franco-Africa that didn’t come from Moscow. The people of Mali and Burkina are thus presented as manipulated people; not as people with minds capable of thinking about politics.

Some African heads of state carry the voice of their people. But they can also find themselves trapped by their role in Franco-Africa. Recall in La Gauche et la Guerre the declarations of Macky Sall in 2013, just after the launch of Operation Serval: “Without the French, the Islamists would be in Bamako and would threaten all the capitals of the region.“

Some heads of state must face their contradictions. They may have been brought to power with the support of the great powers and tend in these cases to serve their masters. But they also have to deal with public opinion in their own country. This is sometimes confusing. Ten or twenty years ago, they could openly support imperialist interventions. Today, if they do not want their country to be set on fire and bloodied by waves of protest, they must sometimes dare to oppose the great powers.

There is also a new type of head of state, as in Mali or Burkina. Having come to power on the basis of a rejection of French imperialism, they take independent positions. Finally, there is a third type of head of state: which serves the interests of their own dominant classes. They ask themselves whether it is more profitable to pursue relations with the imperialist powers or to play the card of the new multipolar world.

Just look at the number of heads of state asking to join the BRICS.

They are not all revolutionaries. But for material reasons, they tell themselves that it is more important to enter into this new configuration than to depend on the United States or France. A similar change occurred after 1945. Today, even heads of state affiliated with Washington or Paris will take more nuanced positions so as not to be confronted with too much popular pressure.
Recently in “Le Monde vu d’en bas”, you mentioned the Ivory Coast and the maneuvers put in place to prevent Laurent Gbagbo from running for president. We remember that in 2011, the French special forces in “Operation Licorne” had helped to oust him in favor of Alassane Ouattara, a close ally of Sarkozy.

It’s always the same. By detaching the situation in the Ivory Coast from its historical context, it becomes possible to put forward a pseudo-legal discourse. Although prosecuted for crimes against humanity after the coup that ousted him in 2010-2011, Laurent Gbagbo was acquitted by international justice. No wrong had been proven, but we act as if he were guilty and we rely on a conviction in the Ivory Coast to justify his removal from the electoral lists for the next elections to be held in September. Most of the arguments of our media take up the speeches of local authorities, whether for Gbagbo in the Ivory Coast or for Ousmane Sonko in Senegal. We again have a decontextualization that allows us to comment by repeating a discourse full of injustices.

In an interview to be published soon on Investig’Action, Bassekou Kouyate, a Malian griot, explained how important it is to go to Mali, to see on the spot how Malians live. Doesn’t the way in which the Western media magnify the features in certain countries like Mali or Haiti justify Western intervention?

Yes, you have to go there. You have to go to Mali, Eritrea or Burkina for example. I had already realized this with Palestine: you can debate for hours, without success, with someone who sincerely believes in his arguments; but all those who have been there come back aware of what colonization is. For all these countries, going there is the best vaccine against the permanent ideological contamination.

We can also ask: if most Africans are against wars, is it because they know their effects?

Absolutely. It may be a banality, but a banality to remember! The United States has a special relationship with military interventions because it has never experienced any on its territory. They waged their wars on the outside. Europeans have been in the same situation since 1945. However, the perception of what war is in concrete terms is not the same when one has experienced it recently or permanently. For example, in Mali or Burkina, the consequences Libya’s destruction is fully measured. It is not something far away and opposition to war is not abstract. With us, the average Frenchman or Belgian has more difficulty imagining what war is.

In 1925, France intervened alongside Spain to put down the Rif insurrection. But this war led to strong opposition, including a general strike. Can this episode serve as an example of how the left could mobilize again against the war?

The revolt of Moroccans arose in a particular context, that of the October Revolution in Russia. At the time, Lenin had sway over the entire European left. He put forward the question of anti-imperialism and the independence of the colonies. He established , as a fundamental principle, to be on the left, was to be anti-colonial.

In France, the Rif insurrection occurred at the time the PCF (French Communist Party) was created. The very young party then had an extraordinary attitude. All its forces were mobilized against the war, with train blockades, support for the insurrection, communist youth who prevented the transfer of arms. There was unrest that blocked France for weeks. Of course, the repression was fierce. But it did not prevent courageous acts.

It is to be feared that today’s wars are on the increase. Indeed, a wounded beast like imperialist capitalism does not retreat without flinching. But if the European left mobilizes, it will have an impact on the capacity of the great powers to intervene. Yes, the Rif insurrection can serve as an example. But we must remember what an anti-colonial action is today. It should oppose arms transfers with dockers’ strikes and other concrete actions to curb the war machine. As soon as this machine is forced to put on the brakes, we can take into account positions against the war.

Originally published by Investig’Action, July 4, 2023.

Translation by New Cold War

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... about-war/

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Kenya Committing Atrocities in Somalia with US Backing
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 12, 2023
Jamal Abdulahi

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The US “war on terror” brought nothing but terror to the Horn of Africa. Kenya is a US client state which has spent years destabilizing Somalia under the guise of fighting terrorism.

Kenya rarely showed political inclination to interfere with Somalia’s internal affairs until 2010 when it sent troops across the border under the US mantra of the global war on terror. At this critical conjecture, Kenya became the latest proxy warrior for the US and the US rewarded Kenya with an ample amount of military aid. Civilians in Gedo, a state in the administrative region of Jubbaland in Somalia have been brutalized with aerial bombing since.

The US had been restructuring the Kenya Defense Forces (KDF) to become more aligned with its vision of fighting terrorism. For example, on May 5th, 2023 , the US Embassy in Nairobi announced the introduction of a newly created Marine Unit within the KDF. The stated purpose was to fight terrorism.

Moreover, According to State Department, “In FY 2020, U.S. peace and security assistance totaled over $560 million. Kenya has purchased over $139 million worth of U.S.-made military equipment over the past three years, making Kenya a key strategic military partner.”

In addition to this funding, the US maintains close operational ties with the KDF. They maintain the forward base near the largest KDF camp at the outskirts of the port city of Kismayo, in the administrative region of Jubbaland, Somalia.

In 2015 , reporter Ty McCormick for the Foreign Policy Magazine wrote about the base. The reporter’s details included drone operations and direct intelligence support to the KDF. Brig. Gen. Daniel Bartonjo, a commander of KDF forces in Kismayo told McCormick that, “his troops have made gains against insurgents “with the help of the Americans who are here.”

These facts establish that the US is a full partner in Kenya’s atrocities in Jubbaland.

Kenya invaded Jubbaland in 2010 under the disguise of combating Al Shabaab. Kenya had no United Nations or African Union mandate in the initial incursion. It was a clear violation of Somalia’s sovereignty.

The KDF lacked an accountability framework in the early days of the invasion, which led to gross human rights violations and an international public relations problem for the Kenya government.

In order to address the absence of accountability, Kenya troops were incorporated into an African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and later renamed as African Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS). The purpose of this United Nation chartered mission was to assist the Somalia government in itsbattle against Al Shabaab.

Kenya also needed a narrative for citizens at home. The rationale for the invasion to the Kenyan public was that KDF must fight Al Shabaab in Somalia instead of within Kenya borders. That narrative has turned out to be untrue.

Daily Nation Kenya , one of the newspapers with the largest circulation, recently chronicled the number of attacks inside Kenya for the month of June 2023. The publication documents a spate of attacks inside Kenya by Al Shabaab.

KDF bombs civilians in Jubbaland unmercifully to pretend that it is doing something against Al-Shabaab. KDF aerial attacks are the Kenyan version of wag the dog. KDF carries out attacks on Somali civilians in order to distract the Kenya public. The aerial bombings do nothing to deter terror attacks inside Kenya.

Al Shabaab enjoys a high level of autonomy inside Kenya. The group recruits, fundraises, and attacks in Kenya as it pleases. All the while, Kenya troops are amassed at the port city of Kismayo.

However, the KDF’s vicious bombings have ruined Jubbaland. Extrajudicial killings and indiscriminate aerial bombings that killed civilians and livestock became frequent.

Between 2015 and 2021 , Kenya forces carried out 71 airstrikes in Gedo and 38 in other locations in Jubbaland. All caused civilian death, displacement, and destruction of infrastructure.

Kenya clearly targeted civilians. No member of Al Shabaab was harmed in any of the 71 airstrikes in Gedo.

Kenya’s air campaign primarily destroyed vital public infrastructure in Jubbaland. The most critical infrastructure Kenya destroyed was the Telecommunication Systems . The most vulnerable population immediately shoulders the impact of Kenya’s destruction.

Somalia is nearly a cashless economy. Most transactions involving necessities are done through digital currencies over mobile phones. When cell towers are destroyed, life virtually stops in Jubbaland. The local population is denied food and water.

The policy of indiscriminate aerial bombings further alienates local populations making terror groups recruit more fighters. It is an act that has the exact opposite effect.

Kenya invasion has also complicated Jubbaland politics. KDF backed Ahmed Mohamed Islaam (Madoobe), a former commander in the ranks of Al Shabaab who defected but still maintains strong connections with the group. KDF backing of Madoobe splintered the region.

