Re: Africa
Posted: Mon Oct 24, 2022 1:35 pm
The Other Russia-West War: Why Some African Countries Are Abandoning Paris, Joining Moscow
OCTOBER 21, 2022
Young men chant slogans against the power of Lieutenant-Colonel Damiba, against France and pro-Russia, in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Sept. 30, 2022. Photo: Sophie Garcia/AP.
By Ramzy Baroud – Oct 17, 2022
The moment that Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba was ousted by his own former military colleague, Captain Ibrahim Traore, pro-coup crowds filled the streets. Some burned French flags, others carried Russian flags. This scene alone represents the current tussle underway throughout the African continent.
A few years ago, the discussion regarding the geopolitical shifts in Africa was not exactly concerned with France and Russia per se. It focused mostly on China’s growing economic role and political partnerships on the African continent. For example, Beijing’s decision to establish its first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017 signaled China’s major geopolitical move, by translating its economic influence in the region to political influence, backed by military presence.
China remains committed to its Africa strategy. Beijing has been Africa’s largest trading partner for 12 years, consecutively, with total bilateral trade between China and Africa, in 2021, reaching $254.3 billion, according to recent data released by the General Administration of Customs of China.
The United States, along with its western allies, have been aware of, and warning against China’s growing clout in Africa. The establishment of US AFRICOM in 2007 was rightly understood to be a countering measure to China’s influence. Since then, and arguably before, talks of a new ‘Scramble for Africa’ abounded, with new players, including China, Russia, even Turkiye, entering the fray.
The Russia-Ukraine war, however, has altered geopolitical dynamics in Africa, as it highlighted the Russian-French rivalry on the continent, as opposed to the Chinese-American competition there.
Though Russia has been present in African politics for years, the war – thus the need for stable allies at the United Nations and elsewhere – accelerated Moscow’s charm offensive. In July, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, fortifying Russia’s diplomatic relations with African leaders.
“We know that the African colleagues do not approve of the undisguised attempts of the US and their European satellites .. to impose a unipolar world order to the international community,” Lavrov said. His words were met with agreement.
Russian efforts have been paying dividends, as early as the first votes to condemn Moscow at the United Nations General Assembly, in March and April. Many African nations remained either neutral or voted against measures targeting Russia at the UN.
South Africa’s position, in particular, was problematic from Washington’s perspective, not only because of the size of the country’s economy, but also because of Pretoria’s political influence and moral authority throughout Africa. Moreover, South Africa is the only African member of the G20.
Supporters of Capt. Ibrahim Traore wave Russian flags as they cheered in the streets of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Oct. 2, 2022. Kilaye Bationo | AP
In his visit to the US in September, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa defended his country’s neutrality and raised objections to a draft US bill – the Countering Malign Russian Activities in Africa Act – that is set to monitor and punish African governments who do not conform to the American line in the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
The West fails to understand, however, that Africa’s slow, but determined shift toward Moscow is not haphazard or accidental.
The history of the continent’s past and current struggle against western colonialism and neocolonialism is well-known. While the West continues to define its relationship with Africa based on exploitation, Russia is constantly reminding African countries of the Soviet’s legacy on the continent. This is not only apparent in official political discourses by Russian leaders and diplomats, but also in Russian media coverage, which is prioritizing Africa and reminding African nations of their historic solidarity with Moscow.
Burning French flags and raising Russian ones, however, cannot simply be blamed on Russian supposed economic bribes, clever diplomacy or growing military influence. The readiness of African nations – Mali, Central African Republic and, now, possibly, Burkina Faso – has much more to do with mistrust and resentment of France’s self-serving legacy in Africa, West Africa in particular.
France has military bases in many parts of Africa and remains an active participant in various military conflicts, which has earned it the reputation of being the continent’s main destabilizing force. Equally important is Paris’s stronghold over the economies of 14 African countries, which are forced to use French currency, the CFA franc and, according to Frederic Ange Toure, writing in Le Journal de l’Afrique, to “centralize 50% of their reserves in the French public treasury”.
Though many African countries remain neutral in the case of the Russia-Ukraine war, a massive geopolitical shift is underway, especially in militarily fragile, impoverished and politically unstable countries that are eager to seek alternatives to French and other western powers. For a country like Mali, shifting allegiances from Paris to Moscow was not exactly a great gamble. Bamako had very little to lose, but much to gain. The same logic applies to other African countries that are fighting extreme poverty, political instability and the threat of militancy, all of which are intrinsically linked.
Though China remains a powerful newcomer to Africa – a reality that continues to frustrate US policymakers – the more urgent battle, for now, is between Russia and France – the latter experiencing a palpable retreat.
In a speech last July, French President Emmanuel Macron declared that he wanted a “rethink of all our (military) postures on the African continent.” France’s military and foreign policy shift in Africa, however, was not compelled by strategy or vision, but by changing realities over which France has little control.
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The Intricate Fight for Africa: The Legacy of the Soviet Union vs Western Colonialism
AUGUST 13, 2022
African Union Commission Chairman Moussa Faki Mahamat during a news conference following talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov at the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Reception House. Photo: Dmitry Lebedev/Kommersant/Sipa via AP Images.
By Ramzy Baroud – Aug 8, 2022
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s recent tour in Africa was meant to be a game changer, not only in terms of Russia’s relations with the continent, but in the global power struggle involving the US, Europe, China, India, Turkey and others.
Many media reports and analyses placed Lavrov’s visit to Egypt, the Republic of Congo, Uganda and Ethiopia within the obvious political context of the Russia-Ukraine war. The British Guardian’s Jason Burka summed up Lavrov’s visit in these words: “Lavrov is seeking to convince African leaders and, to a much lesser extent, ordinary people that Moscow cannot be blamed either for the conflict or the food crisis.”
Though true, there is more at stake.
Africa’s importance to the geostrategic tug of war is not a new phenomenon. Western governments, think tanks and media reports have, for long, allocated much attention to Africa due to China’s and Russia’s successes in altering the foreign policy map of many African countries. For years, the West has been playing catch up, but with limited success.
