South America

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Aug 14, 2023 2:23 pm

Ecuador: Zurita to Replace Assassinated Presidential Candidate

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Christian Zurita (L) & Andrea Gonzalez (R) wearing bulletproof vests at a press conference, Aug. 13, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/ @AnitaMGalarzaA

Published 13 August 2023 (19 hours 35 minutes ago)

This came after Vice Presidential candidate Andrea Gonzalez-Nader was unable to assume the presidential candidacy due to current legal regulations.


On Sunday, the Construye movement decided to appoint journalist Christian Zurita as its presidencial candidate, replacing Fernando Villavicencio, who was assassinated.

This came after Vice Presidential candidate Andrea Gonzalez-Nader was unable to assume the presidential candidacy due to current legal regulations.

"The candidate we have chosen in agreement with Construye is Christian Zurita, a fellow warrior in the struggle alongside Fernando Villavicencio," stated Gonzalez-Nader.

Earlier on Saturday, the Construye movement had chosen Gonzalez-Nader as its presidential candidate. However, such a decision was revoked due to concerns that the National Electoral Council (CNE) might not accept her candidacy since she had already been registered as a vice-presidential candidate.


"We could not allow, under any circumstances, Fernando's absence to fade away after his heinous and vile murder," Zurita expressed during a press conference where he and Gonzalez-Nader wore bulletproof vests and were protected by a heavy police presence.

"His ideas remain entirely intact... We will strive to replicate his capability and honor his name," declared the Ecuadorian journalist who had worked alongside Villavicencio for 15 years.



On Sunday night, the first and only presidential debate prior to the August 20 elections will take place. The Construye movement will not participate in the debate and will leave an empty seat in memory of Villavicencio.

This right-wing politician, who became famous for denouncing links between the police and drug trafficking, was killed by gunmen after a rally held in Quito on Wednesday.

Currently, opinion polls indicate that victory in the upcoming presidential elections is likely to be secured by Luisa Gonzalez, the candidate of the Citizen Revolution (RC), the progressive movement led by former President Rafael Correa (2007-2017).

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Ecu ... -0009.html

Lasso is to Blame for Violence in Ecuador: Indigenous Peoples

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Ecuadorian army during an intervention in a prison in Guayaquil, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/ @ilpost

Published 13 August 2023 (21 hours 16 minutes ago)

"He led us to a Failed State... violence and terrorism come from sectors linked to big corporations," Leonidas Iza said.


On Sunday, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) pointed to the administration of conservative Guillermo Lasso as responsible for the ongoing spiral of violence, which claimed the life of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio.

CONAIE President Leonidas Iza stated that the sooner Lasso steps down from power, the sooner a process of reversing the surge in crime could begin. However, he emphasized that an enduring solution is still a collective challenge for all Ecuadorians.

The Indigenous leader highlighted that thousands of Ecuadorians have been murdered by criminal groups since 2021, underscoring that these criminal networks have been able to operate because the Lasso administration abandoned public policies related to security.

"We cannot allow organized crime's bullets to define a democratic process," Iza said, referring to the assassination of Villavicencio, which occurred less than 15 days before the presidential elections scheduled for August 20.

The tweet reads, "There are already more homicides in Ecuador than in Mexico. 'There are many indications that we are reviving the 2000s Mexican history, with the great rise of the Mexican cartels,' says a German expert on the rampant violence in Ecuador."

"There is a direct responsibility for this wave of insecurity and the advancement of organized crime," the CONAIE president said, referring to the former banker Lasso.

"His State downsizing model dismantled the entire security system and the judicial function," Iza pointed out, and recalled that the Lasso administration is even tainted with suspicions of a connection with the Albanian Mafia. However, the State Prosecutor has not yet provided responses regarding these allegations.

"Lasso has led us to a Failed State," and the advancement of organized crime cannot be explained without an "infiltration of the mafia into the State security forces," the Indigenous leader said, adding that "violence and terrorism come from sectors linked to big corporations."

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Las ... -0008.html

PASO in Argentina: Abstentionism, Protests and Inflation

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The government that takes office on December 10 will have the enormous challenge of balancing the country’s finances. Aug. 13, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/@esreviral

Published 13 August 2023 (17 hours 8 minutes ago)

The primary elections in Argentina are taking place today under the expectant gaze of world public opinion. More than 35 million Argentines will elect this Sunday those who will run for office on October 22nd. This is an election year for Argentines. Since the middle of the year, all kinds of elections have been taking place in the country, to reach general terms on October 22, 2023. On October 22 they will elect the president, vice-president, 130 deputies and 24 national senators, which will not exclude continuing of other processes on a smaller regional scale.


These elections will take place in a context where economic issues, democracies and political stability will be of utmost importance, all major challenges for the party that succeeds in winning the presidency of Argentina. Even so, abstentionism has returned this election year with large numbers. Already in the elections at the provincial level in search of governor, primaries and even legislative elections the level of abstentionism has increased by 5 percent in many of these municipalities and territories, a data that becomes symptomatological when it occurs in a context such as that of Argentina where voting is mandatory. The Research Center for Democratic Quality predicts that abstentionism in the general elections could reach levels a little higher than in previous years.

According to data disclosed by the institution, there were 1.5% more blank and null votes, with striking results such as in Tierra del Fuego, where the blank vote took second place in the results, and in Patagonia with 20.97% of null or blank votes. According to several analysts, the recent abstentionism in the Argentine population is a reflection of the increasing loss of confidence of citizens in official politics and democratic governance processes. Nevertheless, there are criteria that question that there is no direct correlation between the provincial elections and the primaries, and therefore it should not be taken for granted that the primaries will be marked by a high abstention rate.

The director of the organization Poder Ciudadano, Pablo Secchi, said that the provincial elections have many calls to vote in a short period of time, which discourages the citizenship, but that the motivations and characteristics of the primary elections and those of October 22, have other deeper motivations, so it cannot be taken for sure what will happen. “We know that participation is dropping in a year in which at a national level we are going to vote three times. For instance, in [the city of] Córdoba, the governor and mayor were elected, so they can vote up to five times during the year. All of this is a bit of a disincentive. But at the national level, we don't know,” Secchi notes.

This August 13 is the beginning of the general term election period, which will define the names of the candidates who will face each other on October 22 in the presidential elections. The candidates for the presidency will be defined in what in Argentina is called Primary, Open, Simultaneous, and Mandatory Elections 2023 (PASO, Spanish acronym). Created in 2009, the PASO is used to vote for the pre-candidates who will go on to the general elections in October. Lists obtaining less than 1.5 percent of the votes will not be allowed to participate in the October elections.


��️ Hoy se celebran las #PASO en #Argentina, un tipo de elecciones únicas en el mundo que definen TODAS las candidaturas de cada espacio político y deciden quiénes pasarán a las elecciones generales del 22/10.

�� En este hilo, te presentaré un resumen de lo que necesitas saber. pic.twitter.com/D51wg8dtrO

— Felipe Torres Gianvittorio (@felipetorresg) August 13, 2023


The tweet reads, "Today is the PASO in Argentina, a unique type of election in the world that defines ALL the candidacies of each political space and decides who will move on to the general election on 10/22."

There are 13 presidential candidates, among them Horacio Rodríguez Larreta of “Juntos por el Cambio”, Patricia Bullrich of the same party, Sergio Massa of “Unión por la Patria,” and Juan Schiaretti of “Hacemos por Nuestro País.” Both Horacio Rodriguez and Patricia Bullrich come as candidates representing Macrismo and radicalism in Argentina, where Macri has not yet expressed his decision to participate or not in these elections. On the other hand, Alberto Fernández is one of the first presidents who will not run for reelection since the 1994 reform. The leading party of the Argentine official left, the Left and Workers Front (FIT), has presented two presidential formulas: Myriam Bregman accompanied by Nicolás del Caño, and on the other hand, Gabriel Solano with Vilma Ripoll. In this list Sergio Massa, for the alliance Unión por la Patria of the Peronist sector, and the conservatives Horacio Rodríguez Larreta and Patricia Bullrich, who will dispute the internal contest of Juntos por el Cambio, are the ones that the polls are giving the best chances of becoming President of Argentina.

The primaries of August 13, in addition to being under the threat of abstentionism, will be held in the midst of an atmosphere of deep social unrest, due to the death of a social activist in the middle of a popular demonstration at the hands of State agents. The victim is Facundo Morales who died after being arrested by the police while he was demonstrating, together with other activists, against the primary elections that are being held today, 13th. Since last Friday, protests have been taking place to denounce Morales’ death. The blocking of main avenues and rallies around the obelisk have taken place up to the eve of the primaries, where demonstrators blame the government for the death of the activist. Despite this, it is believed that the event will not significantly influence the good performance of the primaries and that it will not influence the attendance at the polls either. The strong political polarization that Argentina is experiencing means that events like this do not change the correlation of forces between progressive and conservative sectors. The repressive action of the police (strong-handed) in the face of popular protests is in fact one of the demands made by the conservative and right-wing sectors of Argentine society to their political representatives. And from the left, it is to be expected that a significant and solitary assistance from the right will not be allowed to affect their expectations of keeping Peronism in front of the presidency of the country.

Regardless of the results and characteristics of the election process of these primaries and the presidential elections of October 22, the challenge for the newly elected candidate will be to lead Argentina out of the serious economic crisis affecting it. Today, its economy is the one with the highest risk in the entire Latin American region. Intranual inflation is at 116 percent, which means that the quality of life of Argentines has fallen significantly and with it popular anguish grows in the face of hyperinflation. According to data from the National Institute of Statistics and Census, there is a strong decrease in the purchasing power of the population in the country, causing 4 out of 10 people to live in poverty today. The number of poor people in Argentina rose to 18 million in the first half of the year, one million more than in mid-2022.

In this regard, economy has been the central axis around which the election days have revolved since the beginning of April until August 13, and it is expected that this will be the trend until October 22. According to the Argentine political scientist Luciana Manfredi, the centrality of economy in the Argentine political imaginary is present and has not changed since 2001.

The government that takes office on December 10 will have the enormous challenge of balancing the country’s finances in such a way that inflation decreases to minimum levels, to resolve reserve shortages and tensions in the parallel markets. Argentina has been considered an economy incapable of paying its foreign debt, which today exceeds 30 percent of its GDP.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/PAS ... -0011.html

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Far-right libertarian Javier Milei receives largest vote share in Argentina’s primaries

Milei’s performance came as a surprise to many who had underestimated the chances of the candidate who proposes the dollarization of Argentina

August 14, 2023 by Peoples Dispatch

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With more than 92% of the votes counted, the far-right Liberty Advances presidential ticket maintained its lead with just over 30% of the total vote share in the PASO, or primary, elections held in Argentina on Sunday August 13. The Javier Milei and Victoria Villarruel duo polled ahead of Together for Change coalition which received 28% of the vote share and Union for the Homeland which received 27%.

In a speech given on Sunday night, Milei declared: “We will end kirchnerism and the political caste!” The controversial candidate is running on a platform of dollarization, reduction of state funded pensions and social welfare programs, massively cutting public spending, lowering the age of prosecution, as well as the open carry of weapons and the disappearance of the Central Bank.

The second and third place coalitions were also defining their presidential tickets in these PASO elections. In the Together for Change coalition former Security Minister Patricia Bullrichi, who had received the support of former president Mauricio Macri, was victorious over Buenos Aires City Mayor Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. In Union for the Homeland, Sergio Massa, who was backed by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, won the contest against social leader Juan Grabois.

This year’s elections are also marked by the notable absence of Cristina herself from the process. Despite having previously announced her intention to run for president again, in the last year she suffered not only an intensified lawfare process but also survived an assassination attempt. When addressing supporters at the UxP bunker, social leader Grabois stated: “I want to send a big hug to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Thank you for everything you have done for the people of Argentina.”

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/08/14/ ... primaries/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Tue Aug 15, 2023 2:24 pm

They kill a leader of the Citizen Revolution in Ecuador

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Pedro Briones was a leader of former President Rafael Correa's party in the province of Esmeraldas. | Photo: @PaolaCabezasC
Posted 14 August 2023 (10 hours 30 minutes ago)

Regarding the existing political situation in Ecuador, the candidate for president Luisa González affirmed that the country is going through its bloodiest period.

Leaders and defenders of the Citizen Revolution denounced on Monday the murder in the Ecuadorian province of Esmeraldas of the political leader belonging to that group, Pedro Briones, also a few days after the assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio.

According to information shared by his fellow militants on social networks, Pedro Briones was a leader of former President Rafael Correa's party in Esmeraldas, on the north coast of the country, and was shot to death.

For his part, Rafael Correa also confirmed the news from his Twitter account. “They murdered another of our colleagues in Esmeraldas. Enough is enough! ”, He expressed, while sharing the message of the former candidate of the Esmeraldas prefecture, Janeth Bustos.


Regarding the existing political situation in the country, the candidate for president, Luisa González said that “Ecuador is experiencing its bloodiest period. We owe this to the total abandonment of an inept government and a state taken over by mafias. My solidarity hug to the family of comrade Pedro Briones, who fell into the hands of violence. Change is urgent!"

Likewise, Rafael Correa, in an interview with an Ecuadorian media outlet on August 14, indicated that the assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio responds to a plot in which the National Police is involved.