Jubbaland consists of three states: Gedo, Middle Jubba, and Lower Jubba. Each state is composed of four or more districts. Every state is administered by a governor and each district is led by a commissioner. District commissioners are supposed to report to governors and governors should be reporting to regional administrators or the president.

KDF backing of Madoobe increased political acrimony and discord in all three levels of regional government. Waring functions ended up controlling different states and districts in Jubbaland.

Gedo, for example, the largest state, has been at a political impasse for nearly 10 years with the rest of the province. Gedo has been effectively self-administered most of the time Jubbaland existed as an administrative province.

Al Shabaab maintained complete control of Middle Jubba. The group also controls all the districts except three in Lower Jubba.

The remaining three districts are controlled by Madoobe. Among these three districts is the port city of Kismayo where US and KDF maintain bases.

The puppet president of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who returned to power in 2022 with the help of the US, failed to bring about political reconciliation among warring factions in Jubbaland. Mohamud embraced Kenya’s atrocities.

The US sets the terrorism vision for Kenya. Kenya is a happy proxy warrior committing atrocities at the behest of the US. Civilians in Gedo in the administrative region of Jubbaland, Somalia bearing the brunt of this brutality while the US public is footing the bill.

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Tue Jul 18, 2023 2:30 pm

Africa’s path to socialism

200 delegates from 40 organizations are gathering in South Africa for the “Dilemmas of Humanity: Pan African Dialogues to Build Socialism” conference. For the next four days, progressive movements and organizations will discuss the challenges posed by capitalism, and articulate the socialist way forward

July 16, 2023 by Tanupriya Singh

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On Monday, July 17, 200 delegates from progressive organizations, political parties, people’s movements, and trade unions across the African continent will gather in Bela-Bela, South Africa for the “Dilemmas of Humanity: Pan African Dialogues to Build Socialism” conference.

Over the course of four days, delegates will interact and deliberate on the myriad challenges that capitalism poses for working class people today, and importantly, advance concrete proposals of action to build socialism “within our lifetime.”

Hosted by Pan Africanism Today (PAT), the conference will bring together almost 40 organizations from 17 countries, including the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), the Socialist Movement of Ghana (SMG), the Socialist Party (SP) of Zambia, the Workers’ Democratic Way party from Morocco, as well as social and peasant movements including Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) from South Africa and Mtandao wa Vikundi vya Wakulima (MVIWATA) from Tanzania.

The event is being held at a critical juncture. “The world is changing, and it is changing very fast, the exploitation of the working class has deepened, [and] imperialism is getting more belligerent,” Kwesi Pratt Junior, the General Secretary of the SMG, told Peoples Dispatch ahead of the conference.

Though the “instruments of war are being sharpened, so is the resistance to imperialism and capitalism,” he stressed. “It is important for progressive anti-imperialist forces around the world to meet and strategize, to think through these changes, and to develop a means of solidarity and a means of activating our struggles until final victory.”

This was also emphasized by NUMSA national spokesperson, Phakamile Hlubi-Majola, “This is a crucial conference given that, geopolitically, there is a conversation around the creation of a “new international world order,” a framework where we do not have the dominance of one entity– the US. There are discussions about the possibilities of a multipolar world, where the Global South will play a much more prominent role.”

In this context, “it is very important for the working class to come together with a very clear framework, and clear demands about what we want from these discussions. We are tired of being used to rubber-stamp policies that leave us worse off. There has been a dominance of neoliberalism in South Africa, it is destroying us…If there are going to be conversations about us [the Global South] playing a greater role in a multipolar world, then we [the working class] should not be left behind. Our demands should take center stage,” she added.

The conference is part of the Dilemmas of Humanity process which is aimed at the “transformation of society and revolutionary change.” It is one of several regional conferences ahead of the III International Dilemmas of Humanity Conference in Johannesburg, South Africa in October.

The regional conferences, including the one being convened in Bela-Bela, have created a space for “movement leaders from all over the African continent to gather for the first time in many years to articulate our vision and path to socialism,” Jonis Ghedi-Alasow from the Pan Africanism Today (PAT) Secretariat, told Peoples Dispatch.

The movements and organizations represented at the conference have been at the frontlines of the struggle against capitalist and imperialist exploitation in all its forms— be it in the struggle for land, for the dignity of the working class in the face of poverty wages and neoliberal austerity, or the fight for self-determination and sovereignty.

These struggles have in turn informed the eight central themes of the conference — Building socialism through food sovereignty, agroecology, and the defense of nature; Demands for health, science, and technology as a matter of dignity; Gender struggles to end patriarchy; Organizing the workers: employed, unemployed, organized and unorganized; Building the future of our youth through quality education for liberation; Urban struggles for dignified housing; Battle of ideas: art, culture, media, and communications; and Sovereignty and self-determination: security, militarization, and national liberation.

“For us, in the PAT Secretariat, we are confident that this conference will emerge with new momentum for a revolutionary Pan-Africanism, built on the struggles and victories of the African continent’s working people,” Ghedi-Alasow said.

Crucially, while delegates may hail from diverse social, political, and economic conditions and struggles, the spirit of solidarity and unity will guide the forthcoming discussions in the conference. As Pratt affirmed, “the struggle against imperialism is one [united] struggle, it is not [solely] a trade union struggle, or a struggle around issues of gender, it is a peoples’ struggle against exploitation and oppression.”

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/07/16/ ... socialism/

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Interests of North African Countries in the Ukrainian Crisis
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 17, 2023
Akram Kharief

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The conflict in Ukraine has had a major impact on North Africa, with each country taking a different approach and ultimately choosing sides. The countries that chose active neutrality will probably benefit most from the post-conflict fallout, having maintained good relations with Moscow and Western capitals. The positions of the North African countries also prove that Moscow will have to review its diplomatic strategy in the region and adapt it according to the attitude of the regimes and their positioning during the conflict.

The crisis in Ukraine has affected the countries of North Africa in very different ways. Some have benefited, others have suffered, but all have been obliged, at one time or another, to position themselves vis-à-vis Russia.

On the diplomatic front, the only North African country not to vote for resolutions against Russia or condemning Moscow at the UN was Algeria. Morocco chose the strategy of the empty chair, deserting the assemblies during votes. Egypt and Tunisia systematically spoke out against Russia. But on the military front, Tunisia and Morocco, as major non-NATO allies, were quick to speak out in favor of Ukraine at the Ramstein summit on April 26, 2022.

This summit, organized by US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin to organize the collection of military aid for Ukraine, ended up involving the two North African countries in the conflict.

Following the summit, Tunisia sent two cargo planes carrying humanitarian aid, and Morocco pledged military aid to Ukraine.

Diplomatically, no North African country has made any mediation efforts or proposed any solutions, apart from Algeria, which, during President AbdelmadjidTebboune’s visit to Moscow in June, proposed a peace plan and an intermediary role in resolving the crisis. President Tebboune’s plan has not been revealed, but it includes sending emissaries to Kiev. Algerian Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf has travelled to Italy, Serbia and Germany to gather international support for the Algerian initiative. Algeria is also the only North African country to have reopened its embassy in Kiev in March 2023, after closing it at the start of the conflict, and has maintained courteous relations with Ukrainian diplomats present on its territory, not preventing their activities, apart from their attempts to recruit Algerians as volunteers to fight in the International Legion, which provoked a diplomatic crisis in March 2023.

The head of diplomacy of the Russian Federation, Sergey Lavrov, has cancelled two visits to Tunis and at least one to Rabat because of the lack of enthusiasm in these capitals for cooperation with Russia, yet Tunisia, in search of tourists, has rushed to open air routes between Tunis, Moscow and Saint Petersburg.

In May 2023, Ukrainian Foreign Minister DmytroKuleba chose Rabat as the starting point for his African tour. This first visit ended with Kiev’s recognition of the “Moroccan Autonomy Plan for Western Sahara”, which was seen as a declaration of conflict by Algeria.

In another symbol of the rapprochement between Kiev and Rabat, Morocco, which is preparing a bid to host the 2030 World Cup, along with Portugal and Spain, has agreed to allow Ukraine to join the bid.

In military terms, very few North Africans volunteered to join either camp. At most, a few dozen joined the International Ukrainian Legion, and some prisoners of North African origin benefited from release measures after enlisting in Wagner’s ranks. Morocco, for example, offered dozens of T-72BV tanks to the Kiev regime. These tanks were being modernized in the Czech Republic. There are also rumors of Rabat sending Tunguska air defense systems as military aid to Ukraine. Tunisia, for its part, sent two cargo planes the day after the Ramstein military summit. The two aircraft unloaded batches of humanitarian equipment at Poland’s Rzeszow airport, the logistics hub for NATO aid to the Ukrainian army.

Egypt came under a lot of pressure from Washington to help Ukraine. The Egyptian army has large stocks of Russian ammunition and the capacity to produce weapons and ammunition that NATO was desperate to pass on to the Ukrainian army, which was running out of ammunition. This pressure led to a report in the Pentagon’s leaks that Cairo was planning to produce 40,000 rockets for the Russian army. This information was never confirmed, and led to Egypt agreeing to transfer ammunition to Ukraine. Cairo receives $1.3 billion in military aid from Washington every year, equivalent to over 10% of its military budget. The Egyptian army’s arms purchases are also closely linked to the USA, and depend on American willingness to accept delivery.