The Economist discussed ‘the new scramble for Africa’ in a May 2019 article, which reported on “governments and businesses from all around the world” who are “rushing” to the continent in search of “vast opportunities” awaiting them there. Between 2010 and 2016, 320 foreign embassies were opened in Africa which, according to the magazine, is “probably the biggest embassy-building boom, anywhere, ever.”
Though China has often been portrayed as a country seeking economic opportunities only, the nature and evolution of Beijing’s relations with Africa prove otherwise. Beijing is reportedly the biggest supplier of arms to sub-Saharan Africa, and its defense technology permeates almost the entire continent. In 2017, China established its first military base in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa.
Russia’s military influence in Africa is also growing exponentially, and Moscow’s power is challenging that of France, the US and others in various strategic spaces, mainly in the East Africa regions.
But, unlike the US and other western states, countries like China, Russia and India have been cautious as they attempt to strike the perfect balance between military engagement, economic development and political language.
‘Quartz Africa’ reported that trade between Africa and China “rose to a record high” in 2021. The jump was massive: 35% between 2020 and 2021, reaching a total of $254 billion.
Now that Covid-19 restrictions have been largely lifted, trade between Africa and China is likely to soar at astronomical levels in the coming years. Keeping in mind the economic slump and potential recession in the West, Beijing’s economic expansion is unlikely to slow down, despite the obvious frustration of Washington, London and Brussels. It ought to be said that China is already Africa’s largest trade partner, and by far.
A Chinese national and a Zimbabwean man hug while welcoming Chinese President Xi Jinping upon his arrival in Harare, Zimbabwe, 2015. Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi | AP
Russia-China-Africa’s strong ties are paying dividends on the international stage. Nearly half of the abstentions in the vote on United Nations Resolution ES-11/1 on March 2, condemning Russia’s military action in Ukraine, came from Africa alone. Eritrea voted against it. This attests to Russia’s ability to foster new alliances on the continent. It also demonstrates the influence of China – Russia’s main ally in the current geopolitical tussle – as well.
Yet, there is more to Africa’s position than mere interest in military hardware and trade expansion. History is most critical.
In the first ‘scramble for Africa’, Europe sliced up and divided the continent into colonies and areas of influence. The exploitation and brutalization that followed remain one of the most sordid chapters in modern human history.
What the Economist refers to as the ‘second scramble for Africa’ during the Cold War era was the Soviet Union’s attempt to demolish the existing colonial and neo-colonial paradigms established by western countries throughout the centuries.
The collapse of the Soviet Union over three decades ago changed this dynamic, resulting in an inevitable Russian retreat and the return to the uncontested western dominance. That status quo did not last for long, however, as China and, eventually, Russia, India, Turkey, Arab countries and others began challenging western supremacy.
Lavrov and his African counterparts fully understand this context. Though Russia is no longer a Communist state, Lavrov was keen on referencing the Soviet era, thus the unique rapport Moscow has with Africa, in his speeches. For example, ahead of his visit to Congo, Lavrov said in an interview that Russia had “long-standing good relations with Africa since the days of the Soviet Union.”
Such language cannot be simply designated as opportunistic or merely compelled by political urgency. It is part of a complex discourse and rooted superstructure, indicating that Moscow – along with Beijing – is preparing for a long-term geopolitical confrontation in Africa.
Considering the West’s harrowing colonial past, and Russia’s historic association with various liberation movements on the continent, many African states, intelligentsias, and ordinary people are eager to break free from the grip of western hegemony.
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Ibrahim Traore Takes Over as Burkina Faso’s Leader Amid Worsening Crisis and Anti-French Sentiment
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on OCTOBER 22, 2022
Pavan Kulkarni
Ibrahim Traore
Captain Ibrahim Traore came to power after deposing his senior officer Lt. Col Paul-Henri Damiba in a military coup on September 30. He faces the challenge of rising attacks by Islamist groups which have taken over 40% of the country’s territory
34-year-old Capt. Ibrahim Traore, who deposed his senior Lt. Col Paul-Henri Damiba in a military coup on September 30, was sworn in as the new president of the transitional government of Burkina Faso on Friday, October 21.
On October 14, amid demonstrations by Traore’s supporters in capital Ouagadougou, he had been appointed as the Transitional President by a National Forum, consisting of 300 delegates from the army, police, civil society, unions, and political parties.
According to the Transitional Charter adopted by this Forum, the “President of the transition is not eligible for the presidential elections… that will be organized to put an end to the Transition.” The deadline to end the transition with “the organization of free, transparent, and inclusive elections” is July 2, 2024.
This timeline upholds the agreement that the former military government of Damiba had reached with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in July this year to hold elections to make way for civilian rule in 24 months, so as to avoid facing sanctions.
However, with the government having lost 40% of the country’s territory to Islamist terrorist organizations that are committing repeated atrocities on civilians, securing the country to hold such an election in less than two years is an uphill task. Two governments have fallen after popular coups this year, owing mainly to their failure to secure the civilian population from terrorist attacks.
Burkina Faso hosts a significant portion of the currently 3,000-strong French forces, deployed under Operation Barkhane since 2014, in France’s former colonies in Africa’s Sahel to fight the Islamist insurgencies France itself helped create by participating in NATO’s war on Libya in 2011.
Since the start of this counter-insurgency operation, incidents of organized violence in Burkina Faso went up from 16 a year in 2014 to 1,315 by the end of 2021. Under the government of Roch Kabore, president of Burkina Faso between 2015 and January 2022, the country lost a third of its territory, including to Al-Qaeda affiliated groups while in a security partnership with France.
Under these circumstances, amid mass demonstrations against French deployment, a group established within the army called the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration (MPSR), led by Damiba, seized power in a coup against Kabore on January 24, 2022.
“People’s expectations were high after Damiba’s coup. They first expected an improvement in the security in the country as promised by the MPSR,” Moussa Diallo, General Secretary of the General Labor Confederation of Burkina (CGT-B), told Peoples Dispatch. Burkinabes had largely trusted Damiba to fulfill the stated “primary objective” of the coup, which was “the restoration of the national territory,” he said.