“In the specific case of the murder of Villavicencio, I have no doubt that it is a plot in which the Police are involved. I know about this, I have had security. It is not possible to board a person in a car where the driver is not. The person, the VIP (Very Important Person), the protected, embarks last, perhaps penultimate. Lastly, the one who accompanies him embarks and acts as co-pilot. And always the protected person behind the co-pilot. Here they embark alone and without a driver. He means that he was preparing the murder and the security knew it, the police knew it, "said Rafael Correa.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ecuador- ... -0037.html

Google Translator

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Paraguay: Santiago Peña Assumes the Presidency Amid Marches

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File photo of a Communist march in Asuncion, Paraguay. | Photo: X/ @JavierSanchezPy

His presidency will be the third consecutive administration of the conservative Colorado Party.


On Tuesday, the Clasista Trade Union Action (ASC), the Citizen Participation Party (PPC), the Social Platform for Human Rights, Memory and Democracy, the Paraguayan Communist Party (PCP) and other progressive organizations called for marches in Asuncion amid the Santiago Peña presidential inauguration ceremony.

The marches will begin at 10:00 a.m. from Italia Square and aim to ask the new Paraguayan president to establish fair wages, respect labor rights, and promote a dignified retirement.

Santiago Peña, an economist who was director of the Paraguayan Central Bank (BCP) and Economy Minister during the administration of Horacio Cartes (2013-2018), will receive a country whose gross domestic product (GDP) is expected to grow 4.5 percent for this year.

However, among his most urgent challenges are reducing a fiscal deficit of 3 percent of GDP and a public debt that reaches 35 percent of GDP.


The text reads, "Santiago Peña assumes the Presidency of Paraguay this Tuesday, after winning the April 30 elections. His administration will be the third consecutive administration of the National Republican Association (ANR), also known as the Colorado Party."

Political scientist Esteban Caballero believes that Peña's five-year administration "will continue in the neoliberal line" implanted by previous Paraguayan rulers.

"Peña believes in the market and the private sector. He will seek the path towards growth and development by stimulating private investment and strongly betting on the increase in foreign direct investment", Caballero said.

The new Paraguayan president will take office in a ceremony at the headquarters of Congress attended by six heads of State. Later, Peña will move to the esplanade in front of the Lopez Palace, the seat of Executive branch.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Par ... -0006.html

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Argentina Primaries: The Ultra-Right Advances, the Bipartisanship Retreats, the Dinosaur Remains
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on AUGUST 14, 2023
Aram Aharonian

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Argentines never cease to surprise: on a wintry but sunny Sunday, they put the recycled bipartisanship in intensive care in the Primary, Open, Simultaneous and Mandatory (PASO) elections, when the ultra-right-wing Javier Milei, until two years ago a TV panelist, became the chosen character to reset the system. The outsider won and all the rest lost.

A strange silence of the population called the attention of the pollsters. But since Sunday night, the silence gave way to stupefaction with the real electoral hecatomb that was the surprising performance of the “libertarian” Javier Milei and his La libertad Avanza, which qualify as an “aberration” to social justice.

Evidently, in two months until the general elections, many things can happen, including that voters assume the risks represented by Milei and Patricia Bullrich, with their fascist threats.

With a 69% turnout, the majority votes of those who dared to vote in the midst of apathy and indifference, were distributed in thirds -as many predicted-, with a triumph of La Libertad Avanza, of Javier Milei, with 30%. No poll had previously given him such a high percentage. The libertarian party won seven million votes.

The popular verdict was overwhelming: it expresses discontent, anger, lack of belonging, new generations with unprecedented demands. Respect and tolerance do not imply an automatic alignment with the first minority. Not even with the overwhelming 58 percent that Milei and Bullrich with her Puntos de la Cambio (JxC) accumulated, in separate forces.

The shift to the right of the electorate, of the planet, the polarization that strengthens the right are facts. None of this entails a sort of mathematical opportunism to embrace the flags of the adversaries. Bullrich’s program is unfeasible in Argentina without repression. Milei’s program adds the unfeasibility of its emblematic measures: dollarization, sale of organs, vouchers for education. He adds the institutional weakness it would have, he adds.

The PASO mandatory primaries were intended to determine who will be the candidates of the different parties in the elections of Sunday, October 22 and to find out whether the far-right phenomenon had taken root in a country which, until now, had been moving in a democracy between liberal-conservatism and the centrist amalgam (sometimes right-wing, sometimes progressive and even revolutionary) that Peronism or Justicialism represents.

For Peronism, it is a historical humiliation to go from being the country’s armored majority to the third of a country of thirds. Undoubtedly, the lousy government of Alberto Fernández ended up “committing suicide” to the party of Perón and Evita. But if we put the magnifying glass on what happened, the election of the neoliberal coalition is as catastrophic as that of Peronism, taking into account that only two years ago the polls showed that they were guaranteed the next government, with 40% of the preferences. The sad spectacle of a stark internal campaign, took its toll on them.

In view of the dismal electoral performance of the ruling party, some debates are still pending, such as whether Axel Kiciloff’s decision -who won again in the province of Buenos Aires- was a wise one, or whether, instead of betting on retaining that crucial district, he should have invested his political capital in running for the presidency.

It sounds logical, in the face of the accomplished fact, to wonder if it will be profitable in the national elections to bet the Buenos Aires result on the candidacy of a Minister of Economy who does not give a damn about taming inflation, protected by a President -Alberto Fernandez-, who is considered the “assassin” of Peronism.

Both Milei and his party came in first, winning in several provinces, leaving behind the two coalitions that won the last three elections. None of them reached 30 percent nationally. The neoliberals of JxC were barely one point above an exploited government, which shows as a letter of introduction more than 120% inflation this year.

When the differences between projections and reality are as extreme as in this case, doubts arise as to whether they are simple sampling errors or malpractice induced by candidates who pay for the polls and consulting firms that agree to put their stamp on results rigged to suit the client. None of the 13 polls predicted Milei the winner and twelve gave him third place.

There is an important portion of society for which this man’s extravagance, his verbal and gestural violence, his anti-political discourse, fits exactly with his desire to punish the “caste”. A phenomenon similar to what happened with Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Donald Trump in the United States. Leaders punished by politically correct thinking, but functional to the weariness of certain sectors. Including people from different socioeconomic strata, the magazine adds.

Milei is a promoter of the sale and purchase of organs, the free use of firearms, the privatization of education and the closing of the Central Bank, after learning of his triumph, he thanked his dead dog after a journalistic book revealed that he maintains a fluid dialogue with his deceased English mastiff through a medium; as well as receiving advice from dead economists through his other (living) dogs.

Most voters do not know nor are they interested in knowing what the candidate says he/she thinks or will do. What they are interested in is that figure on television who shouts, explodes and insults, and transmits sensations close to what a good part of the population feels.

The Situation Picture

The murder of an 11 year old girl in Lanús (a district of Buenos Aires) and the suspension of the acts and closings of the electoral campaign, are a huge and symbolic proof that insecurity is installed and is part of the painful reality, but the parties give the impression of not having anything to say or do in front of this collective drama.

Last Thursday, in a square adjacent to the Buenos Aires Obelisk, some militants were discussing about the uselessness of voting, when the City police intervened. Several were arrested and thrown to the ground, face down. Knees of the police squeezed the neck of Facundo Molares, a left-wing militant, causing his death. Just like what happened to the African-American George Floyd, in Minnesota, in May 2020. But that policeman was convicted of murder.

It must be taken into account that Sunday 13 was an electoral call in the midst of a deep economic-social crisis, in a country immersed in a more than critical situation. The permanent debt maturities are a real sword of Damocles hanging over the heads of all Argentines.

Inflation, which by far exceeds 100% per year, is a pain that the vast majority must endure on a daily basis. Poverty spreads throughout the country: it closed 2022 with 39.2%, which reveals that 11,465,599 people suffer from it, according to official figures, although other measurements place it above 40%.

Even more serious is the fact that one out of every five white-collar workers receives an income below the poverty line. It is also serious the detail provided by the UNICEF report which indicates that at the end of 2022, two out of every three children in Argentina (66%) were part of households with poverty income.

This year, due to recession, a drop of 2.5% with respect to the year 2022 is foreseen. The fact is that during the time the economy was growing, poverty and inequality also grew. There was income redistribution, but it was in favor of the powerful. By the way, there are not many precedents of elections carried out in similar frameworks. And it is striking that the top presidential candidate of the ruling party is the Minister of Economy and the person responsible for these policies.

How to add votes?

Now, Bullrich and the ruling party’s candidate Sergio Massa face different challenges. For Peronism, it is to mobilize more voters, to scratch up votes in the territories with militants and strikers. And surely to propose itself as an alternative to two right-wing economic and cultural rivals. At first sight, Milei subtracted votes from the Unión por la Patria (UxP) but the total of Peronism was one of the lowest since the democratic recovery.

The dilemma facing Patricia Bullrich, the JxC candidate is where else she can add votes, because it is difficult for the bold who voted for Milei and La libertad Avanza to vote for her when her own party can win. Or that a Peronist disenchanted with Sergio Massa makes a suicidal leap. Bullrich has the task of adding up. The problem is how.

Former President Mauricio Macri, in his internal struggle to leave Horacio Rodríguez Larreta out, almost killed the coalition he created and that did so much damage to the country, leaving it on the edge of the precipice of being left out of the national government. But Macri has a good dialogue with Milei and aspires to be the articulator of a new Argentina led by him and ‘Pato’ Bullrich, a controversial and repressive candidate, with experience in Macri’s cabinets, who defeated the head of government of the capital city, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, in the internal elections and will represent the traditional right wing.

After the PASO, Milei became the main favorite, with 30.06% of the votes. The primaries, in which voting is mandatory, are also free and a testing ground with respect to the presidential elections, in which the vote of punishment and anger is more important. That will be the hope of the continuity represented by Massa, Minister of Economy of the current government and candidate of Unión por la Patria, a party that came in third position and obtained 27.3% of the votes.

It is no longer enough to shout “Viva Perón”: it is necessary to update the speeches, to understand what is happening in a country in crisis, to understand the needs of the people, the poverty, unemployment, hunger: the daily tranquility and to make ends meet, without dying in the effort.

Between now and October, when Argentines wake up every day, the dinosaurs dragging them down will still be there.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/08/ ... r-remains/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Aug 21, 2023 2:39 pm

Bernardo Arévalo will be Guatemala’s next President
Bernardo Arévalo de León of the center-left Movimiento Semilla won a decisive victory over Sandra Torres of the center-right National Unity of Hope (UNE). Arévalo’s victory was the culmination of a people’s campaign against the “pact of the corrupt”

August 21, 2023 by Laura Salome Canteros

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Bernardo Arévalo de León, the newly elected President of Guatemala.

Against all odds, Bernardo Arévalo de León, candidate of the center-left Movimiento Semilla, won the second round of presidential elections held in Guatemala on August 20 and will be the next president of the Central American country. The victory was the culmination of a people’s campaign that was built collaboratively and swept the Ancestral territories.

With 100% of the votes counted and a turnout of 45%, Bernardo Arévalo achieved victory over the candidacy and the anti-rights project of Sandra Torres of the center-right National Unity of Hope (UNE) party by a margin of 58% to 37%. He will take office as President on January 14. For many, Arévalo’s victory was a sign of hope for a country held hostage by the “pact of the corrupt,” a political, economic, and religious elite united by patriarchal privileges.

Arévalo, son of history
There are at least two interesting facts about Bernardo Arévalo de León. The first is that he is the son of Juan José Arévalo, the former socialist president who governed between 1945 and 1951 after a citizen revolution that led to the first transparent elections in the history of Guatemala. The other is that he carried the symbolic weight of having been the surprise candidate in the June 25 elections, who managed to gain the support of the people who relentlessly rejected the pact of the corrupt.

Since then, the question on everyone’s minds was about the political path the Movimiento Semilla would take, especially since it faced a powerful presidential candidate in Sandra Torres, a millionaire and representative of the establishment, an anti-rights figure who also carried out a hate campaign against feminist public policies and the recognition of LGBTI+ rights. Arévalo did not hesitate to champion a project antagonistic to that of hate. He rose to occasion: listening to and identifying himself with key political and symbolic references, such as traditional indigenous leaders and youth movements.

“Many people were determined to vote for Arévalo, who emerged from the citizens’ protests of 2015,” said journalist Lucía Escobar. “For the first time in history, the people came out to defend a candidate,” she added, referring to “the displays of affection at the rallies” as a phenomenon “never seen before in Guatemala.”

Escobar also noted the importance of the fact that there were Indigenous peoples who “had given the baton of authority” to Arévalo and concluded: “There is a lot of hope that this government will lay the foundation to kickstart the changes.”

Andrea Villagrán, a feminist lawmaker elected from the Movimiento Semilla, said that this is “a moment of transition and change in the course of history in which we are moving towards a new possibility of building a country and democracy.” She characterized the importance of leaving behind “a dictatorship of corruption and co-option of the State” as “an advance for which Guatemalans have fought for years.”

Chronology of the victory day
“Let’s all vote with joy because that way, it is the people of Guatemala who will win.” With these words and amid enormous press coverage, Bernardo Arévalo cast his vote around 9 am in zone 2 of the capital city. He was accompanied by his Vice-Presidential candidate, Karin Herrera, who has campaigned in support of the rights of girls and women.

An hour and a half before the closing of the elections, both Movimiento Semilla and UNE held press conferences where they denounced different irregularities and urged the Prosecutor’s Office and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) to investigate. The Movimiento Semilla specifically denounced intimidation and attempts to “buy votes in exchange for food” and the suspicion of “embezzlement of State funds,” claiming that the government of incumbent conservative president Alejandro Giammattei collaborated with Sandra Torres’ party.

“This is a systematic situation in several municipalities and there have been arrests,” said a spokesperson from Semilla, adding that “we are thinking of expanding this series of complaints.” For his part, Samuel Pérez, deputy and head of the Semilla bench, called on the people to vote earnestly. “It is fundamental that the people of Guatemala speak out forcefully at the polls, since this can change history forever,” because “the will of the people is what has to prevail.”