Algeria, another country with large ammunition stocks, has been repeatedly asked and pressured by the West to supply arms to Ukraine, but has always refused military involvement in the conflict.

As for Libya, a divided country, it is the only North African country where elements of the private military company Wagner are present. It was not involved in the conflict in Ukraine, nor did it help either side of the conflict.

Finally, the conflict in Ukraine has had a harsh economic impact on the region. Egypt is the world’s largest importer of wheat. It imports a total of 12 to 13 million tonnes a year. With a population of 105 million, growing at a rate of 1.9% per year, Egypt has become increasingly dependent on imports to meet its food needs. With over 80% of wheat imports coming from Ukraine and Russia, the rise in wheat prices has led to a 10% rise in the price of all food products in Egypt.

This situation has had a definite impact on people’s daily lives, and may explain Cairo’s rapprochement with the West.

Tunisia, which is experiencing an acute economic crisis, has also suffered the consequences of the conflict in Ukraine. On average, over the 2018-2021 period, Tunisia imported 93% of its consumption of soft wheat, 67% of barley and 40% of durum wheat. More than half of its grain imports depend on Russia and Ukraine. Rising fertilizer and energy prices have severely impacted the Tunisian economy, which was already in recession before the conflict. This hasn’t stopped Tunisia from doing business thanks to the crisis. A Wall Street Journal investigation revealed that by 2022, the small North African country had become one of the world’s biggest exporters of naphtha, a petroleum product used in the chemical industry, without being a producer. The investigation revealed that Tunis was re-exporting naphtha from Russia to South Korea, which had imposed an embargo on Russia.

In Morocco, rising hydrocarbon prices have had the greatest impact on the country’s economy. With Algeria cutting off gas supplies to Spain and Morocco via the Maghreb-Europe gas pipeline (GME) in November 2021, Rabat has had to turn to international markets to secure its energy supplies.

A report published in February by the World Bank forecasts an inflation rate of 8.3% in Morocco in December 2022, a figure that the international financial institution has linked to the Russian- Ukrainian conflict. The impact on agriculture has been significant, as the kingdom, Africa’s third-largest wheat importer, imports a quarter of its consumption from Russia and Ukraine.

Despite this complicated situation, Rabat has taken advantage of the situation to host numerous oil smuggling operations from Russia in its territorial waters. Up to 650,000 barrels of oil were reportedly traded off Morocco in 2023.

Apart from the rise in the world food market, Algeria has not really suffered economically from the conflict in Ukraine. As Africa’s second-largest wheat importer, Algeria is accustomed to buying French and Canadian wheat, and has therefore not suffered from the embargo on Russian wheat and the blocking of Ukrainian imports. Rising hydrocarbon prices have been a boon for the Algerian economy, which depends on oil and gas exports. The European gas crisis in 2022 meant that Algiers was wooed by the Americans and Europeans not to use the three gas pipelines linking it to Europe as a means of political pressure against the very fragile European countries. Numerous American and European delegations have visited Algiers to beg for the continuation of delivery contracts and to propose greater investment, particularly from Italy and the USA, in exploration in Algeria. The rapprochement between Algiers and Moscow following President Tebboune’s state visit to Moscow has resulted in a return to the Algerian market by Gazprom and Rosatom, who are promising major investment and cooperation projects in Algeria.

In conclusion, the conflict in Ukraine has had a major impact on North Africa, with each country taking a different approach and ultimately choosing sides. The countries that chose active neutrality will probably benefit most from the post-conflict fallout, having maintained good relations with Moscow and Western capitals. The positions of the North African countries also prove that Moscow will have to review its diplomatic strategy in the region and adapt it according to the attitude of the regimes and their positioning during the conflict.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... an-crisis/

Tunisia: Shipwrecks in the Sea and in the Sand
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 17, 2023
Guadi Calvo

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Tunisia has replaced Libya as the last escape route to Europe for thousands of displaced persons from Africa, the Middle East and, to a lesser extent, Central Asia.

After a pilgrimage of thousands of kilometers, if they do not die in the solitude of the Sahara, or are lost or abandoned in the middle of the desert by traffickers who chose not to finish their work, the survivors try to reach some port in the southern Mediterranean at the risk of everything to reach the European coast.

The new condition of the Maghreb country has generated pressure from the European Union (EU) on the government of Tunisian President Kais Saied, who has warned Brussels, headquarters of the EU, on several occasions that his nation “will not act as a border guard”, so that, as requested by the Europeans, Tunisia will not prevent further departures to the Mediterranean and will only control the land borders so that, via Algeria and Libya, no more displaced persons continue to arrive.

In the midst of the controversy between Tunisia and the EU, it was learned that last Friday the 7th a boat wrecked off the city of Sfax and left at least one dead, while another ten people were missing.

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These figures are in addition to the 608 deaths that had already occurred so far this year off the Tunisian coast, many more than in any previous year.

Meanwhile, authorities report that some 33,000 people attempting to cross the Mediterranean have been prevented from leaving during the same period.In a previous agreement between the EU and Tunisia on the control of migratory flows towards Europe, the contribution of 105 million euros had been announced for the prosecution of traffickers, the equipping of coastguards and the facilitation of repatriation procedures.

This pact was not enough to contain the continuity of these attempts caused by the constant worsening of the political, economic and climatic reasons that drive millions of Africans out of their countries. In this situation President Saïed still refuses to admit that his country has become a key point of illegal transit of refugees and claims that, in order to solve the migration phenomenon, the causes must be solved and not only the consequences must be dealt with.

Given Tunisia’s serious economic situation, with a debt that represents eighty percent of its GDP, an average inflation rate of ten percent per month since the beginning of 2023 – which in some specific items such as food reaches thirty percent – and the agreement with the IMF for the financing of its stranded budget, President Saïed has found in migrants the scapegoat to justify the ills of his country.

Since his speech in mid-February last, where he called for a rapid end to illegal immigration, accusing refugees of being the fundamental factor in so much violence and robbery, the Maghreb country has become a hell for migrants.

The suffering due to the economic crisis, added to the constant diatribe of the government and media against immigrants and refugees, have multiplied the clashes between Tunisians and the migrant groups. At the end of last May, the most important demonstration took place in front of the governorate building to demand definitive action to stop the migratory flow and the expulsion of all sub-Saharan Africans from Tunisia. At the end of that protest, which also demanded the closing of the borders for the “blacks” and their expulsion without further formalities, a camp of Sudanese escaped from the civil war in their country was stoned.

Between the night of last Monday, July 3 and Tuesday, July 4, in the center of the port city of Sfax, the second most populated city of the country with some 350,000 inhabitants, 270 kilometers south of the capital, and from where most of the illegal trips depart, actions of extreme violence were carried out by Tunisians who attacked the homes of immigrants established many years before this conflict began.

The pogrom ended with many of the homes looted and set on fire, reaching a new level of violence that had not previously gone beyond street brawls. According to police sources, the cause of this latest spate of hatred was the stabbing of a Tunisian citizen by sub-Saharan immigrants in the northern outskirts of the city.

After learning of the death of the victim of the attack in many streets of the city of Sfax gangs of nationals came out to avenge the young man. Various sources report that groups of motorcycles went on a “hunt for blacks”, although the prosecutor’s office had announced the arrest of the suspects in the attack, who are said to be three Cameroonian immigrants. This type of situation is exploited by certain groups that, riding the xenophobic wave and taking advantage of the laissez-faire attitude of the authorities, both provincial and national, expel migrants from their homes and then use them for their own benefit.

Sfax, which is the main economic center of the country, has received over time many workers and students from the rest of the continent, only at the beginning of the year, when that port begins to become the great departure platform for those seeking to reach Europe, begin the massive arrivals of migrants. In the Italian port of Lampedusa, the arrival of more than 35,000 people from Tunisia had been recorded up to June, a figure six times higher than that of the same period in 2022.

An almost final solution

The increase in racism, not only in the city of Sfax, but also in the rest of Tunisia, has been provoked by presidential speeches accusing the “hordes” of illegal immigrants of being part of a plot to change the ethical composition of the mainly Arab-Muslim country.

Saïed, utilizing the theory of the Frenchman Renaud Camus, who has become the messenger of the white gay community in his country and one of the many ideologues of white supremacists in the United States and Europe, has unleashed over the course of several days raids, persecutions and evictions of homes against more than 21,000 sub-Saharans, some of them in an irregular situation.

Understanding sub-Saharan migration as part of a criminal plan for ethnic change, as preached by the Tunisian president, has extended to his most extreme compatriots a passport to convert the different, or not so different, since there is obviously a large black population native to the country, into an accomplice of the alleged plot. Since the beginning of the year, more than 3,500 sub-Saharans have been arrested and their next destination will be expulsion from the country.

The events that began on the night of Monday the 3rd forced in the following days hundreds of people to settle on a nearby beach, including children and babies, people who so far have not been rescued and who are in extremely precarious conditions: no water, no shelter from the sun and the constant fear of being attacked again by fanatics or caught by the authorities to be expelled from the country.