However, Damiba’s military government not only failed to recover lost territory but also lost more land to terrorist groups, and area under Islamist control went up from a third to 40% in the eight months under his leadership. The coup against him on September 30 by his junior officer, Captain Traore, came from within the MPSR itself.
In the aftermath of the coup, protesters also attacked the French embassy in Ouagadougou after the new junta’s spokesperson claimed on television that “Damiba [had] tried to retreat to the Kamboinsin French military base to prepare a counter offensive.”
The French Foreign Ministry said that the “camp where the French forces are located has never welcomed Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, nor has [their] embassy.” Mondafrique reported, however, that “contrary to denials” by France, Damiba “was indeed a refugee in the camp of the French special forces,” according to its sources. It added that, after the popular mobilization against the French embassy and other French centers in the capital city, Damiba “was forced to capitulate and go into exile in Lomé,” the capital city of neighboring Togo.
A broader regional process
The resentment against France is part of a broader regional process. Neighboring Mali has already moved away from relying on French support, turning instead to a security partnership with Russia, citing the failure of French counter-insurgency operations in the region. It was in Mali that the French regional deployment began in 2013 under Operation Serval, before expanding in 2014 under Operation Barkhane to four other former colonies in Sahel, including Burkina Faso.
After two governments fell to popular coups in 2020 and 2021, Mali’s transitional military government asked France to withdraw its troops from the country in February 2022. This was celebrated by demonstrators who had been protesting against French deployment in the country as Mali’s victory against imperialism.
The French withdrawal from Mali was completed by mid-August, soon after which Mali’s government complained to the UN Security Council (UNSC) that France had been assisting terror groups in the country, including by air-dropping arms and ammunition.
The US claims that the Russian mercenary group, Wagner, has been operating in Mali since the start of this year. Mali’s government, however, has denied these reports, and claims to be taking assistance only from Russian military advisers to defeat the terrorist groups.
“The populist approach of Malian authorities who have chosen Russia in their fight against terrorism has also contributed” to the popularity of the idea of a security partnership with Russia as an alternative to Burkina Faso’s dependence on France, Diallo added.
The “exacerbation of anti-imperialist sentiment against France in Burkina Faso” has been driving the popular demand for a partnership with Russia, Diallo explained. “It can be seen that the presence of French troops in Burkina Faso does not add anything to the fight against terrorism; on the contrary, the security crisis has only been getting worse. There are people who suspect French imperialism of instrumentalizing armed terrorist groups to justify its presence in the Sahel and plunder its resources,” he added.
“In such a context, Russia is considered as a power opposed to France, [and] has proclaimed itself since the period of the USSR as an anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist power. This anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist past works in favor of Russia,” he further elaborated, adding on a note of caution, however, that this could be used to “lure populations” into “blindly believing” that Russia holds a solution to Burkina Faso’s crisis.
Amid several reports that the Wagner group is attempting to strike a deal to work with Burkina Faso’s government, its founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, welcomed the coup and hailed Traore for doing “what was necessary… for the good of the people”.
This is “of great concern,” Diallo said, adding that a “foreign private security company cannot replace the institutions of the Burkinabe nation and its fight against terrorism. The fight against terrorism is above all a national issue.”
He added further that given the dire security situation in the country, the task of defeating terrorism could not be a “prerogative of the Burkinabe army alone.” Diallo stressed the need to mobilize vast “populations in the fight against terrorism by organizing them, training them, and providing them with substantial means of defense.”
Speaking on behalf of the CGT-B, he clarified that their vision of how to defeat terrorist groups does not “exclude the possibility of establishing multilateral or bilateral relations with Russia or with any other state.”
However, “the French troops stationed in Burkina Faso often carry out operations on our territory and in the sub-region without even involving the Burkinabe soldiers. These agreements on several points squarely alienate the sovereignty of the people of Burkina Faso,” argued Diallo.
“What we reject are partnerships that alienate the sovereignty of our country and our people, that prevent us from freely establishing cooperative relationships with partners of our choice,” he concluded.
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Sudan: The Military Push for an Agreement that Grants Them Immunity Reduces the Prospects for Peace
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on OCTOBER 22, 2022
The agreement provides for the appointment of a non-military Head of state, and a prime minister chosen by civilians in exchange for immunity from prosecution
The chances of ending the political crisis are minimal because negotiations took place between parts of civilian and military components and there are disagreements between armies and military entities
While efforts for a political settlement in Sudan are continuing, street demonstrations against military rule continue, as an upcoming agreement to resolve the crisis has not affected their enthusiasm, reflecting that the chances of a solution are still slim after negotiations were limited to civilian components only.
Khartoum-the Sudanese army and a group of opposition forces are close to reaching an agreement, mediated by the United States, aimed at resolving the political crisis witnessed in Sudan since last year, while sources revealed that the expected settlement granted the army commanders immunity from judicial prosecution.
The proposed agreement stipulates that the army agrees to appoint a non-military Head of state and a prime minister chosen by civilians, while granting a form of independence and immunity to the army from prosecution, concessions that would cancel the obligations contained in the constitutional document written after the fall of former President Omar al-Bashir.
Bloomberg quoted the US State Department as saying that the agreement being drafted could help “form a transitional, inclusive, civilian-led government that is widely accepted”. The ministry added that the Sudanese government” must be civilian-led, and provide justice, prosperity, and peace, “stressing that”military rule is not, and will not be, sustainable”.
The talks held in recent weeks witnessed direct negotiations between the army and the opposition “forces of freedom and Change” coalition, according to insiders, including diplomats.
Knowledgeable people, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that the talks arranged by the quartet on Sudan “quad” were held mainly at the residence of Sudanese army commander Abdul Fattah al-Burhan, who has the support of political parties. Shihab Ibrahim, spokesman for the forces of freedom and Change Alliance, said that the quartet facilitated talks with a military delegation including Al-Burhan and his Deputy, Lieutenant General Mohammed Hamdan Daglo “Hemeti”, commander of the Rapid Support forces.