Later, members of the TSE reported that “there were 3,468 voting centers set up inside and outside the country” and that the turnout, until 3 pm registered a “historic percentage,” with the conformation of “more than 20,000 polling stations” and “more than 7,000 national and international electoral observers.” In addition, they formalized the resetting of the database and the opening of the computer program.

What followed was a quick count and the most hopeful news. A future with dignity and listening, without institutional persecution, is possible for Guatemala.

This article was first published in Spanish on Marcha.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/08/21/ ... president/

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UNDER THE SHADOW OF IDEOLOGICAL EXTREMISM
REVIEW (AND ORIGIN) OF JAVIER MILEI
Aug 16, 2023 , 11:25 a.m.

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In the recent Argentine presidential primaries (PASO), considered an accurate indicator of the mood of the electorate, there was an unexpected change in politics ahead of the October elections.

The results gave Javier Milei, deputy and representative of the Libertad para Avanzar party, the winner. He got 30.1% of the vote .

This placed him above prominent political figures such as Patricia Bullrich (28%), from the "Together for Change" coalition, which is supported by Mauricio Macri; and Sergio Massa (27%), Minister of Economy in the Peronist bloc currently in power.

Milei calls himself a "libertarian" and "anarcho-capitalist" , and declares himself an admirer of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro. He has been portrayed in the media for his controversial —and fascist— positions on issues such as the prohibition of abortion, the liberalization of the sale of weapons and human organs, as well as for placing the State as the main enemy.

A LIBERTARIAN WHO PROMISES TO CLOSE THE CENTRAL BANK
Javier Milei gained notoriety thanks to his appearances on television and his aggressive speech. Although not long ago he was unknown in the public world, today he presents himself as the savior of the "moral revolution" and says he opposes all the traditional politicians in the country, whom he calls "the caste" . .

In 2019, he began to actively participate in politics by supporting the Frente Despertar, led by José Luis Espert, another liberal economist.

He soon distanced himself from him due to ideological and personal differences, and decided to launch his own party, La Libertad Avanza (LLA) , with the aim of running as a candidate for national deputy for the city of Buenos Aires in the 2021 general elections, in the that the deputies and senators of the National Congress were chosen.

In the PASO of that year, Milei obtained 13.66% of the votes , placing her in third place behind the ruling party and the opposition. In her electoral debut, she reached 17% of the votes, which ratified her coalition as the third political force in the country's capital.

In 2022, he consolidated his rise by winning the general elections with 30.5% of the ballots, and thus became the most voted deputy in Argentine history.

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At a time when economic blocks are emerging in the world that challenge the hegemony of the US currency, Javier Milei proposes to dollarize the Argentine economy (Photo: AP Photo)

What are your most questioned government proposals? Milei considers that the Argentine peso is an unviable currency and that the only solution is to adopt the US dollar as the official sign, as well as to eliminate the Central Bank and monetary policy.

Other proposals :

He proposes the privatization of health, education and state companies, based on what he argues that the private system provides better services.
It seeks the elimination of all the ministries, leaving only those of Economy, Justice, Interior, Security, Defense and Foreign Relations.
He proposes an economic reform based on the reduction of public spending and taxes, as well as the elimination of public works.
In energy terms, he aspires to end subsidies and "implement a realistic tariff scheme."
He projects a judicial reform, and accuses the current judicial system of "persecuting opponents or favoring friends."
Despite the fact that these ideas are based on fallacies that ignore the historical and social reality of Argentina and the world, they have achieved substratum among a part of the population that expresses its discontent and fatigue with the economic situation of the country.

BETWEEN SCANDAL AND POPULARITY
Weapons, drugs, sale of organs, homophobia, denial of the dictatorship, anti-abortionism and misogyny; Various controversies in Milei's career have resulted in criticism of her figure, but they have also provided her with remarkable visibility and recognition in the public sphere.

This presidential candidate has repeatedly expressed his support for the sale of human organs , arguing that this would be one more market that should not be regulated by the State. In an interview with Jorge Lanata in June 2022, Milei stated that if the sale of organs were carried out in a free market context, it would work more efficiently and would be an individual's decision. On another occasion, he stated that he was in favor of the sale of children , although he later clarified that he was referring to adoption and that he did not support human trafficking.

In addition, it has proposed allowing the free use and carrying of weapons for citizens . He argues that, by prohibiting its possession, it increases its circulation in criminal activities. Likewise, he has been in favor of freeing drug use: "If you want to commit suicide in installments, it doesn't bother me."

Javier Milei's views on the 1976 military dictatorship have earned him the title of denialist and conspiracy theorist. A firm defender of this bloody episode in Argentine history, he challenges the disappearance of 30,000 people.

He has not only generated controversy with his proposals and statements, but also for his attacks and insults against public figures, especially women .

One of the most prominent controversies around him is his association with and support for the genocidal soldier Antonio Bussi , who was convicted of crimes against humanity and acted as a de facto controller in the province of Tucumán during the dictatorship. Milei admitted to having been his adviser in the 1990s. She later formed a political alliance with Ricardo Bussi , Antonio's son, for the 2023 provincial elections in Tucumán, in which they came in third place. Ricardo currently heads the list of Milei's deputy candidates.

Antonio Bussi's actions during the 1976 coup d'état included brutal repression against the guerrillas and the civilian population, and he perpetrated kidnappings, torture, murders, and forced disappearances that affected around 800 people, including trade unionists, students, teachers , doctors and lawyers. In 2008 he was tried and convicted of crimes against humanity, for which he served life imprisonment until his death in 2011.

Milei also possesses a number of eccentric elements in his personal life that set him apart. He has a strong religious conviction and claims to have conversations with God ; he has a fondness for pseudoscience ; he lives with five mastiffs, whom he has named after famous economists, and claims he can contact one of their deceased dogs From him; he has a fondness for rock in English and usually sings songs of this genre in his political events; He also surrounds himself with "hot armorers" , young and attractive women who are in charge of organizing and promoting his acts and candidacies, and has been accused of asking for sexual favors .

"THE PARENTS OF THE CREATURE"
Behind Javier Milei's candidacy are various characters who explain this political phenomenon. One of them is Mario Russo, a consultant who became his main adviser.

According to an article by Argentine journalist Juan Luis González, published in Revista Anfibia , Russo was responsible for introducing key concepts in the libertarian's speech, such as "the caste", "them against us" or "liberty advances". He was in charge of defining the slogans, advertisements, the strategy in social networks and the places to do the tours and events, and he was the one who guided Milei to focus on the electoral segment between 16 and 28 years old, the most receptive to your proposals.

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According to the consultant Analogías, Milei leads in popularity among the youngest voters, ranging from 16 to 24 years old (Photo: Anfibia Magazine)
Russo also knew how to take advantage of the territorial and political work that the Libertarian Party had been doing throughout the country, translated into an important mobilization of militants in the most massive acts of the campaign.

Regarding the break in the relationship, Russo says in an interview that he walked away because Milei did not worry about consolidating a party to articulate the interests of his constituents: "Milesi only cares about being him. That's why he thinks he doesn't need nobody, who doesn't need a party", he points out. He points out that the party was displaced in the final stretch to make room for people who have nothing to do with the ideas that Milei claims to represent.

"That's where the figure of Carlos Kikuchi emerged with force" —continues González's article— publicist and former spokesperson for Domingo Cavallo (former Minister of Economy of the neoliberal governments of Carlos Menem and Fernando de la Rúa), who became the "shipowner" of ALL. This connection contradicts ideas that Milei is up against the political "caste".

"Domingo Cavallo is usually pointed out as one of Milei's mentors — Revista Anfibia publishes —. Cristina Kirchner herself said it when she spoke at an act in La Plata about the libertarian as the 'clear-eyed disciple' of the convertibility minister It is in this line that almost everyone in LLA insists with the version that it was Cavallo who sent Kikuchi to the army, as a kind of support or blessing.

Some former members of the libertarian space accuse Kikuchi of charging up to $50,000 from candidates who want to fill a position on the coalition's ballot. According to the media, this character has a great influence on the presidential candidate and his sister Karina.

Karina Milei, his sister, is a woman who is dedicated to the tarot and who has a strategic role in the campaign of the libertarian economist. According to reports , she is the one who chooses her brother's candidates and collaborators, based on the letters and her intuition. Some of her call her "The Boss", by which they refer to the way Milei addresses her, or "The First Lady".

González says in her text that, although she does not have a public or media presence, Karina is the one who organizes, controls and decides on the most important aspects of the campaign and the operation of the party. She manages the money, the strategy, the agenda, the aesthetics and the links with the other members and allies of the space.

She is the one who has the power to influence and persuade her brother, the only one he fully trusts. She's the one who "fills in all the holes," the article notes.

WHAT EXPLAINS MILEI'S SUCCESS

How is it explained that such a controversial and destabilized character, with eccentric ideas, and questionable and regressive proposals, has managed to capture the attention and support of an important part of the Argentine electorate? You cannot give credit to a successful campaign strategy without reviewing the context.

The conditions of political discontent and the frustration of a significant segment of Argentine society in the face of the errors of the government of Alberto Fernández, added to the economic crisis that had been developing since the government of Mauricio Macri, were determining elements for Milei's political rise. who knew how to take advantage of this discomfort and present himself as a supposed radical alternative to Kirchnerism and Macrismo, with an anti-system and provocative discourse. It remains to be seen if his political actions are really in tune with his speech, which seems to have many holes and dead ends.

Now, after his victory in the PASO, Javier Milei seems to be going all out in October. The question of whether or not the fate of Argentina will be in the hands of this extravagant and extremist character will be cleared up in two months.

https://misionverdad.com/globalistan/ex ... vier-milei

Google Translator

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Celac-EU summit and the rise of Latin-American sovereignty

While European diplomacy failed on every front, the confident advance of the anti-imperialist bloc was unmistakable.
Proletarian writers

Saturday 19 August 2023

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Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canal told EU leaders in no uncertain terms: ‘Latin America and the Caribbean is no longer the backyard of the United States. Nor are we former colonies that require advice. Nor will we accept being treated as simple suppliers of raw materials.’

Eight years after the last meeting between the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Celac) and the European Union (EU) in June 2015, European and Latin-American leaders met for a third summit on 17 and 18 July 2023.

In the intervening years, political and economic conditions have markedly changed. The growing influence of China has been felt in all spheres of global economic and political life, and the Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) trading group is now attracting the interest of many non-imperialist states that want to break out of the control of the US-dominated dollar-dependent (and thus extremely unequal) world market.

Meanwhile, the unconditional subservience of European countries to US imperialism’s foreign policy since February 2022, their costly support for the war in Ukraine, and their implementation of harsh economic sanctions against Russia that have backfired on their own economies, have resulted in a noticeable decline in the influence of the EU in the rest of the world.

To recover their influence in Latin America, the European imperialists were hoping to ‘seduce’ the region back into their embrace – and what could be better than wining and dining them at a high-level and well-publicised summit in Brussels? Amidst the accompanying hugs, handshakes and photo opportunities, European diplomats might be able, as in the past, to obtain concessions from governments in need of investment to develop their countries’ economies.

So what were the goals of the EU diplomacy at this event? Four clear priorities made themselves evident through the course of the proceedings: 1. to obtain support for the war in Ukraine; 2. to reduce the influence of China and Russia in the region; 3. to obtain condemnation of the popular policies of Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua; and 4. to avoid any declaration on the topics of reparations or the slave trade.

Support for the war in Ukraine? No thanks
The primary goal of EU diplomacy at the summit was to obtain the strongest possible condemnation against Russia, and the maximum possible support for the Nato-backed war effort in Ukraine.

To this end, Spanish prime minister Pedro Sanchez invited Volodymyr Zelensky to the summit. During a press conference with the Ukrainian puppet actor-president, Señor Sanchez highlighted the summit as a valuable platform for Zelensky “to engage personally with leaders from countries in the global south who may have reservations or doubts”.

This move was immediately rejected by Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua, however. Other countries, like Mexico, Argentina, Colombia and Peru, considered the Ukraine war to be a European issue, and the majority politely pointed out that Ukraine does not belong either to the EU or to Celac.

It is worth noting that key members of Celac – including Brazil, Mexico, Argentina and Colombia – neither apply sanctions against Russia nor respond positively to the western alliance’s constant demands that they should provide weapons to Ukraine. Indeed, Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, after meeting with Chinese president Xi Jinping in April 2023, turned the tables on the EU and the USA, calling on them to stop sending weapons to Ukraine and to stop encouraging the continuation of the war there.

Despite this first setback, European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen and EU foreign policy representative Josep Borrell worked hard to obtain support for the EU’s war effort – but without any result.

The most enthusiastic supporter of the EU’s position was Chilean president Gabriel Boric, who obligingly stated that “what is happening in Ukraine is a war of imperial aggression which violates international law … the important thing is respect for international law, and here international law has clearly been violated not by two parties, but by one invader, which is Russia”. He was conspicuously alone in voicing such an opinion, however.

President Lula noted: “Possibly, the lack of habit of participating in these meetings causes a young person to be in a hurry. But that’s how things happen … we all know what Europe thinks, we all know what is happening between Ukraine and Russia. We all know what Latin America thinks. I don’t have to agree with Boric; it is his vision.”

In a clear criticism of the EU position, Honduran president Xiomara Castro pointed out: “The Ukrainian war must come to an end … we are obliged to find a way to achieve peace … trillions of dollars in weapons are sent for war, but we are not capable of contributing to the integral development of humanity with the objectives of sustainable development.”