After the attacks of the first days of July and the news of the beginning of the expulsions of immigrants, dozens of sub-Saharans have been seen in the vicinity of the train and bus station of Sfax, seeking to escape.Last Sunday, July 2, between 500 and 700 refugees from Cameroon, Guinea, Chad, Sudan and Senegal, among other African countries, were expelled from Tunisia, including some thirty children and several pregnant women, abandoned at the Libyan border in an uninhabited military zone between the two countries. The Tunisian police brutally raided them, killing and injuring many and taking away their cell phones to prevent them from calling for help.

With no chance to continue their journey and cross the Mediterranean towards Europe, hoping to escape from Sfax before being expelled to the desert, thousands of people are waiting. They have no other destiny than to be shipwrecked in the sea or in the sands of the Sahara.



https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... -the-sand/

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Angolan airport set to become symbol of BRI
By ZHAO LEI | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2023-07-18 01:48

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Aviation Industry Corp of China, the nation's leading aircraft maker that has sold many jets and helicopters to Africa, is helping an African nation build one of the largest airports on the continent.

The Dr. Antonio Agostinho Neto International Airport in Luanda, the national capital and largest city in Angola, is nearing its completion and is expected to enter service around the end of this year, according to Liu Hongguang, chairman of China National Aero-Technology International Engineering Corp, the major construction subsidiary of AVIC International Holding and the airport project's contractor.

"The new international airport in Angola is the largest airport ever built by any Chinese enterprise outside China. If everything goes according to plan, it will be finished around November and will then start initial operation," he told China Daily in an exclusive interview.

Last month, Angolan President Joao Manuel Goncalves Lourenco visited the construction site for the second time this year, inspecting main infrastructure.

The president was satisfied with the construction progress and told relevant government departments to give full support to the project, according to Liu's company.

Along with the Angolan capital's existing Quatro de Fevereiro International Airport, the new airport, located about 40 kilometers southeast of the city center of Luanda, will help to handle the rising number of people traveling to the African metropolis.

Upon its completion, the airport will become one of the most important air hubs in Africa. It will have a total area of 43 hectares, consisting of two modern runways and large terminal buildings.

The massive compound will be able to facilitate about 100,000 flights each year and will boast an initial annual throughput of 15 million passengers.

To take advantage of the air hub, the Angolan government has planned to construct office buildings, hotels, conference and exhibition halls, bonded zones and logistics facilities surrounding the new airport.

According to Liu, the airport's infrastructure will be characterized by eco-friendly and energy-efficient technologies and equipment, and will have a wide range of smart devices, promising comfortable and convenient transit for passengers.

"We introduced a lot of advanced Chinese engineering machines to build the airport and installed top-tier Chinese civil aviation equipment. Meanwhile, we have trained a great number of local employees.

"This project has injected momentum into many local businesses such as construction materials, machinery and logistics. It has extensively boosted local employment and economic growth," the executive said.

For instance, the floor tiles in the terminal buildings were originally designed to be high-quality and low-price China-made products, but after project managers got to know that there are tile makers in Angola, they decided to give an opportunity to them and soon selected local products.

This marked the largest procurement of Angolan-made tiles and has strongly boosted the quarrying and stone processing industries in the African nation, said project managers.

Information from Liu's company shows that the airport project has created more than 10,000 jobs for local residents, ranging from construction laborers to engineers and translators.

Moreover, China National Aero-Technology International Engineering Corp has been arranging guided tours every week for teachers and students from local primary schools to the new airport to popularize knowledge about construction work and civil aviation.

"I am sure that the airport project will become an icon of the Belt and Road Initiative and will also serve to stimulate the development of trade, transportation, tourism, finance and energy in Angola," Liu noted.

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/20230 ... 16e1e.html

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While Kenyans are protesting on the streets, US and IMF cheer President William Ruto’s ‘reforms’

Kenya’s Finance Act 2023, which has provoked country-wide protests by aggravating the cost of living crisis through taxes on basic commodities and incomes, is welcomed by the US because it will “give Americans safety on investing in the country”

July 17, 2023 by Pavan Kulkarni

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Protesters blockade a road in Kenya's Nairobi on July 12. Photo: Fred Mutune/Xinhua

Up to 23 people have reportedly died in the crackdown by the police on the recent protests in Kenya against the new tax regime introduced in the Finance Act 2023, with backing of the US and IMF.

The UN human rights office (OHCHR) said in a statement on Friday, July 14, that it is “very concerned by the widespread violence, and allegations of unnecessary or disproportionate use of force, including the use of firearms, by police during protests in Kenya.”

Protests are set to continue, with the third round scheduled on July 19. Protesters complain that the taxes envisioned in this act, which the government is collecting despite the implementation of the Act itself being suspended by the High court, is aggravating the already spiraling cost of living crisis. One of the most unpopular measures has been the doubling of the Value Added Tax on fuel products.

Nevertheless, it will “give Americans safety on investing in the country,” US Ambassador to Kenya Meg Whitman explained in a speech from her residence welcoming the Act.

Even before tabling this controversial Act as a Bill in the parliament, President Ruto had outlined the tax reforms envisioned in it at the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) Business Summit, hosted in Nairobi in March.

Two days after Ruto signed the Finance Act 2023 into law on June 26, Whitman said in an enthusiastic statement: “There’s something happening here. It is abundantly clear to me, and I hope by now it’s clear to you too – Kenya is open for business.”

Even after the High court temporarily suspended the implementation of the Act on June 30, before extending the suspension indefinitely on July 10, Whitman persisted in her praises. “One of the most important elements of the Finance Act.. is the changes.. made to the investment climate,” she explained on July 3.

She lauded, as an example, the “elimination of the one-third domestic equity rule which kept companies like Amazon Web Services (AWS) from coming into Kenya.” She also praised the “removal of export services tax” that was applicable on outsourced businesses and call centers providing labor in Kenya to service foreign markets.

The latter makes it more economical for US capital to use the labor of “the Kenyan people,” whom she had described as the country’s “biggest asset,” in her letter to US President Joe Biden’s Advisory Council on Doing Business in Africa ahead of the AmCham’s summit. “They are educated, English-speaking, hardworking, cost-effective, and exhibit a very low turnover rate,” she elaborated.

It is these Kenyan people who are being fleeced by the Finance Act, which, while making several concessions to foreign capital as Whitman elucidated, tolls the masses by taxing the staple maize and sugar, and doubling the VAT on fuel.

While thus imposing a further upward pressure on prices of basic commodities, the Act is also eating into incomes by imposing a housing levy to build ostensibly “affordable houses” that are going to be sold at prices the majority of Kenyans cannot afford.

Justifying taxes with rhetoric against debt, while dragging Kenya deeper into debt

While Ruto claims these measures are necessary to reduce the country’s reliance on external debt, it was his own government that borrowed another $447.39 million in debt from the IMF in December 2022, only three months into power. On approving that loan, the IMF went on to praise the Kenyan government’s “commitment to fiscal consolidation,” “prudent macroeconomic policies and resolute implementation of structural reforms.”

In February 2023, IMF Resident Representative for Kenya, Tobias Rasmussen, said that the “IMF has welcomed the new administration’s firm stance on reducing debt risks, backed by strong actions to preserve fiscal discipline in a difficult environment.”

“It is the conditions imposed on the IMF loans that have informed the tax reforms in the Finance Act 2023,” said Booker Ngesa Omole, National Vice-Chairperson and National Organizing Secretary of the Communist Party of Kenya (CPK).

“While claiming to want to reduce Kenya’s indebtedness, the government is already in negotiations with the Paris Club, the IMF and the World Bank to secure even more loans. There is also discussion in the parliament about unveiling another Eurobond,” he told Peoples Dispatch.

For all the rhetoric against dependence on external finance, “look at his recent appointment (of Kamau Thugge) as the governor of the central bank. He was talking about appointing someone who is acceptable internationally. What does this international acceptability mean? He was essentially saying that the governor of our central bank must be approved by the World Bank and IMF,” Omole remarked.

Ruto has blamed the previous administration of President Uhuru Kenyatta for starting this spiral into debt. The IMF had approved a 38-months-long extended credit and fund facility of $2.34 billion in April 2021 during Kenyatta’s presidency. However, Ruto, who now blames Kenyatta, was himself the elected deputy president under Kenyatta’s administration.

Though Ruto eventually fell out with Kenyatta, who went on to back the main opponent Raila Odinga’s presidential candidacy against Ruto in the election last year, Ruto “cannot deny the responsibility for the failed finance policies of the previous government. He was very much a part of it and in a top position,” argues Omole.

On assuming the presidency, Ruto has sought increased credit from the IMF. Following the staff level agreement with the IMF in May, pending approval by its executive board this month, the total credit committed by the IMF to Kenya will rise further to $3.52 billion.

By the time Ruto took office, Kenya’s external debt was $24.4 billion. While Western media and think-tanks continue peddling the narrative of ‘Chinese Debt Trap,’ more than 69% of Kenya’s external debt as of last October was held in US dollars. Another 18.8% was denominated in Euros, and only 5.3% in Yuan.