As a starting point for the agreement, a proposed new transitional constitution drafted by the Sudanese Bar Association was used, although elements were added that included concessions in favor of the military. The draft transitional constitution also provides for the integration of the Rapid Support forces into the regular army.
UN Horn of Africa envoy Volker Peretz said in televised remarks last week that the political factions had “reached a common understanding ” on the formation of a transitional civilian government, with elections scheduled within two years.
Sudanese finance minister Jibril Ibrahim, in an interview with Bloomberg, noted that there are talks on the formation of a broad-based and inclusive government, and the withdrawal of the army from politics. “We hope that we will reach an agreement not between the activists and the military, but between the political entities of the country,”Ibrahim said.
A member of the Executive Office of the forces of freedom and change in Sudan, Khaled Omar Youssef, said Monday that the current learned of the acceptance of the military component of the transitional constitution prepared by the Bar Association as the basis for arrangements for the transfer of power to civilians, describing it as a “positive step”.
Sudanese sources said that the tripartite mechanism, which includes the United Nations, the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on development “IGAD”, and plays the role of mediator in ending the political crisis in Sudan, received on Thursday the text of the agreement reached by the chairman of the sovereign Council Abdul Fattah al-Burhan with the forces of freedom and change.
The sources added that the tripartite mechanism will work on the task of facilitating the consensus process between the Sudanese, in the first “serious moves” towards a “comprehensive agreement” between the two sides, as a step towards resolving the political crisis that the country has been witnessing since the twenty-fifth of October 2021.
Since the measures taken by the Sudanese army commander Abdul Fattah al-Burhan in October 2021, Sudan has been witnessing political and economic unrest, and thousands of Sudanese regularly demonstrate in the capital and other cities to demand the return of civilian rule and accountability for the killers of demonstrators, while the Sudan Central doctors committee estimates that at least 100 people have died and dozens have been injured.
Last Saturday, Al-Burhan said that the current indicators bode well for the imminent arrival of reconciliation in the country with the participation of political and community forces and peace parties. In a statement, the sovereign council quoted Al-Burhan as saying, during a speech at a forum for African peace and security in Ethiopia, that these indicators come despite the “great challenges and complications”faced by the transitional phase in Sudan.
“All this strengthens the guarantees that ensure the stability of the transitional period and the formation of a civilian government that will run the country, create the climate and take the necessary measures to hold free and fair elections by the end of the transitional period,”he added. Al-Burhan reiterated the withdrawal of the military institution from the political debate and full-time to perform its basic tasks of protecting the security and sovereignty of the country.
The existing settlement collides with the strong reaction of the Communist Party, which threatened to thwart the new understandings, and this constitutes the general position of the party and the Resistance Committees, which are determined to overthrow the settlement and the coup, while the Central Council for freedom and change is convinced that this opposition will not affect the success of the talks and end the coup situation, and the Resistance Committees are closely following what is happening in the talks, and it is not impossible to convince them of what is being reached.
The reality indicates that the chances of ending the political crisis are slim because the negotiations took place between parts of the civilian and military components, and there are differences between the armies and military entities, as well as the situation for the civilian forces, which are fragmented into different currents.
The absence of some active forces, led by the Resistance Committees and the Communist Party, who insist on sticking to the three terms (no negotiations, no partnership, no legitimacy), along with the lack of clarity about the vision of the armed movements that will accept a settlement that guarantees their continuation in the power structures and adherence to the Juba peace agreement signed by the Revolutionary Front and the transitional authority.
As efforts for a political settlement continue in Khartoum, thousands of Sudanese demonstrated Friday against the “military rule” a year after the Burhan coup that put an end to the democratic transition process.
In Khartoum, thousands of demonstrators chanted “the people want the overthrow of the regime”. In the city of Omdurman on the West Bank of the Nile, where security forces fired tear gas, protesters chanted “soldiers to barracks” in reference to their demand for civilian rule.
Protesters also chanted “No to tribalism” and “no To Racism”, the day after two bloody days in the southern Blue Nile state. Clashes between the Hausa and rival tribes resumed in this agricultural state bordering Ethiopia, resulting in 150 dead, including women, children and the elderly, and 86 people were injured.
The security vacuum caused by the coup, especially after the termination of the mission of the UN peacekeeping force in the region following the signing of a peace agreement between armed factions and the central government in 2020, led to the return of tribal conflicts over land, water and pasture. The governor of South Sudan’s Blue Nile State declared a state of emergency on Friday and gave security forces full powers to stop tribal fighting that has killed 150 people in two days.
According to a decree issued by Ahmed mayor Badi, he “declares a state of emergency throughout the Blue Nile region for thirty days”. He also instructed local police, army and intelligence officials, as well as the Rapid Support forces, to”intervene with all available means to stop the tribal fighting”.
Al Arab
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Terrorist Attack on Hotel in Somalia Leaves Several Dead
The hotel assault began with the explosion of a car bomb. Oct. 23, 2022. | Photo: Feisal Omar/Reuters
Published 23 October 2022 (16 hours 21 minutes ago)
Thus far, nine people died and 47 were wounded as a result of the attack on a hotel in the Somali city of Kismayo.
At least nine people were killed and 47 have been wounded as a result of an attack by terrorists on a hotel in the southern Somali port city of Kismayo, the 'Garowe Online' portal reported, citing Police.
"Five people died as a result of the attack on a hotel in the Somali city of Kismayo," it tweeted earlier. Since then the number of victims have increased as rescue operations continue on-site.
Earlier on October 23, the media outlet reported that terrorists from the Al Shabab group attacked the Tawakal hotel, resulting in eight injuries, including students from nearby schools.
According to Halgan media, the hotel assault began with the explosion of a car bomb. The Dalsan television channel, meanwhile, reported that the hotel is a popular venue for meetings of government officials.
Al Shabab, which swore allegiance to the terrorist group Al Qaeda, perpetrates attacks against the government troops of that country, the African Union Mission in Somalia, renamed the Atmis, and UN humanitarian operations.
The group, which is bent on imposing a radical version of Sharia law in Somalia, has also claimed several terrorist attacks in neighboring East African countries, including the massacre at the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi, Kenya, in September 2013.