In the summit’s final declaration, only one paragraph referred to the war, and that was to “express deep concern on the ongoing war against Ukraine, which continues to cause immense human suffering and is exacerbating existing fragilities in the global economy, constraining growth, increasing inflation, disrupting supply chains, heightening energy and food insecurity and elevating financial stability risks. In this sense, we support the need for a just and sustainable peace … we support all diplomatic efforts aimed at a just and sustainable peace in line with the UN charter.” (Point 15)

Nicaragua quite correctly objected that the phrase ‘ongoing war against Ukraine’ is a one-sided formulation and pointed out that it had “neither signed, nor approved, nor supported what has been so pompously and falsely called … the Consensus Declaration of the third EU-Celac summit”.

Reducing the influence of China and Russia? No chance
The second goal of the European diplomacy was to reduce the influence of China and Russia in the region and to obtain concessions for the EU in crucial economic sectors. After all, with a population of 650 million and a GDP (gross domestic product) in 2021 of $5,050bn (£4,290bn), the region is home to a vast array of natural resources and agricultural commodities, many of them, like lithium, critical to the development of new technologies.

Over the last 20 years, China has grown to become Celac’s second-largest trading partner. In 2021, commerce between the two sides amounted to $450bn (£354bn). With China now one of the top sources of investment and finance in the region, an atmosphere of friendly political cooperation has also been fostered. The extent of the Latin-American spur of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has grown alongside these developments, now including 21 regional countries in its network.

Meanwhile Russia has developed close relations with Nicaragua, Bolivia, Cuba, El Salvador and Venezuela. Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov recently visited Brazil, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba, and held meetings with Bolivian emissaries in Venezuela, to foster partnerships in the region.

To reduce the influence of China and Russia, Ursula von der Leyen presented the EU’s ‘Global Gateway Investment initiative, saying: “These are times of great geopolitical change and like-minded friends like the EU and Latin-American and Caribbean partners need to get closer.”

The initiative promises investments of €45bn (£39bn) to support more than 130 projects over four years – a largesse that is somewhat cast into the shade by the €77bn (£66bn) given to Ukraine in the last 18 months, most of it to support the war.

With the 2019 EU-Mercosur association agreement (agreed in principle after 20 years of negotiation) still not finalised or in force, many in the region are sceptical regarding any fresh promises emanating from Europe. As Lula pointed out, the priority for Latin-American countries is “to ensure a fair, sustainable and inclusive trade relationship” based on “mutual trust and not on threats”.

Marginalising Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua? Fail
The third goal of European diplomacy, following in the wake of US imperialist objectives, was to obtain a regional condemnation of Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela, three countries that have been developing increasingly close relations with Russia.

Ideally, the imperialist powers would have all countries that deviate from their official narratives banned from regional forums. A few days before the summit began, the European parliament declared “that autocratic regimes should not participate in such summits among countries that share democratic values and respect human rights”. (Resolution P9TA (2023) 0280, point 16)

The EU’s declaration echoed a recent US decision when, as host of the ‘2022 Summit of the Americas’, it excluded Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua on the same farcical excuse. In protest at this unilateral action by the Biden regime in Washington, the presidents of Mexico, Bolivia, Honduras, Grenada, St Kitts & Nevis and St Vincent and the Grenadines withdrew from the summit, sending lower-ranking delegates in their place – and the summit was a failure.

Whilst the EU could not afford to risk a similar outcome from its own summit, the point was made: dissident voices are not welcome.

Defending Venezuela
Venezuela has been enduring a murderous sanctions regime enforced by US imperialism since 2006. Sanctions enacted by the European Council in 2017 are also still in place, and Venezuelan state assets have been frozen by many countries – including the notorious seizure of $2bn in gold (£1.6bn) by the Bank of England. Meanwhile, a charge of narco-terrorism has been lodged personally against President Nicolás Maduro in the US courts.

President Xiomara Castro of Honduras highlighted these iniquities, stressing: “It is necessary to end piracy, and the confiscation of assets. We are all exposed to the fact that one day we find that our reserves have been frozen in foreign banks, or that we do not have the possibility of chartering transportation for the products that our peoples need.

“We raise our voice so that all the patrimony illegally withheld from the Venezuelan people be reinstated and that the barriers that prevent us from normalising our commercial relations with sister countries like Nicaragua are eliminated.”

A meeting intended to reactivate the mediation process between Venezuela’s government and opposition leaders (a prerequisite to lifting sanctions) was attended by Vice-President Delcy Rodriguez (Venezuela), President Gustavo Petro (Colombia), President Alberto Fernández (Argentina) and President Lula da Silva (Brazil), along with President Emmanuel Macron of France) and European Commission vice-president Josep Borrell.

The summit’s final declaration, far from condemning Venezuela, merely included a tactful promotion of further mediation: “We encourage a constructive dialogue between the parties to the Venezuelan-led negotiations in Mexico City.”

Opposing the neverending blockade against Cuba
In line with its goal of shaping the agenda of the forthcoming summit, the European parliament resolution referred to above condemned “the Cuban regime’s support for the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and its defence of Russia and Belarus”, indicating that not supporting Ukraine against the Russian aggression would have “consequences”.

Moreover, it demanded “sanctions against those responsible for the persistent human rights violations in Cuba, starting by sanctioning Miguel Díaz-Canel, as the most senior figure in the chain of command of the Cuban security forces”, and called on those participating in the summit “to issue a statement demanding due respect for human rights in both regions, with a particular focus on the lack of respect for democracy and fundamental freedoms in Cuba”.

But both rhetoric and sanctions against Cuba are extremely unpopular in the region, and European parliament’s attempt to jostle Latin-American leaders into endorsing its position was ignored.

President Miguel Díaz-Canel himself stressed to those present that “Latin America and the Caribbean is no longer the backyard of the United States. Nor are we former colonies that require advice. Nor will we accept being treated as simple suppliers of raw materials.

“We are independent and sovereign countries, with a common vision of the future. We build the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States as a unified and representative voice of our unity in diversity.”

Reflecting Celac’s strong support for Cuba, the final declaration made reference to a 2022 general assembly resolution at the United Nations against the blockade and underlined the need for “ending the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed against Cuba, we recall our opposition to laws and regulations with extraterritorial effect”.

Nicaragua stands up
Since the first EU sanctions were enacted against it in 2019, the relations between the European Union and Nicaragua have deteriorated considerably. The head of the EU delegation was expelled from Nicaragua in September 2022, the EU’s ambassador to the country was withdrawn in April this year, and a condemnatory resolution against Nicaragua was passed by the EU parliament in June.

But Nicaragua’s anti-imperialist leaders have not been intimidated by this hostility. In one of the most politically-charged speeches of the summit, Nicaraguan foreign minister Denis Moncada condemned “the coercive, illegal and unilateral measures imposed against the Russian Federation, China, Cuba, Iran, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Syria, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and other brotherly peoples”.

He went on to demand “the commitments of developed countries of the European Union, to guarantee climate justice and reparation policies to compensate for loss and damage” as a result of man-made climate change, rejected “the use of cluster munitions by all states”, and called for the US government to pay the compensation approved by the International Court of Justice in The Hague for the human losses and material damages that resulted from US military and paramilitary aggressions during the 1980s.

Comrade Moncada further pointed out that “the European Union must reflect and act in good faith with a vision of the present and the future … Europe must bear in mind and respect that we are no longer a colony of any power. We are free, independent and sovereign countries, with dignity for our homeland, identity and freedom.”

Avoiding mention of the slave trade and of reparations? Dream on
For the colonial powers, the slave trade has been always an uncomfortable subject of discussion, and it has long been one of the goals of EU diplomacy to avoid all reference to this emotive topic. It seems that imperialist Europe would like the world to quietly forget that its own capitalistic development was facilitated by the most ruthless and industrial exploitation of mineral resources and human lives in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean.

In recent years, consciousness about the slave trade has been developing across Latin America, and for the first time in the history of the EU-Celac summits it was introduced onto the meeting’s agenda. Unable to avoid its inclusion in the final declaration, EU diplomats strove to cover all reference to Europe’s responsibility with euphemistic and harmless expressions.

In the end, the summit declaration included both positions. On the one hand, the preferred European wording: “We acknowledge and profoundly regret the untold suffering inflicted on millions of men, women and children as a result of the transatlantic slave trade.” And on the other, a reference to Celac’s support for “the Caricom Ten-point Plan for Reparatory Justice”.

It should be noted that the Caricom (Caribbean Community) Reparations Commission (CRC) states that European governments: “were owners and traders of enslaved Africans”, and that they “instructed genocidal actions upon indigenous communities” and “created the legal, financial and fiscal policies necessary for the enslavement of Africans”. The CRC “demands as a precondition the offer of a sincere formal apology by the governments of Europe”.

Moreover, the commission states: “Some governments in refusing to offer an apology have issued in place Statements of Regrets. Such statements do not acknowledge that crimes have been committed and represent a refusal to take responsibility for such crimes. Statements of regrets represent, furthermore, a reprehensible response to the call for apology in that they suggest that victims and their descendants are not worthy of an apology.”

As President Díaz-Canel pointed out in his address to the summit: “Colonial plunder and capitalist looting turned Europe into a creditor and Latin America and the Caribbean into debtors.”

Failure of EU ‘diplomacy’ on all fronts
Overwhelmed by a long list of demands, the EU side was forced to include at least some of the many requests in the final declaration, albeit couched in the sanitised language of United Nation resolutions.

In relation to the imperialist war against Russia, it had to make do with accepting that “Celac has declared Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace” (point 12). Regarding the Malvinas/Falklands dispute, it was forced to concede that in “the question of sovereignty over the Islas Malvinas / Falkland Islands, the European Union took note of Celac’s historical position based on the importance of dialogue and respect for international law in the peaceful solution of disputes” (point 13).

Regarding the threat to the Caribbean countries from climate change, the declaration recognised “the impact that climate change is having on all countries, affecting particularly developing and the most vulnerable countries, including Small Island Developing States, in the Caribbean” (point 22).

In relation to the crisis in Haiti, the declaration expressed “concern regarding the continuing deterioration of the public security and humanitarian situation in Haiti” (point 38), while it reaffirmed “full support for the peace process of Colombia” (point 39).

President Lula noted afterwards that the factors leading to the diplomatic triumph of the anti-imperialist countries could be explained “possibly owing to the dispute between the United States and China, possibly owing to China’s investments in Africa and Latin America, possibly owing to the new Silk Road initiative, possibly owing to the war”.

At this third EU-Celac summit, European Union diplomats for the first time found that the Latin-American and Caribbean countries were no longer ready to fall in line with their demands; that they are becoming independent and sovereign countries. Over and again, the leaders at the summit asserted that while investment would be welcomed in the region, this would not be accepted on any terms – and that the imperialists’ ability to use a ‘divide and rule’ strategy will no longer work in the region.

As Bolivian president Luis Arce pointed out: “Today, in a multipolar world under construction, the new geopolitical conditions may give the opportunity to multiple options for cooperation and sectoral, regional and continental alliances.

“We want a Latin America, a Caribbean and a Europe in peace. May their peoples achieve the peace that the capitalist model has not been able to offer them, abandoning practices that in past history have not created an equitable and complementary relationship between our regions.”

https://thecommunists.org/2023/08/19/ne ... vereignty/

Libertarian ideas appeal to the immature because they are immature. And under under capitalists rule immaturity is an ever extended state.

*******

Luisa González Is Ecuador’s Most Voted Presidential Candidate

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The candidate of the Citizen Revolution Movement (left), Luisa Gonzalez, leads the results of the early elections held in Ecuador this Sunday. Aug. 20, 2023. | Photo: Twitter/ @telesurenglish

Published 20 August 2023

With 43.92% of the valid votes processed, Luisa Gonzalez concentrated 33.44% of the voters' preferences.


The candidate of the Citizen Revolution Movement (left), Luisa Gonzalez, leads the results of the early elections held in Ecuador this Sunday, August 20, according to figures of the National Electoral Council (CNE).

With 43.92% of the valid processed votes, the candidate of the party led by former president Rafael Correa concentrated 33.44% of the preferences among voters, followed by the 24.31% of the standard bearer of National Democratic Action, Daniel Noboa, of the center-right.

Gonzalez, a supporter of former President Rafael Correa, spoke about the results obtained in the elections: "We want to thank, firstly, all the militancy of the Citizen Revolution, secondly, all the candidates to the Assembly and thirdly, all the citizens of this beautiful country. Our gratitude and our applause is for the Ecuadorian people".

In case the trend remains in similar proportions, the two most favored candidates to the presidency of Ecuador would be forced to go to a second round.


Ecuador renews its executive power in advance after the current president, Guillermo Lasso, determined the so-called cross death, which implies the dissolution of the National Assembly and the celebration of early elections, a political exercise he determined in view of an impeachment attempt against him.

According to the candidate of the Citizen Revolution Movement, the election day mobilized Ecuadorians, in spite of the fear due to the wave of violence the country is experiencing: "This brave Ecuador, this Ecuador with a feeling of homeland, mobilized, broke fear and voted for a woman... It is the first time that a woman obtains such a high percentage in the first round".

The candidate, who addressed her militancy, promised peace, work and security.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Lui ... -0016.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Thu Aug 24, 2023 2:50 pm

Peruvian de Facto Minister of Defense Travels to DC Solidifying US Militarization of Country
AUGUST 21, 2023

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Defense Minister Jorge Chavez at Inter-American Defense College in Washington. Photo: US Air Force.