Ruto — whom Ambassador Whitman had praised as a president who is “easy to work with” in her letter to Biden’s Advisory Council ahead of the business summit — will only drive Kenya’s economy deeper into debt, and into the clutches of Western Capital, warned Omole.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/07/17/ ... s-reforms/
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Tue Jul 25, 2023 2:40 pm

Second Russia-Africa Summit Augurs Well for the Future
Richard Hubert Barton

July 25, 2023

Is there a necessary connection between the SMO (special military operation) and food crisis in Africa?

No doubt one of the essential topics raised and to be discussed at least initially, at the Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg that is to take place 27-28 July 2023 is the looming food crisis.

It is enough to turn a few pages of nearly any of western newspapers and journals to learn whom they blame for such a sad state of affairs. I have just grabbed a copy of The Guardian and started turning a few pages to find a few strongly worded lines on Russia and president Putin by Samantha Power. They were as follows:

“Putin’s justification for pulling out of the agreement was full of “falsehood and lies” and the decision would have a huge impact on the least developed countries, including Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Sudan and Somalia. This is a life and death decision that Putin has made … Vladimir Putin might be willing to inflict this humanitarian pain on innocents but the U.S. is not”.

Well, where are those falsehoods and lies? There weren’t any. All was the other way around. Yet in September 2022 Chairman of the State Duma Vyacheslav Volodin was emphatic that the “grain deal” was not working as it supposed to. Poor countries in Africa received just 3% of all the shipments of wheat at the time. The rest ended up in western, supposedly affluent countries. Despite Russian utter dissatisfaction and the intervention of Turkish president Recep Erdogan and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres, no improvements in functioning of the “grain deal” till now have taken place.

President Putin’s recent reaction amounted to withdrawing from the “grain deal” due to the EU’s reluctance to roll back sanctions on payments, shipping and insurance for Russia’s own agricultural exports. He reiterated that he would be prepared to rejoin the deal as soon as those conditions are met. Putin added: “Our country is capable of replacing Ukrainian grain on a commercial and a gratuitous basis,” stipulating that “continuing the grain deal in its current form had lost all sense”. The picture is clear. It is because of sanctions – regardless of the war – that the grain is not reaching poor nations. The unfulfilled western promises about sanctions by not being applied to grain are the western way of sabotaging the grain deal and blaming for it Russia!

Some of Russia’s African partners are affected by sanctions but are not fully aware of the background and essence of the conflict in Ukraine. For example, the Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of Zimbabwe Jacob Mudenda asserted that “the continent is experiencing food difficulties due to the conflict in Ukraine and the promised grain supplies do not reach Africa.” In a similar vein, the war and sanctions are interpreted by his colleagues Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa, President Macky Sall of Senegal and President Hakainde Hichilema of Zambia who visited Kiev and St Petersburg on a peace-seeking mission on June 16-17 this year i.e. one month and ten days prior to the summit. The message as expressed by Cyril Ramaphosa neither linked sanctions to the conflict in Ukraine nor he mentioned the word “sanctions” as the source of all the troubles. The word war dominated the landscape of American justifications imposed on South African establishment. I shall quote him so there is no slightest doubt about it. On 17 June this year President Ramaphosa in St Petersburg stated:

“This war is having a negative impact on the African continent and indeed on many other countries around the world. South Africa’s neutral stance has been questioned in recent months, with the U.S. ambassador accusing Pretoria of sending armaments to Russia in a move that could endanger the country’s access to trade with the U.S. under the latter’s Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa).”

There is no doubt who is the “big brother” that applies pressure. In President’s Sall expressing dissatisfaction with the war and sanctions which appear linked even though it is not clear what causes what. On 10 July this year he told the Financial Times:

“We are facing the consequences of this war. We have big problems with our food security and agriculture. We buy fertilisers from Russia and today with the sanctions, there are difficulties paying for these goods. That is why we are talking to both sides.”

Obviously, it would be unreasonable to expect Russia’s African partners and guests to have a fairly detailed knowledge about as much as the war as about the sanctions substantially augmented towards Russia after the beginning of the SMO (Special Military Operation). As a matter of fact, it is not very surprising: after all, it would be unable to explain in greater detail conflicts for instance, in Ethiopia, Sudan or Central African Republic. So why should it expect from its African friends more than from itself? Yet, some seasoned international diplomats have a good grasp of the conflict in Ukraine. The Chairman of the Chinese Parliament, Li Zhanshu commented the conflict aptly, “There was no other way for Russia.”

Strictly speaking, one may be inclined and justifiably so, to think that sanctions would have been applied more extensively to Russia even had it not started the SMO. There are numerous western hints as well as elaborated view according to which the Russian Federation should be destroyed and divided into plenty of ethnic quasi states-fiefdoms. That’s what NATO planned after the collapse of the USSR, and one of the top U.S. ideologues, Zbigniew Brzezinski envisaged in his book The Grand Chessboard published six years after the collapse of the USSR. Whichever way you consider these aspects, it must be acknowledged that to achieve western aims in Russia, lots of sanctions had been applied against Russia prior to the SMO as well as the western-organised terrorist blowing up of the North Stream pipelines!

Russia – Africa summit: a very timely move to expand cooperation and development


The recent additional remarks by Senegalese president Macky Sall who insisted on taking up peace negotiations at the forthcoming Russia-Africa summit must be touched upon in some depth. He mentioned among other things that African Leaders “expected Russia to show a commitment to peace, including releasing prisoners of war and returning Ukrainian children taken by Russia during the conflict.”

Perhaps, that final part of his weighty remarks deserve more attention as they go beyond the usual tandem of the war and sanctions. Releasing prisoners isn’t that much controversial. Prisoners of war are frequently swapped between Ukraine and Russia and it does not seem to be a problem. However, the claim about “returning Ukrainian children taken by Russia during the conflict” may be very upsetting for the Russians and the Russian leadership, Putin inclusive. How could he say something like that? Was it the International Criminal Court (ICC) inspired? Although this court is not recognised by the Russian Federation and not part of the UN, it issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Russian official Maria Lvova-Belova for the war crime of unlawful deportation and of unlawful transfer of (children) from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation.

Firstly, there were a few such cases mainly due to large numbers of orphans that they were sent hurriedly to safety in Russia. Nevertheless, whenever some close relatives from the Ukrainian territory controlled by Kiev regime demanded them they were returned as soon as possible.

Secondly, I only hope that president Sall will see through as to the “return of children” by the time the summit starts. If that doesn’t happen he may be kindly explained how terribly misinformed he is.

In 2016 I ventured to Donbas to investigate personally who is shelling at whom: Donbass at Ukraine or vice versa. The rockets and projectiles were coming “over our heads” nearly every night, sometimes during the day and always from the Ukrainian side. Their target was civilian population. While staying there I bumped into dozens of people and some of them (adults and children) were those who left eastern Ukraine for Russia to save their lives. That genocide of Russians and Russian-speaking civilians has been going till now. Such supposedly respectable politicians as president Hollande and chancellor Merkel ignored it and used eight long years of the Minsk Agreements meetings not to achieve peace but to buy time to arm and train the Ukrainian military forces against Russia. This is what they admitted freely on a number of occasions without any shame. Does dishonesty in a political sense of this word equals being smart these days?

Just before the SMO at the annual Munich Security Conference German chancellor Olaf Sholtz insisted that Russian claims of a “genocide” being committed by Kiev in eastern Ukraine’s Donbass region are “ridiculous.” Denying the truth means nothing to him. Earlier some gave his personality related nicknames like “sholtzmania” and “liverwurst.” I shall give him the benefit of a doubt and I just call him “unwitting.”

I strongly believe that nowadays one has to be forceful in defending the truth. There is a great need to defend Russian president and his dignity. Keeping quiet will get us nowhere! If anything, president Putin deserves the highest possible award in the world in recognition of saving tens of thousands of human lives, children inclusive, in Ukraine. His actions made him a champion in the area of human rights and humanitarian aid. However, there is one insurmountable difficulty, difficulty with finding such an award. By what I know it doesn’t exist, for to appreciate the scale of his humanitarian input it would have to exceed the prestigious Noble Prize at least ten times!

There is no doubt that Russian politicians are very good in the business of explaining the food crisis and courteous enough. There is a need however, to turn the food crisis discussion on a new track. The summit organizers are already deeply involved in finding new routes for delivery of Russian wheat and fertilizers. Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Vershinin assured all at a briefing last Friday that establishing new routes, is largely a logistical and technical issue and it is already being deliberated. Why then there is no officially released details? I can guess that there are two reasons. One, Russia must work them out with its African partners. Two, Russia’s western adversaries may attempt to block them.

To realize the great potential of the present summit one has to have a glimpse at the preceding one. The first Russia-Africa Summit took place on 23–24 October 2019 in Sochi in the footsteps of other “Africa +1” summits such as the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), Japan’s TICAD and the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. As then Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat, chair of the AU Commission highlighted the principles of the Africa-Russia strategic partnership included cooperation in agriculture, natural resource development, industry, trade, infrastructure and energy, and in the areas of military, peace and politics. At that summit it was decided to hold such events every three years.