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OCTOBER 21, 2022
Young men chant slogans against the power of Lieutenant-Colonel Damiba, against France and pro-Russia, in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Sept. 30, 2022. Photo: Sophie Garcia/AP.
By Ramzy Baroud – Oct 17, 2022
The moment that Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba was ousted by his own former military colleague, Captain Ibrahim Traore, pro-coup crowds filled the streets. Some burned French flags, others carried Russian flags. This scene alone represents the current tussle underway throughout the African continent.
A few years ago, the discussion regarding the geopolitical shifts in Africa was not exactly concerned with France and Russia per se. It focused mostly on China’s growing economic role and political partnerships on the African continent. For example, Beijing’s decision to establish its first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017 signaled China’s major geopolitical move, by translating its economic influence in the region to political influence, backed by military presence.
China remains committed to its Africa strategy. Beijing has been Africa’s largest trading partner for 12 years, consecutively, with total bilateral trade between China and Africa, in 2021, reaching $254.3 billion, according to recent data released by the General Administration of Customs of China.
The United States, along with its western allies, have been aware of, and warning against China’s growing clout in Africa. The establishment of US AFRICOM in 2007 was rightly understood to be a countering measure to China’s influence. Since then, and arguably before, talks of a new ‘Scramble for Africa’ abounded, with new players, including China, Russia, even Turkiye, entering the fray.
The Russia-Ukraine war, however, has altered geopolitical dynamics in Africa, as it highlighted the Russian-French rivalry on the continent, as opposed to the Chinese-American competition there.
Though Russia has been present in African politics for years, the war – thus the need for stable allies at the United Nations and elsewhere – accelerated Moscow’s charm offensive. In July, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, fortifying Russia’s diplomatic relations with African leaders.
“We know that the African colleagues do not approve of the undisguised attempts of the US and their European satellites .. to impose a unipolar world order to the international community,” Lavrov said. His words were met with agreement.
Russian efforts have been paying dividends, as early as the first votes to condemn Moscow at the United Nations General Assembly, in March and April. Many African nations remained either neutral or voted against measures targeting Russia at the UN.
South Africa’s position, in particular, was problematic from Washington’s perspective, not only because of the size of the country’s economy, but also because of Pretoria’s political influence and moral authority throughout Africa. Moreover, South Africa is the only African member of the G20.
Supporters of Capt. Ibrahim Traore wave Russian flags as they cheered in the streets of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Oct. 2, 2022. Kilaye Bationo | AP
In his visit to the US in September, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa defended his country’s neutrality and raised objections to a draft US bill – the Countering Malign Russian Activities in Africa Act – that is set to monitor and punish African governments who do not conform to the American line in the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
The West fails to understand, however, that Africa’s slow, but determined shift toward Moscow is not haphazard or accidental.
The history of the continent’s past and current struggle against western colonialism and neocolonialism is well-known. While the West continues to define its relationship with Africa based on exploitation, Russia is constantly reminding African countries of the Soviet’s legacy on the continent. This is not only apparent in official political discourses by Russian leaders and diplomats, but also in Russian media coverage, which is prioritizing Africa and reminding African nations of their historic solidarity with Moscow.
Burning French flags and raising Russian ones, however, cannot simply be blamed on Russian supposed economic bribes, clever diplomacy or growing military influence. The readiness of African nations – Mali, Central African Republic and, now, possibly, Burkina Faso – has much more to do with mistrust and resentment of France’s self-serving legacy in Africa, West Africa in particular.
France has military bases in many parts of Africa and remains an active participant in various military conflicts, which has earned it the reputation of being the continent’s main destabilizing force. Equally important is Paris’s stronghold over the economies of 14 African countries, which are forced to use French currency, the CFA franc and, according to Frederic Ange Toure, writing in Le Journal de l’Afrique, to “centralize 50% of their reserves in the French public treasury”.
Though many African countries remain neutral in the case of the Russia-Ukraine war, a massive geopolitical shift is underway, especially in militarily fragile, impoverished and politically unstable countries that are eager to seek alternatives to French and other western powers. For a country like Mali, shifting allegiances from Paris to Moscow was not exactly a great gamble. Bamako had very little to lose, but much to gain. The same logic applies to other African countries that are fighting extreme poverty, political instability and the threat of militancy, all of which are intrinsically linked.
Though China remains a powerful newcomer to Africa – a reality that continues to frustrate US policymakers – the more urgent battle, for now, is between Russia and France – the latter experiencing a palpable retreat.
In a speech last July, French President Emmanuel Macron declared that he wanted a “rethink of all our (military) postures on the African continent.” France’s military and foreign policy shift in Africa, however, was not compelled by strategy or vision, but by changing realities over which France has little control.
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The Intricate Fight for Africa: The Legacy of the Soviet Union vs Western Colonialism
AUGUST 13, 2022
African Union Commission Chairman Moussa Faki Mahamat during a news conference following talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov at the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Reception House. Photo: Dmitry Lebedev/Kommersant/Sipa via AP Images.
By Ramzy Baroud – Aug 8, 2022
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s recent tour in Africa was meant to be a game changer, not only in terms of Russia’s relations with the continent, but in the global power struggle involving the US, Europe, China, India, Turkey and others.
Many media reports and analyses placed Lavrov’s visit to Egypt, the Republic of Congo, Uganda and Ethiopia within the obvious political context of the Russia-Ukraine war. The British Guardian’s Jason Burka summed up Lavrov’s visit in these words: “Lavrov is seeking to convince African leaders and, to a much lesser extent, ordinary people that Moscow cannot be blamed either for the conflict or the food crisis.”
Though true, there is more at stake.
Africa’s importance to the geostrategic tug of war is not a new phenomenon. Western governments, think tanks and media reports have, for long, allocated much attention to Africa due to China’s and Russia’s successes in altering the foreign policy map of many African countries. For years, the West has been playing catch up, but with limited success.