By Clau O’Brien Moscoso – Aug 16, 2023

Peru’s coup regime enhances its alliance with the U.S. with visits to Washington and arms supplies to Ukraine.

National Strike, Day 217

As the political crisis in Perú deepens eight months after the parliamentary coup that ousted Pedro Castillo and threw the South American country into the bloodiest period it has seen in decades, the US militarization of the country intensifies. From August 7-12th, de facto Peruvian Defense Minister Jorge Chávez traveled to Washington DC to “update bilateral military agreements” between the two nations. He met with various officials in the Defense Department, including the US Undersecretary of Defense for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Daniel P. Erikson, the head of the National Guard, General Dan Hokanson; and the Director of the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, Paul J. Angelo, and the Inter-American Defense College . With the region shifting towards the multipolar world with groupings such as the BRICS, and increased infrastructure investment from countries like China rather than participation the US BUILD Act , the US is solidifying its grasp on Perú to use it as a base in the region against its perceived adversaries and to realize full spectrum dominance.

Among the agreements reached during the visit were the lifting of the two decades long blockade on aerial interdiction against drug trafficking allowing the Peruvian Air Force to once again receive US cooperation in intelligence, financing, training, and communications. to “strengthen actions against illicit drug trafficking” in the zones of VRAEM and Putumayo, and in the Loreto region where recent unrest left at least 20 injured in the district of Alto Nanay.

This process is beginning months after the arrival of at least 1100 US military troops in the Peruvian territory to “conflict zones”, particularly in the southern regions of the Andean country, and after more than 80 deaths since the US backed coup began, including those shot from helicopters. As of today, no charges have been filed against any of those involved in the massacres and extrajudicial killings , including coup President Dina Boluarte and Prime Minister Luis Otarola and the heads of the armed forces. The Inspectorate of the Peruvian National Police archived four of the eleven cases that have been filed since the uprisings began to cover up these crimes against humanity.

The US has also been pressing countries in the region which have Russian and Soviet era military equipment to “donate” them to Ukraine in the US/NATO proxy war against Russia. It can now count on a significant stockpile of arms , including “24 Mi-17 military helicopters and two Mi-35 attack helicopters from Moscow” and arms bought during the Fujimori regime. As Commander General of SOUTHCOM, General Laura Richardson stated in January of this year during a virtual appearance to the Atlantic Council, they “are working with the countries that have the Russian equipment to either donate it or switch it out for United States equipment” with six countries in particular, Perú being among the leaders in possession of Russian military equipment.. This offer of arms donations to Ukraine was largely rejected by the rest of Latin America .

In January of this year, Ukraine purchased drones from Perú shortly after the December 7th coup and the resulting violence of the armed forces against the masses of people who protested the US backed regime change This deal did not become public until months later in May. Prior to the coup, much like the rest of the region, Perú stayed out of the conflict and did not send weapons to Ukraine. As Guillermo Burneo , Peruvian journalist and political analyst, stated recently, this is nothing more than an adjustment in the regional strategy that the US is making to achieve its international goals in Ukraine in a situation that Perú should avoid.

Along with the recent bilateral agreement with the corrupt Lasso government in Ecuador to train armed forces a month before elections that the left wing Correista candidate leads in polls , it’s clear the US is trying to maintain its Monroe Doctrine hegemony in the region and the “international rules based order” now competing with multipolar forces. In a March 2022 House Armed Services Committee hearing on National Security Challenges and Military Activity in North and South America, General Richardson warned how big a threat the US considers both Russian and Chinese investment in the region, describing the “biggest eye opener has been the extent to which China and Russia are aggressively expanding their influence in our (emphasis added) neighborhood.”

The strengthening relationship between the Peruvian coup regime led by Boluarte and the right wing Congress and the US and NATO is a violation of the sovereignty of the region that rejected pleas to send weapons to Ukraine, opting to not prolong the war. As Bolivian ex president Evo Morales said on social media, “The entry and exercise of military troops by the US in Perú is a provocative interventionist action that endangers the peace and integrity of Latin America, especially Bolivia which is in the attack sights of SOUTHCOM that publicly acknowledged its interest in (our) lithium.” To Washington DC, the more than 80 deaths and thousands injured and unjustly imprisoned in Perú are but mere collateral damage in their war efforts against those they see as their adversaries and a threat to their agenda of full spectrum dominance.

https://orinocotribune.com/peruvian-de- ... f-country/

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NARCOPOLITICS AND NECROPOLITICS IN ECUADOR
21 Aug 2023 , 5:09 pm .

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Narcopolitics acts with the technologies of necropolitics where there is a lucrative interest with a great purpose and there is a desire to exercise control (Photo: AFP)

The second round of elections in Ecuador will feature Luisa González, candidate for the Citizen Revolution Movement, and businessman Daniel Noboa, of Acción Democrática Nacional. The appointment will be on October 15 in the midst of constant commotion as a result of the political violence experienced in recent months.

After the assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio on August 9, was added that of the militant of the Citizen Revolution Movement, Pedro Briones, who died from a gunshot wound on August 14 after an ambush at his residence in the north of the country.

In July, the murders of Agustín Intriago , mayor of Manta, and Rider Sánchez , candidate for legislator, also occurred in the context of the electoral campaign.

All these cases are impregnated by the imprint of political violence, heir to the criminal violence that is on the rise in the South American country, but which originates from North America, from where a drug trafficking corridor was formed that crosses the Pacific coast to the continental Ecuador, and from where in turn the markets have expanded to the Asian and oceanic continents.

THE BOOMING DRUG TRADE
The war against drug trafficking in the Americas is marked by United States operations throughout the continent, with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and Southern Command deployed throughout the region, through through cooperation with all States, with the exception of Bolivia and Venezuela in South America.

The DEA's approach prevents drug trafficking from being seen as a political management of the territory where the drug market takes place and prioritizes quantitative data on seized drugs, captured drug traffickers, and confiscated assets without assuming a systemic position on the matter. This vision is disseminated in most of the entities that are dedicated to the fight against drug trafficking.

That is why both the United States and the United Nations Organization (UN) celebrate the fact that Ecuador was the third country with the highest volume of drug seizures in 2021, only behind Colombia and the United States. However, while this indicator is highlighted, it happens that in the southern country the homicide rate has risen at least four times from 2017 to the present —see graph below—; for recent March, an average of 16 murders per day was counted .

The relationship between the rise of drug trafficking and the homicide rate in Ecuador does not seem coincidental: the greater the production and trafficking of drugs in the last five years, the heat of criminal violence has also risen.

Two factors have been key to understanding the expansion of drug trafficking in the South American country: the increase in cocaine production in Colombia —a neighboring country— and the migration of two large Mexican cartels: Sinaloa and Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG), which have expanded its operations through the laundering of criminal capital and the consolidation of an air and maritime platform to the Pacific, having installed illegal productive and commercial structures on the ground.

In addition, the incursion of these criminal organizations into Ecuadorian politics —which has also intensified the institutional corruption quotas— has yielded profits in favor of the drug trafficking administration, which has caused a security crisis throughout the country. But the neoliberal catechism applied by the governments of Lenín Moreno and Guillermo Lasso also provided a state vacuum that has drowned in the interests of transnational cartels.

The traces of the Mexican drug trafficker were also discovered in the prison riots that took place in 2021. In fact, according to corresponding investigations and analysis , prisons have served as the decision-making center for criminal groups related to transnational drug trafficking .
Geopolitically, Ecuador is an ideal logistics center for the transfer of illicit goods because it has routes that flow into the Pacific Ocean and inland to Colombia and Peru —the second largest cocaine producer in the world— , taking advantage of the tributaries of the Amazon River that They drift to Brazil and to the north of South America —where the illicit merchandise is transferred to Africa and then Europe.

The greatest attraction for the cartels is found in the maritime routes from Colombia and Ecuador to Mexico, where transit to the US market is ensured by the large criminal groups that live in the North American country. Both Sinaloa and CJNG have operations in dozens of countries , including in Europe and Oceania, and base their power on techniques and patterns of force, intimidation, and extortion.

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Drug trafficking routes from South America to North America (Photo: El Economista)

The power displayed by drug trafficking groups in Ecuador has transferred to the political field through methods of planned violence. The murders in that country confirm this, while the threats in the prelude to the elections confirm that the security crisis does not stop producing destabilization and chaos in that nation.

NARCOPOLITICS AND NECROPOLITICS
The phenomena that we are witnessing in Ecuador come from the already consolidated historical accumulation in Colombia and Mexico . Narcopolitics is a reality insofar as criminal groups have established themselves as governing actors of the management conditions of public affairs, be it from the State through perks, intimidation and/or extortion; either from the imposition of a parallel legality that replaces the official institutions with others created in the image and likeness of the cartels.

The capture of political power by drug trafficking is increasing in Ecuador, as it did for decades in Colombia and Mexico, and it is having consequences as long as the management of life and death objectively becomes the fundamental administrative reason for the criminal groups to exercise dominance and control.

In this way, drug violence brings with it a necropolitics that permeates the security of citizens where the narco yoke is consolidated.

Cameroonian historian and intellectual Achille Mbembe theorized about and coined the term necropolitics (as well as necropower) to characterize and describe the mechanisms by which control is established and maintained over who can live and who must die. Necropolitical technologies serve the sovereign power in order to administer a territory together with its population, where the management of death is directly correlated with the functioning of modern political systems.

The concepts of necropower and necropolitics serve us here to illustrate the extent to which drug trafficking groups exercise hegemony where they establish political sovereignty, either directly or indirectly.

In his long essay on necropolitics , Mbembe explains the way in which necropower manifests itself in contemporary wars, taking up the term war machine from the French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari to analyze the situation of heteronomy —that is, the sovereign is exogenous. of the territory where its domain prevails—that governs modern warfare.

With war machines they refer to armed factions that are not necessarily state armies, but diffuse and polymorphous cells, which form and dissolve according to circumstances. Jihadist terrorism and the paramilitary and parapolice groups of the cartels are a living example of this type of "social machine", because -following Mbembe- their combat technology and mobility allow modern warfare to be extremely fast, brutal, profitable and safe for the attacker.

The constant activity of the war machines is profitable because it favors the control of spaces with valuable resources and because the war activity generates debt that is lucrative for private interests. The occupied places are governed by a network of de facto powers—state and private armies, local warlords, revolutionary groups, criminal organizations, etc.—that make it almost impossible to determine who holds power in a specific place.

This characterization is efficient to describe the way in which large criminal groups operate in a context of resource extraction. The control of local populations gives rise to a new way of governing that Mbembe calls crowd management , with which the population is broken up into "immobilized", "displaced", "neutralized" or "exterminable" groups, and turned into a fragmented society and in a precarious situation, managed through modalities of concentration camps and zones of exception.

Mbembe analyzes that occupations of this type are "more tactile, more anatomical and sensory," a subtle way of suggesting that populations governed by this type of brutal administration of power are exposed to a logic of massacre —in Ecuador, between 2021 and 2023, 14 massacres have been recorded in penitentiary centers , the majority originating from disputes between criminal groups.

The assassination of Fernando Villavicencio shows the strength of drug trafficking, its impact on internal stability, both political and social, and Ecuador's institutional weakness. In addition, last July leaders of the gangs that operate in their territory have demonstrated on digital networks assuring that they have reached a non-confrontation agreement between them for "a better coexistence in security in Ecuadorian territory", with which they allude that it was done "jointly with the National Police". The domain of the security dynamics in the South American country is subordinated to the interests of these criminal groups, while fear seizes Ecuadorian society as one more tool of control.

The Cameroonian's analysis is in line with what is happening in the southern country and in other countries of the continent —and of the world—, where narcopolitics acts with the technologies of necropolitics where there is a lucrative interest of great purpose and it is desired exercise control. Ecuadorian politics is traversed by the mechanisms described and is an exemplary case to understand the movements of continental drug trafficking.

https://misionverdad.com/globalistan/na ... en-ecuador

THE EXTRAVAGANCES OF "CRAZY" MILEI
23 Aug 2023 , 12:37 pm .

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Javier Milei says that he receives advice from his dog from beyond (Photo: File)

The Argentine political landscape has been shaken by an unexpected candidate, whose extremist and extravagant ideas have captured the attention of many, which has not prevented him from becoming the candidate with the most votes in PASO 2023. This character is Javier Milei, a self-declared anarcho-capitalist and paleoliberal. Now, his goal is to reach the Casa Rosada in October.

In a previous article we analyzed who he is and what he proposes. In this one, we will focus on the most controversial and extravagant aspects of "El Loco".

ESOTERICISM AND CLONES
An unauthorized biography of journalist Juan González, titled El Loco , reveals information about Milei's beginnings. She was born on October 22, 1970 —the day the elections will be held she will be 53 years old— in Buenos Aires. Her father was engaged in passenger transport and her mother was a housewife.

In his childhood he became interested in soccer: he was a goalkeeper at the Chacarita Juniors club. He was also attracted to music: he was part of the Everest group, which mainly played covers of Rolling Stones songs.

His relationship with his parents was conflictive . His father treated him badly, hit him and despised him, and his mother allowed that treatment. Milei says that she distanced herself from them considering them "toxic people".

Javier and his younger sister, Karina, have a strangely close and controversial relationship . The brothers share a libertarian vision of the world and support each other. Karina is Javier's adviser, planner and "first lady", who calls her "El Jefe" and whom he has complete confidence in. But this relationship has also caused strange and conflictive situations, such as Karina's anger when she found out about the romance between Javier and the comedian Fátima Flórez. It seems that Karina does not tolerate anyone getting between her and her brother, and is afraid of losing her influence over a partner.