Finally, a brief summary of its achievements. They included: 92 signed contracts and memoranda of understanding with a publicly disclosed value of $12.5bn. Within 569 meetings of the summit Economic Forum participated 6,000 of the invited people. That number included 45 heads of state, 1,100 representatives of international business, about 1,400 representatives of Russian business, over 1,900 members of official foreign delegations and over 300 Russian delegation members.

The Russian organizers of the present summit expect it to be a far more successful one. Even President Putin put his personal weight behind predictions with the forecast of signed contracts worth no less than double of what was signed for in 2019. It all sounds very realistic.

In a nutshell, what does Russia sell to and buy from Africa and what is its place in the overall structure of trade with Africa? Russia holds only 2.4% of the market share in Africa compared with 19.6% by China – the continent’s largest trade partner, 5% for the United States, France, and India. Thus, it is about time to Russia to improve its share of trade with Africa. It dominates African imports of cereals. They constitute 30% of overall African imports from the Russian Federation and wheat accounts for 95 % of the imported cereals. In addition, Africa also buys mineral fuels such as coal, oil products, and gas from Russia. These account for 18.3% of the total imports. On its part, Africa exports to Russia mainly edible fruit and vegetables, aquatic products, organic chemicals, and precious metals. In total, trade with Africa is very much in Russia’ favor.

Before I go any further, I would like to indicate that Africa is poised to shape the 21st century as the world’s fastest-growing demographic and possibly economic power. It is estimated that by 2050, Africans will make up a quarter of the global population. With its more that abundant young age labor it has a chance to become the biggest “workshop of the world.” Whether Africa succeeds depends among other factors on cooperation of such countries as Russia.

The brains behind Russia’s future trade expansion have already determined the directions of its main thrust. Russia has a lot to offer. Apart from sending more of the same, Africa needs a multifaceted advancement of Russian technologies in medicines, mining, building power projects (only half of the African population has access to electricity at present) metallurgy, shipbuilding, railways construction, variety of infrastructure, as well as space projects and food processing plants. Some projects could combine selling goods and building plants that would operate in Africa and possibly with the aim of reexporting goods or materials to Russia and other countries. Above all one can envisage a huge market for Russian high-tech goods and services with the purpose of transferring technologies. Perhaps, in line with economic and political expansion a number of Russian diplomatic staff should be increased if and when necessary? Flexibility is the name of the game.

It may be recommendable for those involved in trade with Africa – if they haven’t done so – to read Agenda 2063 that is under implementation by the African Union. The 2015 document is based in Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance. It provides a framework for addressing past injustices and the need of making the 21st Century to be the African Century.

Another consequence of the growing importance of Africa after the forthcoming summit should be possibly a discreet but thorough scrutiny of Russia’s media-wise activity. Academic research demonstrates that only 0,7% of its news is about Africa. As if it wasn’t bad enough, 75% of those news is negative.

https://strategic-culture.org/news/2023 ... he-future/

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Maghreb: Displaced Denied Permission to Dream of Happiness
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 22, 2023
Guadi Calvo

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The European Union (EU) continues to intensify its operations in the Mediterranean to prevent the arrival of more refugees to the continent. It is applying greater political pressure and providing millions of euros to ensure that the sending countries contain in their own territories the thousands of displaced people who dream of the opportunity to finally reach some destination on the European coast.

Beyond these efforts, which represent billions of euros, 2022 has been the year with the highest number of migrants arriving since 2016.These refugees reach the southern Mediterranean coast at the risk of absolutely everything, as witnessed by the dead who are often discovered in the dunes of the Sahara. Many of them have traveled thousands of kilometers from their countries of origin, in many cases at a high economic and security cost, placing themselves in the hands of traffickers who, in the face of any contingency, abandon them with little chance of survival in the middle of the desert, far from the most traveled routes, given that human trafficking cartels logically seek to escape the control of local authorities.

Ignoring this reality, the EU is only concerned with avoiding the arrival of more refugees to its coasts, proof of this is the billion euros recently granted to Tunisia to “fight against trafficking and shore up the country’s economy in crisis” after the failure, just a few days ago, of another agreement between the increasingly fractious Tunisian President Kais Saïed and the EU.

Tunisia in these last months, and in particular the port of Sfax, became the main center of human trafficking radiating from the entire Maghreb – surpassing even Libya – where millions of displaced persons have arrived due to the disorder caused by the civil war as a result of the “success” of Western operations against Colonel Gaddafi, a war that since 2011 continues unabated.

In the context of the migratory crisis, far from abating, it is increasing every day with a corresponding increase in shipwrecks and obviously in the number of dead and missing, of which it is practically impossible to calculate a certain figure. Although more than 27,000 are officially recognized since the crisis began in 2014, only those occurring on the three major Mediterranean routes have been calculated: the Morocco to Spain or western route, the central one: Libya or Tunisia to Italy – the busiest – and finally the eastern route: to Greece from Turkey.

These partial figures also do not take into account the increasingly frequent crossing from southern Morocco, Mauritania and Senegal to the Spanish archipelago of the Canary Islands, a route where shipwrecks are constantly occurring, resulting in hundreds of deaths. The latest of these accidents occurred on July 1 when a boat that had left the port of Tan-Tan, in the south of the Alaouite kingdom, sank, claiming the lives of some fifty people whose nationalities are still unknown. In two other similar events, on the 11th of last month, some 50 Moroccans from the city of Agadir disappeared.And on the 21st of the same month another shipwreck from which two bodies were rescued and another 40 travelers are still missing. On July 4, 159 people were rescued who had departed a week earlier from Mbour (Senegal) for the Canary archipelago, and if it had not been for the quick action of the island authorities, we would be talking about a new tragedy.

To this appalling death toll must be added the unfathomable number of those who have disappeared in the sands of the Sahara, lost and abandoned by the smuggling cartels.

The figures for the Mediterranean are highly debatable, for although the Missing Migrants Project of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) records some 25,000 deaths in shipwrecks up to the end of June, these figures are based on official figures from European bodies, ignoring the real number. Since this activity is obviously illegal, there are no details of the illegal boats that leave from the different ports or even from desolate beaches hidden from the authorities, so the number of people they are carrying is also unknown and the possible shipwrecks of these trips are not reported either.

Thus, the number of dead and missing in the Mediterranean alone could be ostensibly higher than that given by the IOM, since in many cases these bodies are never found or the authorities themselves conceal the figures to avoid further questioning. So much so that it has been recorded, on more than one occasion, that the ships destined to control illegal displacements in the Mediterranean have refused to answer requests for help in the face of an imminent shipwreck, as is believed to have happened last June off the Greek coast, where 73 people died after the sinking of a boat that had left the Libyan port of Benghazi with about 200 passengers.

Algeria joins the campaign of scorn

Denied the possibility of continuing the illegal journeys to Europe from which many local officials benefit by allowing the traffickers to operate with the obvious “thanks”, since depending on the opportunity each passage on some of these ships can be priced between 800 and 5,000 euros, figures for which the interested parties must work for years or seize their families in usurious loans that will take years to repay, devastating the family economies.

In an attempt to prevent the arrival of more refugees and to “get rid of” those already in their countries, the Maghreb governments have launched campaigns of increased border control and massive raids and expulsions of refugees, concentrating their actions mainly on sub-Saharan citizens. Like Tunisia, Algeria is also dealing with the migration issue in a brutal manner. Meanwhile, racism against blacks is on the rise, encouraged by the media and turned into a state policy by local governments.The life of refugees, especially sub-Saharan Africans, has become an even worse nightmare than before, knowing that they are the target of xenophobic hordes that have no rival to the brown shirts or Sturmabteilung (S.A.) of Ernst Röhm.

In the district of Safsafa, in the southern suburbs of Algiers – the capital of the country – where thousands of refugees have settled, police raids, which are constantly increasing, have dismantled a large part of the improvised shelters where thousands of people live in overcrowded conditions, without any possibility of access to medical care while their health conditions worsen, given the very poor sanitary conditions, without bathrooms or drinking water, while they are waiting to continue their journey or get a job.

Thousands of Malians, Nigerians and Burkinabe, among other nationalities, live in these places, having arrived mainly to escape terrorist violence in their countries, where young men are a key target to be forcibly recruited by the powerful terrorist khatibas operating in those countries, such as Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin or GSIM (Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims) tributary of al-Qaeda in the Islamic State for the Greater Sahara, or the Nigerian Boko Haram or the Islamic State in West Africa (ISWAP), among many other groups that are spread in a large number of countries of the continent.

The migrants, recently expelled from Safsafa, have returned to their shacks in Hasnaoua, in the southern suburbs of Tizi-Ouzou, knowing that the next relocation, quite possibly, will be to Tamanrasset, in the extreme south of Algeria, and from there to the border with Niger, from where they will be taken to the first populated site, which is Assamakka, where they will have to walk about 15 kilometers in the middle of nowhere in equatorial temperatures. There they will be sorted and then deported to their countries, as Algeria does not discriminate by nationality and expels without any order any immigrant to Tamanrasset.

By an agreement between Algiers and Niamey Algeria has now returned more than 11,000 people to Niger between January and April 2023, operations that had been carried out since 2018, at a weekly transport and that, given the European pressures, these transfers have been reactivated exponentially.