The Economist discussed ‘the new scramble for Africa’ in a May 2019 article, which reported on “governments and businesses from all around the world” who are “rushing” to the continent in search of “vast opportunities” awaiting them there. Between 2010 and 2016, 320 foreign embassies were opened in Africa which, according to the magazine, is “probably the biggest embassy-building boom, anywhere, ever.”
Though China has often been portrayed as a country seeking economic opportunities only, the nature and evolution of Beijing’s relations with Africa prove otherwise. Beijing is reportedly the biggest supplier of arms to sub-Saharan Africa, and its defense technology permeates almost the entire continent. In 2017, China established its first military base in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa.
Russia’s military influence in Africa is also growing exponentially, and Moscow’s power is challenging that of France, the US and others in various strategic spaces, mainly in the East Africa regions.
But, unlike the US and other western states, countries like China, Russia and India have been cautious as they attempt to strike the perfect balance between military engagement, economic development and political language.
‘Quartz Africa’ reported that trade between Africa and China “rose to a record high” in 2021. The jump was massive: 35% between 2020 and 2021, reaching a total of $254 billion.
Now that Covid-19 restrictions have been largely lifted, trade between Africa and China is likely to soar at astronomical levels in the coming years. Keeping in mind the economic slump and potential recession in the West, Beijing’s economic expansion is unlikely to slow down, despite the obvious frustration of Washington, London and Brussels. It ought to be said that China is already Africa’s largest trade partner, and by far.
A Chinese national and a Zimbabwean man hug while welcoming Chinese President Xi Jinping upon his arrival in Harare, Zimbabwe, 2015. Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi | AP
Russia-China-Africa’s strong ties are paying dividends on the international stage. Nearly half of the abstentions in the vote on United Nations Resolution ES-11/1 on March 2, condemning Russia’s military action in Ukraine, came from Africa alone. Eritrea voted against it. This attests to Russia’s ability to foster new alliances on the continent. It also demonstrates the influence of China – Russia’s main ally in the current geopolitical tussle – as well.
Yet, there is more to Africa’s position than mere interest in military hardware and trade expansion. History is most critical.
In the first ‘scramble for Africa’, Europe sliced up and divided the continent into colonies and areas of influence. The exploitation and brutalization that followed remain one of the most sordid chapters in modern human history.
What the Economist refers to as the ‘second scramble for Africa’ during the Cold War era was the Soviet Union’s attempt to demolish the existing colonial and neo-colonial paradigms established by western countries throughout the centuries.
The collapse of the Soviet Union over three decades ago changed this dynamic, resulting in an inevitable Russian retreat and the return to the uncontested western dominance. That status quo did not last for long, however, as China and, eventually, Russia, India, Turkey, Arab countries and others began challenging western supremacy.
Lavrov and his African counterparts fully understand this context. Though Russia is no longer a Communist state, Lavrov was keen on referencing the Soviet era, thus the unique rapport Moscow has with Africa, in his speeches. For example, ahead of his visit to Congo, Lavrov said in an interview that Russia had “long-standing good relations with Africa since the days of the Soviet Union.”
Such language cannot be simply designated as opportunistic or merely compelled by political urgency. It is part of a complex discourse and rooted superstructure, indicating that Moscow – along with Beijing – is preparing for a long-term geopolitical confrontation in Africa.
Considering the West’s harrowing colonial past, and Russia’s historic association with various liberation movements on the continent, many African states, intelligentsias, and ordinary people are eager to break free from the grip of western hegemony.
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Ibrahim Traore Takes Over as Burkina Faso’s Leader Amid Worsening Crisis and Anti-French Sentiment
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on OCTOBER 22, 2022
Pavan Kulkarni
Ibrahim Traore
Captain Ibrahim Traore came to power after deposing his senior officer Lt. Col Paul-Henri Damiba in a military coup on September 30. He faces the challenge of rising attacks by Islamist groups which have taken over 40% of the country’s territory
34-year-old Capt. Ibrahim Traore, who deposed his senior Lt. Col Paul-Henri Damiba in a military coup on September 30, was sworn in as the new president of the transitional government of Burkina Faso on Friday, October 21.
On October 14, amid demonstrations by Traore’s supporters in capital Ouagadougou, he had been appointed as the Transitional President by a National Forum, consisting of 300 delegates from the army, police, civil society, unions, and political parties.
According to the Transitional Charter adopted by this Forum, the “President of the transition is not eligible for the presidential elections… that will be organized to put an end to the Transition.” The deadline to end the transition with “the organization of free, transparent, and inclusive elections” is July 2, 2024.
This timeline upholds the agreement that the former military government of Damiba had reached with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in July this year to hold elections to make way for civilian rule in 24 months, so as to avoid facing sanctions.
However, with the government having lost 40% of the country’s territory to Islamist terrorist organizations that are committing repeated atrocities on civilians, securing the country to hold such an election in less than two years is an uphill task. Two governments have fallen after popular coups this year, owing mainly to their failure to secure the civilian population from terrorist attacks.
Burkina Faso hosts a significant portion of the currently 3,000-strong French forces, deployed under Operation Barkhane since 2014, in France’s former colonies in Africa’s Sahel to fight the Islamist insurgencies France itself helped create by participating in NATO’s war on Libya in 2011.
Since the start of this counter-insurgency operation, incidents of organized violence in Burkina Faso went up from 16 a year in 2014 to 1,315 by the end of 2021. Under the government of Roch Kabore, president of Burkina Faso between 2015 and January 2022, the country lost a third of its territory, including to Al-Qaeda affiliated groups while in a security partnership with France.
Under these circumstances, amid mass demonstrations against French deployment, a group established within the army called the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration (MPSR), led by Damiba, seized power in a coup against Kabore on January 24, 2022.
“People’s expectations were high after Damiba’s coup. They first expected an improvement in the security in the country as promised by the MPSR,” Moussa Diallo, General Secretary of the General Labor Confederation of Burkina (CGT-B), told Peoples Dispatch. Burkinabes had largely trusted Damiba to fulfill the stated “primary objective” of the coup, which was “the restoration of the national territory,” he said.