Karina Milei has astrology hobbies , which lead her to consult the tarot and believe in the energies and signs of the zodiac. She has said that she uses these tools to advise her brother on her political decisions.

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Javier Milei with his sister Karina Milei in a political act (Photo: Página/12)

Regarding what he considers the rest of his family, he is only concerned about his dogs. His most loyal friend was an English mastiff named Conan. Milei claims that she met Conan 2,000 years ago in the Roman Colosseum, when he was a gladiator and Conan a wild animal who had to kill him. But instead of fighting, they allied and have stayed together ever since.

The mastiff died in 2017, which came as a shock to Javier Milei, who tried to speak to him through a medium and turned to a specialized company called Perpetuated to create clones. In the United States and other countries this is an established commercial activity. The cost of the process is about 50 thousand dollars.

Through that method, Milei has four Conan clones living with him: Murray, Milton, Robert, and Lucas. The names are a tribute to his three favorite economists —from the Austrian and Chicago neoliberal schools—: Murray Rothbard, Milton Friedman and Robert Lucas.

VIOLENCE AND PLAGIARISM
The politician, who initially became known for economic issues, managed to capture the public's attention when he began to interact with the media. In his television appearances, he has stood out for insulting journalists and guests.

An example of his aggressive attitude was in 2018, when he insulted the journalist Teresa Frías calling her a "donkey", who "does not understand anything", which earned him a complaint for gender violence. Her aggressive behavior against women is a repeating pattern .

Another case was in 2021, when he called the head of the Buenos Aires government, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, a "shit left-handed" and a "dragging worm" on his social networks.

In addition to appearing on television programs, the economist also wrote columns for important media such as La Nación and El Cronista . And he was also embroiled in a scandal: he was found to have plagiarized other authors in his book Pandenomics , published in 2020. According to an article in News magazine , Milei reproduced dozens of phrases from Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, and Murray Rothbard, without referencing them. , cite them or quote them.

Milei defended himself by saying that it was a Kirchner campaign to dirty him and that he always recognized his sources. However, Medium user Marcos Tullius, who had previously denounced the plagiarism, showed that Milei also copied texts from liberal and neoliberal authors in his columns.

THREESOMES, SEXUAL FAVORS AND SPIRITUALISM
"Tantra teacher", supporter of free love and enthusiast of threesomes. In this way, Milei has described himself in various interviews. "I am 47 years old and I have participated in several sexual trios and 90% of the time there were two women with me," he said on an Argentine television program in 2018.

These behaviors are reflected in his party, La Libertad Avanza. In this, authorities are designated in exchange for sexual favors, according to what Mila Zurbriggen, president of the Libertarian Generation Youth Group denounced .

Zurbriggen has pointed out that women who expose their bodies on social networks have a privileged position and a greater presence within the party. Likewise, she has denounced the lack of democracy in the organization and the absence of calls for youth to participate in the discussion tables.

The young woman has questioned the suitability of the women appointed to relevant positions within the party, some of whom are listed on social platforms such as OnlyFans. Following her complaint, she has been subjected to threats, and has stated that she has attempted to bribe other militants with charges, money and photographs to isolate her.

What else can be found in Milei's bizarre repertoire? The former member of La Libertad Avanza and C5N panelist, Carlos Maslatón, had spoken about Milei's relationship with alleged messages from beyond the grave.

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The book The Fool corroborates the séances of Milei , who claims to have had encounters with characters of all kinds through a "light channel", including her deceased dog Conan and dead economists such as Murray Rothbard. She has even claimed to have a mission entrusted to her by God: to enter politics and not stop until she is President of Argentina.

The most eccentric aspects of Milei's life and personality fit very well with his strange mixtures of ideological visions, which he calls himself "paleolibertarian", and which lead him to say that he is in favor of organ trafficking, the liberalization of drugs and the deregulation of firearms ownership; that he intends to eliminate compulsory schooling and free health care; abolish the Central Bank, dollarize the country and reduce the State to a few ministries.

If one had to place him close in spirit to other politicians who were in power, one could mention the former presidents of the United States and Brazil, Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro. However, in a number of parameters related to shady realms, Milei could even surpass them.

https://misionverdad.com/globalistan/la ... loco-milei

THE DOLLARIZATION GURU WHO ADVISES JAVIER MILEI
23 Aug 2023 , 2:52 pm .

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Hanke is a great promoter of dollarization as a formula to recover economies in crisis (Photo: File)

The American economist Steve Hanke is once again listed as economic adviser in South America. In addition to advising the Venezuelan pre-candidate for Copei in the face of the 2024 presidential elections, Roberto Enríquez, he also offers his services to the Argentine Javier Milei, who won the 2023 PASO with 30% of the votes.

Hanke is famous for having been an economic adviser to President Ronald Reagan (1981), as well as to the top leaders of Bulgaria (1990), Indonesia (1997), Montenegro (1999), Albania (1990), the United Arab Emirates, Bosnia and Herzegovina. (1991), Estonia (1992), Lithuania (1990), Ecuador (1995), among other countries where economic and financial packages have been applied that have led to crises.

In addition, he is a great promoter of dollarization as a formula to recover economies when they are in recession. Let us remember that he was the architect of this proposal in Argentina in the 1990s, a country where he was the great justifier of the war against the national currency at the time of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, when he came to justify that privatization and neoliberal adjustments were the only way for the country to "improve" its economic situation.

Both Enríquez and Milei have proposed the disappearance of central banks to replace them with currency boards led by the US dollar, as well as the reduction of the State's participation in managing the economy. Hanke, without a doubt and by record, is behind these ideas.

https://misionverdad.com/el-guru-dolari ... vier-milei

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Argentine government blames candidate Milei for looting

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The Security Minister, Aníbal Fernández, assured that the assaults in various Argentine cities are not motivated by social needs. | Photo: Page 12
Published 23 August 2023

Cerruti, spokesperson for the Argentine government, published a video on her social networks in which she stated: "This is an operation armed by Milei's people."

Argentine authorities denounced this Tuesday that groups linked to right-wing presidential candidate Javier Milei have carried out robberies and looting in different locations, with the aim of creating destabilization in the country.

Gabriela Cerruti, the spokesperson for the government of Argentine President Alberto Fernández, published a video on her social networks in which she stated: "This is an operation armed by the people of Milei", leader of the conservative movement La Libertad Avanza.

Rumors of looting are organized in WhatsApp groups and "come from accounts linked to La Libertad Avanza," said the presidential spokeswoman and asked people: "Don't be cannon fodder. Do not help in the networks to generate fear ".


The Security Minister, Aníbal Fernández, assured that the assaults in various Argentine cities are not motivated by social needs, a point that was shared by the governors of the provinces of Neuquén, Córdoba and Mendoza.

"These are criminal acts that do not have a high level of organization," considered the minister, who added that the hypothesis that "someone is encouraging them" is being handled.


The governor of Mendoza, Rodolfo Suárez, warned about the dissemination of "false, malicious and cowardly" rumors on social networks, and asked not to lend himself to their spread.

Milei immediately distanced himself from these actions and published on his networks: "Liberalism is unrestricted respect for the life project of others, based on the 'principle of non-aggression' and in defense of the right to life, liberty and the property".

“Although the situation is delicate, this does not endorse violence. If we understand that a different Argentina is impossible with the same as always, a large part of the solution is close”, added the presidential candidate.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/gobierno ... -0003.html

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: South America

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Guatemalan president-elect denounces coup plan

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Bernardo Arévalo, affirmed that "the justice apparatus is being used to violate justice itself." | Photo: EFE
Posted 2 September 2023 (4 hours 36 minutes ago)

The president-elect expressed that the actions undertaken by the Attorney General's Office try to circumvent the popular will expressed at the polls on August 20.

The president-elect of Guatemala, Bernardo Arévalo, denounced on Friday the implementation of a technical coup to prevent him from assuming power on January 14, 2024 after winning the run-off on August 20.

"There is a group of corrupt politicians and officials who refuse to accept this result and have launched a plan to break the constitutional order and violate democracy," Bernardo Arévalo said at a press conference.

Bernardo Arévalo, affirmed that "the justice apparatus is being used to violate justice itself."


In addition, he blamed the country's attorney general, Consuelo Porras, for the destabilizing actions; the head of the Special Prosecutor's Office Against Impunity (FECI), Rafael Curruchiche, the seventh criminal instance judge, Fredy Orellana and the members of the Board of Directors of the Congress of the Central American country.


The president-elect expressed that the actions undertaken by the Attorney General's Office try to circumvent the popular will expressed at the polls on August 20.

The TeleSUR correspondent in Guatemala, Santiago Botón, indicated that the president-elect called on citizens to defend democracy and voting.

Santiago Botón explained that after the actions of the Public Ministry and the Justice system against his party, the president only has to rely on social movements and organizations to face the destabilizing plans.



Last Monday, August 28, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal made those results official and declared Arévalo the winner and president-elect. However, that same day, the Registry of Citizens provisionally suspended the Movimiento Semilla party as a result of a judicial decision by Judge Fredy Orellana.

Due to this provisional suspension, on August 30, the Board of Directors of Congress declared Semilla deputies as independent, which could take away their rights as a bench.


The Board of Directors of the Guatemalan Congress decided to dissolve on August 31 the bench of the Seed Movement made up of seven deputies.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/guatemal ... -0001.html

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Colombia: President Petro Denounces Right-Wing Plot Against Him

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Colombian President Gustavo Petro, 2023. | Photo: X/ @courrierinter

Published 1 September 2023

He also called on the social groups that contributed to his victory in 2022 to remain vigilant.


On Thursday, Colombian President Gustavo Petro denounced that the right-wing opposition and big Spanish businessmen are planning ways to overthrow him.

These statements were made during a meeting with the victims of the armed conflict and signatories of the Peace Accords in the municipality of Carmen de Bolivar, where Petro recalled that Colombian history records episodes that led to decades of violence.

Faced with the possibility that the Colombian extreme right seeks to structure a “soft coup,” Petro called on social groups that contributed to his victory in 2022 to remain vigilant.

“The farmers, the youth, the workers know what they have to do,” the Colombian president said during a ceremony in which he handed over land to rural families.


Petro urged conservative conspirators to abandon their strategy, reminding them of the political costs of historical events such as the bombing of farmer cooperatives and the assassination of presidential candidate Jorge Eliecer Gaitan in 1948.

The Colombian president defended his agrarian reform program and stressed that the owners of unproductive large estates do not want to abide by the constitutional provisions establishing that the land must have a social function.

On previous occasions, Petro has also denounced the possibility of a "soft coup" against him orchestrated by right-wing businessmen, politicians and journalists.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0004.html

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50 years after the coup against Allende, movements and intellectuals converge in Chile to discuss building socialism in Latin America

The Latin America and Caribbean Dilemmas of Humanity conference will take place in the Chilean capital from September 2-4. The conference seeks to provoke debate and discussion about building socialism and finding solutions to address the major crises generated by capitalism

September 01, 2023 by Zoe Alexandra

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Movement leaders and intellectuals from across Latin America and the Caribbean will meet in Santiago, Chile, from September 2-4 for the Regional Dilemmas of Humanity Conference. The conference seeks to provoke debate and discussion about building socialism and finding solutions to address the major crises generated by capitalism.

The conference, organized by the regional social movement platform ALBA Movimientos and the International Peoples’ Assembly (IPA), will be held in the Open University of Recoleta. It will take place alongside a series of historical commemorations to be held in the Chilean capital to mark the 50th anniversary of the coup d’état against the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende and the 53rd anniversary of the victory of Popular Unity.

Leading intellectuals and members of people’s movements, trade unions, and left parties from the region will participate, such as Daniel Jadué, former Chilean presidential candidate and the mayor of Recoleta, Blanca Eekhout, member of Venezuela’s National Assembly, Barbara Flores Casamayor, from Cuba’s Fidel Castro Center, Atilio Borón, Argentine intellectual, Vijay Prashad, Indian historian and director of the Tricontinental Institute, and Hector Bejar, Peruvian intellectual.

Laura Capote of the ALBA Movimientos Secretariat told Peoples Dispatch, “From Latin America and the Caribbean, we are promoting the Regional Conference of Dilemmas of Humanity as part of the global process, understanding that the voice and the analysis from our continent about the mechanisms and tools to overcome the civilizational crisis with an emancipatory horizon are fundamental. We understand that the world looks at Latin America and the Caribbean and their revolutionary processes. We know that in any corner of the world, the Cuban Revolution is an important symbol, the Venezuelan revolution is a symbol.”

“And the fact is that we have revolutionary processes of a socialist character that are alive and have resisted the onslaught of imperialism in economic, political, commercial, military terms,” she emphasized, adding “imperialism has still not been able to defeat our revolutions. On the contrary, our revolutions continue to drive and inspire the other countries of our continent.”

During the three days, participants will engage in discussions on the current political context in the region today; socialism as a response to the key dilemmas in the region; the challenges and experiences of building socialism; sovereignty and continental unity to confront imperialist domination; the dilemmas and challenges in organizing the working class for the struggle of socialism; the cultural battle and the battle of ideas for the construction of our socialist project; the defense of the common goods of life and new forms of relating to the earth; and the construction of people-centered democracy to establish socialism.

Capote highlighted, “It is also a moment to link this to our analysis of the context at the continental level. We have given perhaps too much place and too much press to the conciliatory discourse, to the centrist discourse, to the discourse that does not apply pressure, believing that with these, we can accumulate forces. But history shows us the opposite. We are living in a moment in which neofascism and the new rights are radicalizing, so we must be willing to radicalize our project, our humanist project, our project of transformation that overcomes the civilizational crisis.”