In any case, many of the expellees, after some time, try to reach Assamakka first to continue northward. Last June, in this Nigerian city, there were nearly 10,000 sub-Saharans planning to return to Algeria, once again, to attempt to obtain permission to dream of happiness.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... happiness/

Requiem for Khartoum
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 22, 2023
Guadi Calvo

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In the face of international indifference, the Sudanese civil war, which broke out last April 15, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under the orders of the army chief, General Abdel-Fattah Burhan and the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, alias Hemetti, a former smuggler and camel herder turned general after his aberrant services to the dictator Omar al-Bashir in the Darfur genocide in the first decade of this century.

The escalation of war in Sudan is becoming more and more intense, while the denunciations of multiple NGOs and different social groups in the African country continue to go unheard.

Once again, as it has happened four times since its independence in 1956, 47 million Sudanese find themselves immersed in a conflict, of which there is no certain prospect of an agreed resolution, between the two participating sides, which seem determined to fight to the last man.

More than half a dozen cease-fires have failed at the Jeddah (Saudi Arabia) table, where both sides, monitored by Riyadh and Washington, are unable to reach an agreement, not even to establish humanitarian corridors to bring food and medicine to the most devastated populations.

On this occasion, the conflict has a characteristic that those of 1955, 1972, 1983 and 2005 did not have, one of the main epicenters of the fighting is located in the urban core of the capital of the country, Khartoum, which together with Khartoum North and Omdurman or Umm-Durmān, gather a population close to nine million souls, and that, from the very beginning of the fighting, the city has been the target of the cross attacks of both sides.

Those who have destroyed the entire health network, so that practically not a single hospital remains fully operational, if any has survived the bombardment of the SAF or the heavy artillery of the RSF, it does so in extremely precarious conditions, with serious shortages of medicines and doctors and nurses with shifts of 32 hours. The electrical service has also been annihilated, communications, telephone and internet, and most of the food supply centers. over the junction of the Blue Nile and the White Nile, which continue to flow together to the north, forming the mythical Nile River, which, after crossing the whole of Egypt, finally flows into the Mediterranean, after flowing through the Lower Egyptian delta, one of the largest in the world.

Sudan’s location is of great geostrategic importance, since it is an important crossroads from the Maghreb and the Sahel to the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

This undoubtedly has an impact on the entire regional economy, while the local economy, according to local economists, so far during the conflict, has suffered losses of about nine billion dollars, while it is estimated that the looting of private property, businesses, public buildings and other institutions is estimated at approximately another forty billion dollars. The conflict has fundamentally affected the industrial, banking and financial sectors, due to the impact on exports, imports, foreign investments, particularly in the oil and gold sectors.

The fighting in Khartoum has forced more than three million people to leave the city and its surrounding areas since the beginning of the war, according to the United Nations (UN), practically half of the population. While those who remain, have been stranded, mainly for economic reasons or who had come in search of protection from the Kordofan or Darfur provinces, where in the first weeks of fighting had been more intense than those in the capital.

In these last weeks, two bombings left more than seventy civilian casualties, constituting one of the most virulent bombardments in Khartoum since the beginning of the war, The first and most serious was against the souk.

At least thirty people were killed after the SAF shelled the souk of al-Shabbi, in the city of Umm-Durmān, last Tuesday, July eleventh, the shooting is believed to have come from the military base of Karri, controlled by the army.

The previous Saturday, another forty people had been killed in the Dar-es-Salaam neighborhood, also in the Unm- Durmān sector. As a result of air strikes by the army.That neighborhood, would have been targeted with particular interest, since it has been mostly settled there members of the Rizagat tribe, to which General Hemetti, head of the RSF, and many of his men belong. Therefore, practically all the dead neighbors were linked to RSF militiamen. After the attacks, many families began to leave the area.

The army also concentrated its actions against positions of Hemetti’s paramilitary forces in Old Unm- Durmān and several places in Saliha, south of the same city. Intense attacks have also been reported in the town of El-Obeid, 350 kilometers south of Khartoum, where another twenty civilians were reportedly killed.

On Thursday morning, the RSF militias attacked a group of civilians, presumably family members, who were waiting for SAF troops, with a drone in the areas of al-Azuzab and Wad Ajeeb, south of Khartoum, leaving at least fourteen dead and fifteen wounded.

Darfur, same victims, same executioners

The great majority of the 330,000 Sudanese who have arrived in Chad since the beginning of the fighting come from the Darfur region, where, as was the case from 2005 to 2009, Hemetti’s forces have concentrated all their operations against the Masalit ethnic group. Adding to the nearly 400,000 who have arrived in Chad over the last twenty years.

At the same time, a new genocide is taking shape, with the same reasons: the possession of the land; the same victims, the black, Masalit, Christian and animist population and the same executioners, camel drivers of Arab origin, of the Rizagat tribe and Muslims.

In Darfur, the dead continue to multiply and to be ignored, as happened at the beginning of this century, a massacre which then resulted in at least 500,000 murders of the Masalit, pursued by the Arab camel drivers known as Janjaweed (armed horsemen, the germ of the current Rapid Support Forces, reconverted by decision of the former dictator Omar al-Bashir into a paramilitary force.It has just become known that in the area of al-Turab al-Ahmar (red land), west of El-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, and in the vicinity of an important police base.As reported by the United Nations on the thirteenth, nearly ninety Masalits were buried in a mass grave, killed by the security forces.

In anticipation that these massacres will continue to be perpetrated, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is expanding the Ourang refugee camp in the Chadian province of Ouaddaï, awaiting the imminent arrival of another 35,000 refugees fleeing the actions of the RSF, ready, this time, to settle the issue of the Masalit and other similar ethnic groups.

The number of Sudanese fleeing the war continues to increase steadily, and is estimated to be close to one million refugees in neighboring countries, mainly Chad and Egypt, although South Sudan is also receiving constant contingents from its northern neighbors, according to figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM). On a smaller scale, Ethiopia with about 26 thousand and the Central African Republic (CAR) with a number that does not exceed 17 thousand souls. According to figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM). And on a smaller scale Ethiopia with about 26 thousand and the Central African Republic (CAR) in a number that does not exceed 17 thousand souls.

According to IOM, the majority of the displaced belong to the state of Khartoum, and the country’s capital city, followed by Darfur, with its four regions of West, North, South and Central, as well as North and South Kordofan.

While the humanitarian situation for both internally displaced persons and refugees outside the country is worsening alarmingly, agricultural production has practically come to a standstill while the imminent rainy season, with the consequent floods, will deepen the crisis situation, not only food, but the spread of diseases is expected, which given the lack of resources to control them will surely lead to epidemics, forcing a requiem throughout Sudan.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... -khartoum/

Liberal Democracy: Africans Can Survive, Not Thrive
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 22, 2023
Lonzen Rugira

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The first sign of the liberal scam was the promotion of democracy that was primarily responsive to markets rather than to people

Liberal democracy was sold to Africa as a cure-all against its turbulent decades of post colonial misrule, a magic wand that that would, in tandem with economic liberalization, also serve as an antidote to poverty. With competitive multi-partysm, Africans got elections but not good leaders. Economic liberalization saw them privatize their economies but most people remained unemployed and poor. It turns out that the promoters of liberalism in both the economic and political spheres overpromised and underdelivered. Yet, they have lacked the humility to come clean and confess that in fact, the scheme which carried the promise of catalysing conditions for thriving was dubious. It is now clear that its objective was to ensure necessary political stability in the context of continued exploitation of Africa.

The first sign of this scam was the promotion of democracy that was primarily responsive to markets rather than to people. Democracy was defined in ways that achieved two objectives. One was the privatization of public parastatals, which entailed flogging them off to those with capital, often foreigners. The other one was to promote stability which would in turn ensure that capital introduced in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI) was protected.

The pursuit of these objectives is also the reason why there has been no willingness in Western quarters to reflect on the violent nature of adversarial politics and promote an alternative steeped in cooperation among would-be rival political forces. Whenever elections are disputed and violent, the solution is to bring external actors to mediate among mutually hostile parties, threaten sanctions (including the arraignment of key actors before the ICC), and impose solutions that never address the root causes of the violence. These, as we know, include the zero sum logic underpinning adversarial politics and the economic disenfranchisement of Africans. The priority of such interventions is to prevent the disruption of foreign businesses and international markets. In other words, the protection of foreign investments is what really counts, not preserving African lives or getting to the root of their grievances and addressing them. Most recently, the same concerns were again visible in the promptness with which Western diplomatic missions called for dialogue between Kenya’s President Ruto and opposition figure Raila Odinga who still refuses to recognize his electoral defeat.

Consider this. When President Jacob Zuma rose to power in South Africa, after his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki, was ousted, he embarked on a tour of major European capitals to reassure “markets” that he would not undertake structural changes in South Africa’s economy. Apparently, Zuma’s past links to the South African Communist Party and the Black Consciousness Movement had made the markets nervous as it became clear that he would rise to the top of the ANC at the end of 2008.