However, Damiba’s military government not only failed to recover lost territory but also lost more land to terrorist groups, and area under Islamist control went up from a third to 40% in the eight months under his leadership. The coup against him on September 30 by his junior officer, Captain Traore, came from within the MPSR itself.
In the aftermath of the coup, protesters also attacked the French embassy in Ouagadougou after the new junta’s spokesperson claimed on television that “Damiba [had] tried to retreat to the Kamboinsin French military base to prepare a counter offensive.”
The French Foreign Ministry said that the “camp where the French forces are located has never welcomed Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, nor has [their] embassy.” Mondafrique reported, however, that “contrary to denials” by France, Damiba “was indeed a refugee in the camp of the French special forces,” according to its sources. It added that, after the popular mobilization against the French embassy and other French centers in the capital city, Damiba “was forced to capitulate and go into exile in Lomé,” the capital city of neighboring Togo.
A broader regional process
The resentment against France is part of a broader regional process. Neighboring Mali has already moved away from relying on French support, turning instead to a security partnership with Russia, citing the failure of French counter-insurgency operations in the region. It was in Mali that the French regional deployment began in 2013 under Operation Serval, before expanding in 2014 under Operation Barkhane to four other former colonies in Sahel, including Burkina Faso.
After two governments fell to popular coups in 2020 and 2021, Mali’s transitional military government asked France to withdraw its troops from the country in February 2022. This was celebrated by demonstrators who had been protesting against French deployment in the country as Mali’s victory against imperialism.
The French withdrawal from Mali was completed by mid-August, soon after which Mali’s government complained to the UN Security Council (UNSC) that France had been assisting terror groups in the country, including by air-dropping arms and ammunition.
The US claims that the Russian mercenary group, Wagner, has been operating in Mali since the start of this year. Mali’s government, however, has denied these reports, and claims to be taking assistance only from Russian military advisers to defeat the terrorist groups.
“The populist approach of Malian authorities who have chosen Russia in their fight against terrorism has also contributed” to the popularity of the idea of a security partnership with Russia as an alternative to Burkina Faso’s dependence on France, Diallo added.
The “exacerbation of anti-imperialist sentiment against France in Burkina Faso” has been driving the popular demand for a partnership with Russia, Diallo explained. “It can be seen that the presence of French troops in Burkina Faso does not add anything to the fight against terrorism; on the contrary, the security crisis has only been getting worse. There are people who suspect French imperialism of instrumentalizing armed terrorist groups to justify its presence in the Sahel and plunder its resources,” he added.
“In such a context, Russia is considered as a power opposed to France, [and] has proclaimed itself since the period of the USSR as an anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist power. This anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist past works in favor of Russia,” he further elaborated, adding on a note of caution, however, that this could be used to “lure populations” into “blindly believing” that Russia holds a solution to Burkina Faso’s crisis.
Amid several reports that the Wagner group is attempting to strike a deal to work with Burkina Faso’s government, its founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, welcomed the coup and hailed Traore for doing “what was necessary… for the good of the people”.
This is “of great concern,” Diallo said, adding that a “foreign private security company cannot replace the institutions of the Burkinabe nation and its fight against terrorism. The fight against terrorism is above all a national issue.”
He added further that given the dire security situation in the country, the task of defeating terrorism could not be a “prerogative of the Burkinabe army alone.” Diallo stressed the need to mobilize vast “populations in the fight against terrorism by organizing them, training them, and providing them with substantial means of defense.”
Speaking on behalf of the CGT-B, he clarified that their vision of how to defeat terrorist groups does not “exclude the possibility of establishing multilateral or bilateral relations with Russia or with any other state.”
However, “the French troops stationed in Burkina Faso often carry out operations on our territory and in the sub-region without even involving the Burkinabe soldiers. These agreements on several points squarely alienate the sovereignty of the people of Burkina Faso,” argued Diallo.
“What we reject are partnerships that alienate the sovereignty of our country and our people, that prevent us from freely establishing cooperative relationships with partners of our choice,” he concluded.
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Sudan: The Military Push for an Agreement that Grants Them Immunity Reduces the Prospects for Peace
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on OCTOBER 22, 2022
The agreement provides for the appointment of a non-military Head of state, and a prime minister chosen by civilians in exchange for immunity from prosecution
The chances of ending the political crisis are minimal because negotiations took place between parts of civilian and military components and there are disagreements between armies and military entities
While efforts for a political settlement in Sudan are continuing, street demonstrations against military rule continue, as an upcoming agreement to resolve the crisis has not affected their enthusiasm, reflecting that the chances of a solution are still slim after negotiations were limited to civilian components only.
Khartoum-the Sudanese army and a group of opposition forces are close to reaching an agreement, mediated by the United States, aimed at resolving the political crisis witnessed in Sudan since last year, while sources revealed that the expected settlement granted the army commanders immunity from judicial prosecution.
The proposed agreement stipulates that the army agrees to appoint a non-military Head of state and a prime minister chosen by civilians, while granting a form of independence and immunity to the army from prosecution, concessions that would cancel the obligations contained in the constitutional document written after the fall of former President Omar al-Bashir.
Bloomberg quoted the US State Department as saying that the agreement being drafted could help “form a transitional, inclusive, civilian-led government that is widely accepted”. The ministry added that the Sudanese government” must be civilian-led, and provide justice, prosperity, and peace, “stressing that”military rule is not, and will not be, sustainable”.
The talks held in recent weeks witnessed direct negotiations between the army and the opposition “forces of freedom and Change” coalition, according to insiders, including diplomats.
Knowledgeable people, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that the talks arranged by the quartet on Sudan “quad” were held mainly at the residence of Sudanese army commander Abdul Fattah al-Burhan, who has the support of political parties. Shihab Ibrahim, spokesman for the forces of freedom and Change Alliance, said that the quartet facilitated talks with a military delegation including Al-Burhan and his Deputy, Lieutenant General Mohammed Hamdan Daglo “Hemeti”, commander of the Rapid Support forces.
As a starting point for the agreement, a proposed new transitional constitution drafted by the Sudanese Bar Association was used, although elements were added that included concessions in favor of the military. The draft transitional constitution also provides for the integration of the Rapid Support forces into the regular army.