The conference in Chile is one of various regional processes taking place ahead of the III International Conference of Dilemmas of Humanity in Johannesburg, South Africa from October 14-19. Regional conferences have also been organized in Bela Bela, South Africa, Atlanta, US, and Tunis, Tunisia. The debates and deliberations of these regional spaces will be systematized and integrated into the discussions in Johannesburg.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/09/01/ ... n-america/

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Ecuador: Presidential Front Runner Luisa González Denounces Death Threats
SEPTEMBER 2, 2023

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Luisa González, guarded by military personnel, after casting her vote in the first round of the Ecuadorian presidential race. Photo: Santiago Arcos/Reuters/File photo.

Luisa González, presidential election front runner of Ecuador for the Citizen Revolution (RC) Movement, stated that she has received death threats and announced that she is receiving military protection from the Ecuadorian government.

“Today I received threats against my life for being the most likely candidate to win the presidency,” González stated on Friday, September 1, in statements made to Radio Medio Mundo.

Such threats “constitute an attempt on democracy when, instead of winning at the polls, there are those who are trying to take the life of a candidate,” she added.

“It is very worrying because a candidate was already murdered, and now I received a threat,” she said.

González announced that she accepted President Guillermo Lasso's offer of providing her with military security.

“I have to give you sad news. I am wearing a bulletproof vest,” the correista candidate said.

However, she added that speech should not be constrained in a bullet proof vest but it should be in the guarantee that all Ecuadorians have security.


On Thursday afternoon, reports of a possible attack against the Citizen Revolution candidate filled social media after some people with grenades were arrested.

The commander of the Ecuadorian National Police, General Fausto Salinas, refused to confirm whether there was a plot against the RC presidential candidate, but he confirmed the arrest of some individuals with explosives.

This investigation is in the hands of the Attorney General's Office, which can ratify or deny the suspects' motivation, Salinas said.

Rafael Correa's outrage
On Thursday, August 31, former Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa (2007-2017) reported on social media that a man was arrested with weapons who declared that he wanted to kill González.

“We need to verify this. Can anyone do it? To hell with the Prosecutor's Office and its “reserve” in the previous investigation. Hopefully it is fake news,” wrote the former president with evident indignation.


Ecuador is suffering an escalation of violence and insecurity, with frequent criminal attacks that claimed the lives of more than 4,500 people in 2022. The number of violent deaths is expected to increase in 2023, according to specialists.

Fernando Villavicencio, who was also a presidential candidate, was murdered on August 9, an event that shocked the country and shook the board prior to the first round of voting, impacting the chances of Luisa González to win in the first round.

Last week, Lasso ordered the Ecuadorian armed forces to provide protection to the candidates.

After the assassination of Villavicencio, the Lasso government has been questioned for not providing sufficient and proper security for the presidential aspirants.

https://orinocotribune.com/ecuador-pres ... h-threats/

To Win the Run-Off Election, Ecuador’s Left Must Confront the Mistakes of the Past
SEPTEMBER 1, 2023

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Tricolor banner with the name Ecuador. Photo: Adrian, acediscovery/Flickr (CC).

By Peter Bolton – Aug 23, 2023

On August 20, Ecuadorians went to the polls to elect a new president just over two years since the previous presidential elections of 2021. Luisa González of the Citizens’ Revolution party topped the poll with 33%. But since no candidate achieved the necessary threshold to win in the first round, the election will now be decided via a run-off election in October. She will face political newcomer Daniel Noboa of the center-right National Democratic Action Party, who surprised political observers by placing second in a crowded field with 24% of votes counted.

González’s party was founded by former firebrand socialist president Rafael Correa after his original party, Country Alliance, became sullied by his successor Lenin Moreno. After serving as Correa’s vice president and then getting elected as his heir apparent, Moreno betrayed his own party and the mandate he had been given from his voters by moving markedly to the right once in power. This included imposing a crushing austerity agreement with the Washington-based International Monetary Fund (IMF) and even persecuting former comrades. Correa himself, for instance, has been living in exile in Belgium following a lawfare campaign against him, based on trumped-up campaign finance violations, that was launched during the presidency of his erstwhile protégé. Moreno left office with the lowest approval rating in modern Ecuadorian history and consequently declined to run after his first term in office despite being eligible.

The South American nation’s presidential elections were originally scheduled for 2025. But this year’s snap poll was initiated after President Guillermo Lasso invoked a constitutional provision known as “muerte cruzada,” which dissolves the National Assembly and triggers fresh legislative and presidential elections. Lasso, a former banker who represents the right-wing CREO party, was facing impeachment proceedings on various corruption and embezzlement charges and, upon his de facto resignation, had a public approval rating of below 15%. It appears that he invoked the measure to avoid the public embarrassment of impeachment and likely conviction.

Lasso had become president after having narrowly beaten socialist rival Andres Arauz, also of Correa’s Citizens’ Revolution and González’s current vice-presidential running mate, in the 2021 presidential election. Lasso’s victory surprised observers given that he barely made it into the run-off following a strong finish for self-proclaimed “eco-socialist” Yaku Pérez, who almost beat him into third place. As the run-off election nears, there is great risk that history will repeat itself. As happened in 2021, the Citizens Revolution Movement is at risk of narrowly losing in spite of having topped the first poll.

The right/pseudo-left alliance
Central to the Citizens’ Revolution’s loss in 2021 was the electoral alliance between Lasso and Yaku Pérez. Pérez is an Indigenous Ecuadorian and had built a substantial following amongst this long-marginalized constituency. He bills himself as an “eco-socialist” and has a record of opposing extraction of natural resources. However, serious doubt has been cast upon both his domestic progressive credentials and his willingness to oppose US intervention into Latin America.

During the Moreno presidency, for instance, he opposed the distribution of coronavirus support payments and expressed willingness to support a free trade agreement with the US. There are also credible reports that Pérez’s Pachakutik party has received funding from CIA regime-change front groups such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). It wouldn’t be going too far to describe him as a closet neoliberal and, based on his public statements, he seemingly has a deep-seated hatred for Correa’s political faction and its record in government. Worse still, he supported the 2019 US-backed coup in Bolivia against the democratically elected president, Indigenous leader and former coca farmer Evo Morales.

In a bizarre case of political bedfellows, Pérez even supported Lasso when he was a candidate in the 2017 presidential election. The two ultimately entered into a quid pro quo in 2021 and pledged to support whichever of them reached the run-off against the Citizens’ Revolution candidate. This essentially delivered Pérez’s substantial Indigenous (and presumably left-leaning) support base to Lasso, which ultimately handed him the election.

Given that anti-extractivism forms a core part of his public image and appeal, in this year’s election Pérez’s support had possibly been neutralized by the inclusion of a binding plebiscite that asked voters whether they support the halting of oil drilling in a biodiverse corner of the country’s Amazon region. The referendum passed with roughly 60% of Ecuadorians backing the ban. But to avoid history repeating itself by allowing Pérez’s followers again to be led into the open arms of the Citizens’ Revolution’s right-wing opponent, González must rebuild bridges with the country’s Indigenous population. Admittedly during the Correa presidency some of the movements representing this community were not held as firmly within the governing coalition as they could and should have been. Only by assuring these movements that this will not happen again can the left overcome this obstacle and win back this constituency.

Public disaffection with right-wing corruption
Former President Lasso’s ignominious fall from grace, meanwhile, should work to the Citizens’ Revolution’s advantage if González stays on message. Though Noboa is not of the same party as Lasso, he is nonetheless part of the same traditional Ecuadorian oligarchy. He is also a US citizen and spent part of his childhood in the States. His father, meanwhile, is a powerful figure in Ecuador’s lucrative banana industry and one of the wealthiest people in the country. The senior Noboa himself ran for the presidency on five separate occasions, all unsuccessfully.

Moreover, the younger Noboa has already been marred in accusations of similar improprieties to those of Lasso. Democracy Now! reported that he “has been accused of multiple tax and labor violations.” Given the fate that ultimately befell Lasso, these allegations along with his ties to the business world and the hegemon to the north could work to González’s benefit.

Rising crime and drug problems
Public concern over recent increases in violence throughout the country may also help the Citizens’ Revolution. The New York Times reported earlier this month that “local prison and street gangs, along with foreign drug mafias, have unleashed a wave of violence unlike anything in the country’s recent history, sending homicide rates to record levels and hurting the vital tourism industry.” The violence ultimately spilled over into the election itself with three political leaders being killed during campaigning, including presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio.

There is reason to believe that policies enacted under the Moreno and Lasso governments are at least partly to blame for this rise in violence. And indeed, they appear to have undone what was one of Correa’s strongest achievements while he was president. As Joe Emersberger pointed out at People’s World in March 2023:

Ecuador experienced a dramatic and unprecedented two-thirds reduction in its homicide rate during Correa’s years in office (January 2007-May 2017). The homicide rate then increased, just as dramatically, after Correa left office and rightwing governments took over. … The homicide rate increased to 25.9 per 100,000 in 2022 according to InSight Crime — a historic high for Ecuador. When Correa left office in 2017 it was 5.8 per 100,000, one of the lowest in Latin America. It is now among the highest.

This connection between neoliberalism and crime rates seems to have played out elsewhere in the region, particularly in Central America.

There is, of course, a perception throughout Latin America that the left is soft on crime and Noboa might draw from this playbook. González must push back against this narrative and double down on articulating the causal relationship between rising crime and neoliberalism that has played out both at home and throughout the rest of Latin America.

Failure of neoliberalism more broadly
Perhaps the biggest factor working in the Citizens’ Revolution’s favor is the failure of neoliberalism in Ecuador, and indeed across the region, more broadly. After four years of Moreno and two years of Lasso, Ecuadorians have lived under a combined six years of neoliberal policies and all of its usual pathologies. In 2020, for example, poverty in Ecuador increased by almost 5% following previous increases in the two preceding years.

In October 2022, Irene León and Jose Agualsaca pointed out at the Latin American Information Agency that “the imposition of a radical neoliberalism brings with it the destruction of a sovereignty project, constitutionally based (2008) on a perspective of the common good and the public.” They add:

transnational corporations have been repositioned in strategic sectors, while the prescriptions of the International Financial Institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund (IMF), have supplanted the Constitution. State assets and resources are being auctioned off, while security and defense are being transferred to foreign repressive models.

Noboa appears likely to continue this legacy should he be elected. Though he has spent only a few years as a legislator in the National Assembly, he has in that short time built a record as a reliable supporter of neoliberal orthodoxy. The New York Times, for instance, reported that during his time in the assembly he has “supported bills to attract international investment and cut taxes.”

The specter of complacency
For all of the above factors working in their favor, the Citizens’ Revolution does not have cause to be complacent. The stakes are too high to repeat the 2021 election defeat, which led to two more years of neoliberalism under the disastrous Lasso presidency. The youth vote appears to be up for grabs with reports that some young Ecuadorians are looking for something different from both the Lasso/Moreno years and the Correa years. This could benefit the youthful and relatively unknown Noboa, though González is also a relative political newcomer, and her running mate Andrés Arauz is about the same age as Noboa.

González must walk the fine line between rallying her base while simultaneously appealing to the undecideds. To do the former, she must make clear commitments to reinvigorate Correa’s revolution, safeguard his constitutional reforms, and reiterate her party’s opposition to plundering by multinational corporations and interference from the Washington-based international organizations. To do the latter, she must communicate fresh ideas and promise a decisive break from the past. Crucially, she must work to reincorporate the Pérez-supporting sections of the Indigenous community back into the Citizens’ Revolution’s fold.

https://orinocotribune.com/to-win-the-r ... -the-past/
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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 06, 2023 1:49 pm

The Coup Against the Third World: Chile, 1973
SEPTEMBER 5, 2023

Dossier no. 68

Image
Patricia Israel and Alberto Pérez (Chile), América despierta (‘America Awakens’), 1972. Silkscreen print, 144 x 110 cm.


The artworks featured in this dossier are among the survivors of the 1973 coup against Chile. Before the coup, they were part of the collection of Museo de la Solidaridad (‘Museum of Solidarity’), a project created by the Popular Unity government to encourage the donation of artworks from across the Americas and Europe. The vision of this project, which was in full force from 1971 until the coup in 1973, was to create a museum of international art for the Chilean people. Following the coup, however, many of those works were destroyed.

Despite the coup regime’s attempts to erase the museum, Chilean cultural workers who were underground and in exile revived the institute abroad between 1975 and 1990 under the name the Salvador Allende International Museum of Resistance. The project was restored in 1991 following the return of democracy in Chile and is now called the Salvador Allende Solidarity Museum (MSSA).

All images included in this dossier (except for the photograph of Augusto Pinochet’s soldiers burning Marxist books and the silkscreen print America Awakens) were loaned by the MSSA.

Image
Augusto Pinochet’s soldiers burn Marxist books and the silkscreen print America Awakens, 28 September 1973.
Credit: Central Intelligence Agency Freedom of Information Act, Weekly Review via Wikimedia Commons.



Foreword
PABLO MONJE-REYES, DIRECTOR OF THE INSTITUTO DE CIENCIAS ALEJANDRO LIPSCHUTZ CENTRO DE PENSAMIENTO E INVESTIGACIÓN SOCIAL Y POLÍTICA


The relationship between Chile, the curtailment of its socialist reforms, and the ongoing processes in other countries in the region and in the Global South more generally have been systematically erased in Chile, from official historiography and media narratives alike. The interdependence of the processes involved, the solidarity and support for the Popular Unity project, and the strategies used to generate new forms of internationalism have disappeared even from the stories constructed by some on the left, thereby reaffirming the uniqueness of Chile as an ideal site to consolidate the neoliberal project.