More pointedly, when disputes and violence broke out following the presidential elections in Kenya in 2007, the former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan was quickly dispatched to Nairobi to mediate. The sense of urgency behind the intervention was uncommon, as it had not been witnessed before in countries experiencing similar post electoral crises. Nairobi’s status as a hub for multinational corporations and international organizations meant that such disruptions were unacceptable. “We can’t let this happen to Kenya,” Annan said. Mediation efforts for the settlement between Raila and Kibaki, and the invocation of the ICC threat to the other protagonists, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, signaled serious interest in securing investments in that country, and the cost of failure to do so for whoever might prolong the instability. The fact that pleas by Kenyans for justice for victims of the violence that claimed around 1,300 lives have fallen on deaf ears since the restoration of stability, points to the real objectives of the intervention.

In the ECOWAS economic block, elections come and go without much improvement in people’s life conditions. There, too, the priorities remain the same: to ensure that Western corporations continue their business as usual, even as former colonial powers (France and the UK) and their allies enjoy undue influence in the politics of member countries, particularly their economic policies.

Further, when the push for liberal democracy in Ethiopia led to civil war, the humanitarian catastrophe was allowed to fester for as long as the warring parties understood that they would not be allowed to fight in Addis Ababa, the capital which, like Kenya’s Nairobi, is a hub for international investment and other activities. This realization served as the broader context for the protagonists responding to the pressure for a negotiated outcome to the conflict that had already claimed thousands of innocent lives.

Democracy or stability?

From the foregoing, one could conclude that the quest for stability that allows foreign capital to thrive has come at great cost for efforts to promote democratization that are not blind to local peculiarities, in which Africans are not treated as pawns, rather than as the actual beneficiaries. The result has been widespread disenchantment with politics and political leadership, precisely because what was promised is not what was delivered.

The solution to all these problems was always that Africans should define democracy for themselves. Had they done so, it would likely have been the kind that delivers both stability and good government, not simply stability that allows their exploitation to continue unabated. In other words, meaningful democracy is what Africans have sacrificed in order to experience stability. The frustration arising from this is what has driven many Africans to look to exchange their votes for immediate rewards in the form of bribes. They know that electoral periods are the only time for them to get something from politics.

In the end, the liberal democracy they were promised has been excellent at providing stability that protects foreign private capital in their countries. However, the marginalization of local economic actors and the capital flight and repatriation of profits it facilitates means that it has failed, even minimally, to address Africa’s economic challenges. Meanwhile, the consolation of aid has failed to fill the void and hopelessness resulting from what Africa has had to give up in this bargain. And so, under the liberal democracy they were gifted with, Africans can at best survive; they cannot thrive.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... ot-thrive/

Africa as a Motive Force for Peace
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 22, 2023
Mikatekiso Kubayi

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The African effort at negotiating for peace between the parties is not only a laudable one but one that holds significant merit not only for Africa but for the Global South and the globe generally.

An interest in peace

The effort by African heads of state to help find a peaceful end to the conflict in Ukraine is both lauded by some and dismissed by others. A continent often depicted as poor, underdeveloped, and incapable is not often seen participating in matters concerning “competition between great powers”, especially violent conflict in Europe. Theories in International relations such as World Systems Theory and Dependency Theory factor much in the imagination and calculation of those that may feel it recalcitrant for Africa to dare offer an intervention where it should be in perpetual submission. Including submission to the consequences of this conflict on its economy, development objectives and general wellbeing. Africa, as does the Global South and indeed, the entire globe has all to gain from a cessation of the conflict and from peace being found.

There can be no doubt however, that the world is indeed changing. What has been a less than adequate global order seems to be giving way to more voices, especially those of the marginalized and most impacted on, to assert their agency. The global community inherited a governance system from an era in which the horrific impact of war and conflict was so severe that a new and strong mechanism for multilateral cooperation for peace, conflict resolution and development was required. Millions had lost lives and millions more had lost limb and infrastructure was destroyed. The global economy suffered extreme blows and with it, development efforts. A mechanism was required to attend to this destruction and to help prevent a repeat of the same in the future. Such a mechanism was to feature instruments in its charter, with which the ambitions of its architects were to be pursued, attained, and sustained. The United Nations (UN) is that mechanism. The UN was formed with a charter that details the exact rules by which all parties to it must abide to avoid, negotiate and settle conflicts for a sustained peace. Both Russia and Ukraine are members of the UN.



The Global South in the main did not have much of a say in the design of the system. Although Jan Smuts, a white South African nationalist, was party to the drafting of the UN charter, he did so to represent interests that did not include black people, Africans, and Africa. Africa had already started to see significant struggles for liberation and development long before the Bretton Woods system was imposed on all. Russia and Ukraine as part of the Soviet Union where not only supportive with resources, but they also trained and joined liberation struggle armies in the trenches. Pictorial evidence of this and recorded stories of veterans of the struggle are plentiful. Many would recall their time spent in Odessa, St Petersburg, Moscow, Kiev and other major cities of the Soviet Union. Many also recall the blood spilt in the cause of freedom and development alongside their Russian and Ukrainian comrades. At the 1952 Bandung Conference, many affirmed their non-aligned stance precisely to never again see a repeat of the horrors they had lived through. They were to never allow great powers to spoil a movement towards peace, stability, and healing.

The process of finding peace has begun

It is the imperfection of the international system, failing to prevent conflict while allowing old tensions, and apprehension about risks to security interests that have led us to this point. Many an African state chose the non-aligned movement precisely to avoid conflict, promote equality in the international system, development, and an ability to resolve disputes through peaceful means among other things. But a peaceful resolution of a conflict is rarely found in a single trip by heads of state to present a proposal and hear parties’ positions. It is a process. It is a necessary process because Africa, the Global South and the world need a sustainable and peaceful end to the conflict. The process has begun, and with others such as by China and Brazil among others, hope is possible.

Africa and other regions of the Global South have also experienced numerous conflicts, mostly due to arbitrary borders imposed on them by powers thousands of kilometers away. These borders have split kinsmen, disrupted trade and other routes of interactions by peoples.

Through this experience over decades, Africa has gained significant experience and has much to share with its comrades despite having a smaller economy and other challenges.
Today, the global economy seeks recovery and a greater pace of growth after the devastation left by the Covid-19 pandemic, not long after the global financial crisis. The globe is talking about the need for investment in the real economy, close infrastructure gaps, build new infrastructure for the future economy and improve health and other human development outcomes. Africa needs over $200 billion a year just for infrastructure to close the gap but also to build for the future according to the African Development Bank. The globe needs over a trillion dollars in investment every year according to Think20 India.
Peace is of course a necessary requirement for stable conditions that development needs. The United Nations Agenda 2030 makes clear the need for peace and stability as a major requisite for development. It is because of this that the Russia-Ukraine conflict is detrimental to global development, particularly in the Global South. Russia is a major global supplier of energy, agriculture, technology and defence goods and services among many others. Ukraine is a major global supplier of agriculture, energy, technology goods among others. The beginning of the conflict was felt immediately, sharply and globally, and created all sorts of other crises such as a spike in prices of energy products, a drastic shortage of grain, fertilizers and cooking oils among others. Africa has been particularly hard hit by this conflict and its pursuit of development is impacted negatively by it.

The African effort at negotiating for peace between the parties is not only a laudable one but one that holds significant merit not only for Africa but for the Global South and the globe generally. Much will be gained from this peace effort. Together with other initiatives such as by Brazil, China and others, progress can and will be gained, especially if actors take heed of the cries of many global peoples calling for peace and development. This effort is a demonstration that the global governance system is one to be shared by all states and that each state, great or small, has a role and voice in the affairs of the globe and in pursuit of the objectives for creating the UN and multilateralism. This is also a demonstration of the massive shifts in agency in global affairs not seen in many decades.

Peace efforts

There have been two Minsk as well as other agreements. Many discussions by varied parties to the conflict as well as by concerned global actors have concluded agreements, tacit and/or firm agreements prior to the Minsk agreements that need to be considered for the sake of all. The world is watching. Young people the world over pay attention to developments; on social media, traditional and other news sources and are aware of the history that has led the world to this point. Can this effort succeed? Yes, it can, not because Africa is cleverer than any other region, but because the effort at peace it shares with others stands to benefit the expected 2.5 billion African population of 2050; a market being developed and primed to boom through efforts such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the other 14 flagship projects of the African Union (AU). This is a market ready and in need of Russian and Ukrainian products and investment. All stand to benefit from the success of this effort and it’s in the interest of global agency and development to support it. The world needs to focus on investments in the real economy for its future and choose peace for development.

Africa, as it should, has presented an introduction to its efforts to contribute to peace efforts between Russia and Ukraine. It does so because it is not only in its own interests, but also the interest of the Global South and indeed the world. As any peace effort goes, more engagement and negotiation and diplomatic effort should continue to find a solution that guarantees all parties the security and peace that they seek. The Russia – Africa Summit of July 2023 presents another audience for continued discussion in this effort. The world’s gaze will be on this summit to see if it will deliver tangible outcomes on the peace process as well as on trade, finance, and other areas of cooperation. There is optimism from the fact that both parties are willing to grant an audience and that other partners are willing to support the effort.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... for-peace/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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