UN Horn of Africa envoy Volker Peretz said in televised remarks last week that the political factions had “reached a common understanding ” on the formation of a transitional civilian government, with elections scheduled within two years.
Sudanese finance minister Jibril Ibrahim, in an interview with Bloomberg, noted that there are talks on the formation of a broad-based and inclusive government, and the withdrawal of the army from politics. “We hope that we will reach an agreement not between the activists and the military, but between the political entities of the country,”Ibrahim said.
A member of the Executive Office of the forces of freedom and change in Sudan, Khaled Omar Youssef, said Monday that the current learned of the acceptance of the military component of the transitional constitution prepared by the Bar Association as the basis for arrangements for the transfer of power to civilians, describing it as a “positive step”.
Sudanese sources said that the tripartite mechanism, which includes the United Nations, the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on development “IGAD”, and plays the role of mediator in ending the political crisis in Sudan, received on Thursday the text of the agreement reached by the chairman of the sovereign Council Abdul Fattah al-Burhan with the forces of freedom and change.
The sources added that the tripartite mechanism will work on the task of facilitating the consensus process between the Sudanese, in the first “serious moves” towards a “comprehensive agreement” between the two sides, as a step towards resolving the political crisis that the country has been witnessing since the twenty-fifth of October 2021.
Since the measures taken by the Sudanese army commander Abdul Fattah al-Burhan in October 2021, Sudan has been witnessing political and economic unrest, and thousands of Sudanese regularly demonstrate in the capital and other cities to demand the return of civilian rule and accountability for the killers of demonstrators, while the Sudan Central doctors committee estimates that at least 100 people have died and dozens have been injured.
Last Saturday, Al-Burhan said that the current indicators bode well for the imminent arrival of reconciliation in the country with the participation of political and community forces and peace parties. In a statement, the sovereign council quoted Al-Burhan as saying, during a speech at a forum for African peace and security in Ethiopia, that these indicators come despite the “great challenges and complications”faced by the transitional phase in Sudan.
“All this strengthens the guarantees that ensure the stability of the transitional period and the formation of a civilian government that will run the country, create the climate and take the necessary measures to hold free and fair elections by the end of the transitional period,”he added. Al-Burhan reiterated the withdrawal of the military institution from the political debate and full-time to perform its basic tasks of protecting the security and sovereignty of the country.
The existing settlement collides with the strong reaction of the Communist Party, which threatened to thwart the new understandings, and this constitutes the general position of the party and the Resistance Committees, which are determined to overthrow the settlement and the coup, while the Central Council for freedom and change is convinced that this opposition will not affect the success of the talks and end the coup situation, and the Resistance Committees are closely following what is happening in the talks, and it is not impossible to convince them of what is being reached.
The reality indicates that the chances of ending the political crisis are slim because the negotiations took place between parts of the civilian and military components, and there are differences between the armies and military entities, as well as the situation for the civilian forces, which are fragmented into different currents.
The absence of some active forces, led by the Resistance Committees and the Communist Party, who insist on sticking to the three terms (no negotiations, no partnership, no legitimacy), along with the lack of clarity about the vision of the armed movements that will accept a settlement that guarantees their continuation in the power structures and adherence to the Juba peace agreement signed by the Revolutionary Front and the transitional authority.
As efforts for a political settlement continue in Khartoum, thousands of Sudanese demonstrated Friday against the “military rule” a year after the Burhan coup that put an end to the democratic transition process.
In Khartoum, thousands of demonstrators chanted “the people want the overthrow of the regime”. In the city of Omdurman on the West Bank of the Nile, where security forces fired tear gas, protesters chanted “soldiers to barracks” in reference to their demand for civilian rule.
Protesters also chanted “No to tribalism” and “no To Racism”, the day after two bloody days in the southern Blue Nile state. Clashes between the Hausa and rival tribes resumed in this agricultural state bordering Ethiopia, resulting in 150 dead, including women, children and the elderly, and 86 people were injured.
The security vacuum caused by the coup, especially after the termination of the mission of the UN peacekeeping force in the region following the signing of a peace agreement between armed factions and the central government in 2020, led to the return of tribal conflicts over land, water and pasture. The governor of South Sudan’s Blue Nile State declared a state of emergency on Friday and gave security forces full powers to stop tribal fighting that has killed 150 people in two days.
According to a decree issued by Ahmed mayor Badi, he “declares a state of emergency throughout the Blue Nile region for thirty days”. He also instructed local police, army and intelligence officials, as well as the Rapid Support forces, to”intervene with all available means to stop the tribal fighting”.
Al Arab
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Terrorist Attack on Hotel in Somalia Leaves Several Dead
The hotel assault began with the explosion of a car bomb. Oct. 23, 2022. | Photo: Feisal Omar/Reuters
Published 23 October 2022 (16 hours 21 minutes ago)
Thus far, nine people died and 47 were wounded as a result of the attack on a hotel in the Somali city of Kismayo.
At least nine people were killed and 47 have been wounded as a result of an attack by terrorists on a hotel in the southern Somali port city of Kismayo, the 'Garowe Online' portal reported, citing Police.
"Five people died as a result of the attack on a hotel in the Somali city of Kismayo," it tweeted earlier. Since then the number of victims have increased as rescue operations continue on-site.
Earlier on October 23, the media outlet reported that terrorists from the Al Shabab group attacked the Tawakal hotel, resulting in eight injuries, including students from nearby schools.
According to Halgan media, the hotel assault began with the explosion of a car bomb. The Dalsan television channel, meanwhile, reported that the hotel is a popular venue for meetings of government officials.
Al Shabab, which swore allegiance to the terrorist group Al Qaeda, perpetrates attacks against the government troops of that country, the African Union Mission in Somalia, renamed the Atmis, and UN humanitarian operations.
The group, which is bent on imposing a radical version of Sharia law in Somalia, has also claimed several terrorist attacks in neighboring East African countries, including the massacre at the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi, Kenya, in September 2013.
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