The widely held understanding in Chile and abroad is that the United States’ participation in the financing, organisation, and execution of the 1973 coup took place in response to the copper nationalisation process. However, this perspective does not allow us to appreciate the power of the nationalisation project and its implications with respect to the Popular Unity government’s international economic relations policy and strategic approach. In dossier no. 68, The Coup Against the Third World: Chile, 1973, the Instituto de Ciencias Alejandro Lipschutz Centro de Pensamiento e Investigación Social y Política (ICAL) in Chile and Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research present an analysis of the 1973 coup against Chile and its effects on the Third World and non-aligned countries, which contain lessons that the peoples of the Third World must keep in mind today and always. This dossier also provides key information about why coups take place. In particular, it describes the role of the United States in the plotting of the coup against Chile. This is evidenced by documents that were kept secret at the time, as they reveal an imperialist nation’s interference in the internal affairs of a democratic country that had asserted its autonomy to build a new social project for its people. This dossier develops two axes: first, the political objectives of the nationalisation of copper, and second, the role that it played within the framework of a broader conversation among Third World countries aimed at the creation of a New International Economic Order (NIEO).

Nationalisation was by no means an innovation within the framework of Chile’s economic development. It had been posited as a necessity, and then partially executed, by the government of Eduardo Frei (1964­–1970), but it was then senator Salvador Allende who raised the subject of the distinctions between the different ways that production of national assets could be nationalised. On the day that Congress approved the nationalisation of copper – 11 July 1971 (National Dignity Day) – President Allende gave a speech that set out why Frei’s ‘Chileanisation’ programme had not gone far enough:

[W]e criticise the copper accords, we criticise Chileanisation, and we criticise the nationalisation that has been agreed upon, and… we have always said, and we are reiterating now, that we are in favour of comprehensive nationalisation, so that huge sums of money do not leave the country, so that Chile does not continue to be a beggar country that asks with an outstretched hand for a few million dollars while massive sums of money leave our borders to strengthen the great international copper empires.

We do not want to be a developing country that exports capital; we do not want to continue to sell cheap and buy dear. That is why the Popular Unity programme exists, a fundamentally patriotic programme placed at the service of Chile and the Chilean people. And that is why I am here, as the president of the people, to carry out that programme, come what may.1

Allende identifies, values, and empowers copper workers in their leading role in the ongoing process of transformation:

Apart from the importance of the economic sphere… there is also an important political consideration. With the step that we are going to take, we will break with our dependency, our economic dependency. That means political independence. We will be the owners of our own future, the true sovereigns of our own destiny. What is done with our copper will depend on us, on our capacity, on our effort, and on our sacrificial dedication to ensure that copper in Chile is produced for the progress of our country. The people will have to understand – and they do understand – that this is a great national challenge, and that it is not only the mine workers that have to respond to this, but the Chilean people as a whole.2

Allende also places this process within the framework of the new forms of internationalism present in the Third World project:

The price of copper has also remained high indisputably due to the conflict in Vietnam. But we Chileans, with our conscience, would prefer to see the price of copper decrease, and that the attack against a small and dignified people who are fighting for their independence be ended. We have enough revolutionary consciousness to understand that the price of copper can decrease, and we can accept that, as long as peace can come to Vietnam and the people of Vietnam can have the right to live their own lives. …

We have not been able to develop the capacity of our people, limited by the foreign tutelage imposed on us by development and exploitation planned from afar. We must also understand that this is a challenge to our capacity… Chileans will manage just fine, and luckily we have a language in common with our compatriots in the world market, with Zambia, with the Congo, with Peru, and the Intergovernmental Council of Copper Exporting Countries (CIPEC), which has been formed on an international level and is designed to defend the interests of small-producing countries like ours.3


In relation to Chile and the NIEO, Allende’s statement at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), held in Santiago de Chile in 1972, is of particular interest. At this conference, President Allende outlined the position of his government and the objectives of its international economic relations policy from a revolutionary perspective that retains its relevance today. In Allende’s words, this position sought ‘to replace an obsolete and radically unjust economic and trade order with an equitable one that is based on a new concept of man and human dignity and to reformulate an international division of labour that is intolerable for the less advanced countries and that obstructs their progress while favouring only the affluent nations’.4This means that the programmatic, political, and ideological issues cited by Allende remain valid and necessary in all societies suffering from the consequences of imperialism.

The Popular Unity project, headed by Salvador Allende, was without question emancipatory, comprehensive, and Third Worldist and built a socialist society through a democratic and sovereign economic path. To the imperialists, this was simply unacceptable.

Image
Gracia Barrios (Chile), Multitud III (‘Multitude III’), 1972. Patchwork, 305 x 782 cm.

On 11 September 1973, reactionary sections of the Chilean army, led by General Augusto Pinochet, left the barracks and overthrew the democratically elected government of President Salvador Allende and the Popular Unity coalition. In the melee around the attack on the presidential palace known as La Moneda, Allende died. The military and other security forces began an assault on the organised sectors of society, making mass arrests and setting in place a regime of repression, which included permanent centres of torture and assassination. Large sections of the Chilean left – if they were not murdered – were welcomed in other countries, where they regrouped and began a struggle against the dictatorship. Workers’ movements, now robbed of their leaders, fell prey to the coup’s newly appointed neoliberal administration. Many of the members of this new administration, led by Pinochet (who referred to himself as the ‘Supreme Chief of the Nation’), had been trained in the United States, including several who had worked with Milton Friedman at the University of Chicago and came to be known as the Chicago Boys. The socialist programmes and policies of the Popular Unity government were dismantled. Chile entered a phase of twilight, a laboratory for neoliberalism.

Why did the soldiers leave the barracks on the morning of 11 September? Arguments made by General Pinochet and those around him about law and order have no basis in fact. The truth is that the coup – conceived, prepared, and executed by the US, as numerous declassified documents show – did not take place merely on that day in 1973. The US government, acting on behalf of US-based transnational corporations and the dependent Chilean bourgeoisie, had never wanted Allende to win the presidency – which he did, on 4 September 1970 – and so they set out to destabilise the Popular Unity government from the day it took office in November 1970.

It was the Allende government’s policies to nationalise copper that spurred the coup. But the policy to nationalise copper – which was approved in Congress in July 1971 – was part of a broader conversation in the Third World to create a New International Economic Order (NIEO), which would restructure the neocolonial international economic system along democratic lines and give weight to the ideas and peoples of the Third World. The NIEO was drafted by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), led by the Argentinian economist Raúl Prebisch, and sharpened at the third session of UNCTAD (or UNCTAD III) in Santiago, Chile from April to May 1972. This draft was then discussed at the fourth summit of the Non-Aligned Movement held in Algiers (Algeria) between 5 and 9 September 1973, where India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi informed the other leaders that Allende was facing a great challenge in his country. ‘We hope for early normalcy’, he declared.

On 1 May 1974, the UN General Assembly passed the Declaration of the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, but by then the mood to carry forward its ideas was simply not favourable. The coup against Allende’s government took place not only against its own policy of the nationalisation of copper, but also because Allende had offered leadership and an example to other developing countries that sought to implement the NIEO principles. In that sense, the US-driven coup against Chile was precisely a coup against the Third World.

Image
Guillermo Núñez (Chile), Homenaje al trabajo voluntario (‘Homage to Voluntary Work’)’, 1972. Silkscreen print, 53.2 x 75 cm.

Sovereignty and Dignity in Chile
On 17 December 1969, the six parties that formed the Popular Unity coalition released their programme. These six parties – the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Radical Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Popular Unitary Action Movement, and Independent Popular Action – came together around this programme and used it in Allende’s presidential campaign, which would be held on 4 September 1970. The programme laid out the problem precisely and directly:

Chile is in a state of profound crisis that is manifesting itself in economic and social stagnation, widespread poverty, and the forms of total neglect suffered on all fronts by workers, peasants, and other exploited groups; in the increasing difficulties that face white-collar workers, professionals, and small and medium businessmen; and in the limited opportunities available to women and young people.1

Nothing here would surprise any of the peoples in Africa, Asia, and the other countries of Latin America. At UNCTAD II, in 1968, there was already dismay among the 121 participating governments about the low average annual rate of economic growth of developing countries, which had begun to slump by the mid-1960s.2 ‘Tremendous problems of poverty, malnutrition, unemployment, and underemployment continue to affect millions of people on the Earth’, UNCTAD wrote in a summary statement of the conference. ‘That was depressing, but it was also a challenge; needs must be matched with action – urgent and concerted action’. Those issuing this call for action – which resonated with tone of the Popular Unity election campaign – were aware, however, of the limitations posed by the neocolonial world system. ‘It should not be forgotten’, participating countries continued, ‘that the existing situation had been caused by certain powers acting in their own interests – power that continued to control a large part of the international economy and to hamper the development of the young nations’.3

The Popular Unity programme sought to explain why the population of Chile – a country rich in natural resources (especially copper) – was struggling to survive:

What has failed in Chile is a system that does not correspond to the needs of our time. Chile is a capitalist country, dependent upon imperialism, dominated by sectors of the bourgeoisie that are structurally tied to foreign capital. These sectors are unable to solve the country’s fundamental problems, problems that are derived precisely from class privileges that they will never give up voluntarily.4

The focus, for Allende’s Popular Unity coalition, was on copper, one of the most important non-ferrous commercial metals of the modern world. Roughly twenty percent of the world’s known copper reserves at the time were in Chile, with substantial copper reserves also held in the United States, the Soviet Union, Zambia, Zaire, and Canada.5The US was the world’s largest importer of copper, which it then processed for industrial use, and Gran Minería, made up of three US transnational companies (Anaconda, Kennecott, and Cerro), accounted for over eighty percent of Chile’s copper production.6

Gran Minería’s high copper prices and profits in the 1960s raised the pressure for rapid nationalisation. In 1966, Chile’s President Eduardo Frei – responding to the increasing pressure – began a policy to ‘Chileanise’ copper, which meant that US companies would gradually offload ownership (though, despite this new policy, Gran Minería’s profits nonetheless increased dramatically between 1965 and 1971).7 As a result of the increasing popular pressure to use Chile’s natural resources for the benefit of its people, both candidates for the 1970 presidential election – Allende for Popular Unity and Radomiro Tomic for the Christian Democrats – supported nationalisation.8

In December 1970, the Popular Unity government put a constitutional amendment before Congress to nationalise the copper mines owned by Gran Minería, which would not receive any further compensation. The argument made by the Popular Unity government for this refusal to pay compensation – validated by the UN’s Economic Commission of Latin America (CEPAL) – was that Gran Minería had already benefited from decades of excess profits that had been remitted out of the country and had left the mines significantly depleted.9 The Popular Unity government’s refusal to pay additional compensation to Gran Minería marked a sharp departure from the other political parties that the mines would have to be compensated.

On 21 December, Allende spoke at the Plaza de la Constitución and laid out, as he said, ‘a few figures’.10 After showing how Chile had been ‘bled dry’, Allende said flatly, ‘No compensation is to be paid for the [copper] deposits. … We are acting within the legal and juridical channels. In addition, it is relevant to point out that the United Nations has recognised the right of peoples to nationalise the crucial wealth that is held in the hands of foreign capital’ (referring to UN General Assembly resolution, the ‘Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Resources’).11 On 11 July 1971, commemorated today as National Dignity Day, Chile’s National Congress approved law no. 17450, thereby ratifying the nationalisation of copper.

The Popular Unity government expected to use the increased revenues from copper exports to fund its programme to transform life in Chile. And so it did, instituting healthcare, educational, and agrarian reforms, constructing homes for the working class and peasantry, and implementing a programme that delivered half a litre of free milk per day to children. By 1973, 3.6 million children received milk through this scheme, dramatically reducing malnutrition rates among children, which, before Popular Unity took office, hovered around twenty percent.12

On 13 January 1971, at the inauguration of a new trade union school at the University of Chile in Valparaiso, Allende declared that his country was a ‘social laboratory’ and that it was in the midst of ‘an in-depth and profoundly revolutionary process… that has the essential characteristics to be carried out in all aspects of Chilean life’.13 Establishing Chile’s sovereignty over its economy would now open la vía chilena, the Chilean road to socialism. From the afuerinos (landless peasants) to the enfermeras (nurses), Allende’s government promised a new reality, a socialist future.

Image
Roberto Matta (Chile), Hagámosnos la guerrilla interior para parir un hombre nuevo (‘Let’s Fight the Guerilla War Within Ourselves to Give Birth to a New Man’), 1970. Oil on canvas, 259 x 491 cm.

Chile and the New International Economic Order
In 1971, Chile became the fifty-fifth full member of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), roughly a decade after the group formed in 1961. Up until the third NAM summit in Lusaka (Zambia) in 1970, where Chile was one of twelve observer nations, Cuba had been the only Latin American country to be a full member. NAM and UNCTAD incubated debates about the New International Economic Order, a proposal through which the Third World countries sought to transform the neocolonial world system by uniting around the need to control their natural resources and establish their own industrial capacity. Part of this new buoyancy was exerted politically, as African and Asian countries insisted that the third session of UNCTAD be held in a developing country – not in Geneva. Allende put a bid in for Santiago to host the session, which, after some deliberation, was accepted.17When Allende attended the ground-breaking inauguration of the building where it would be held (on La Alameda in downtown Santiago), he said that this international forum would allow developing nations to ‘make known the dramatic situation of their underdeveloped countries’.15

The new UNCTAD building was less than ten kilometres away from the office of the UN Economic Commission of Latin America (ECLAC), where economists from across Latin America had, since its founding in 1948, developed a theory of dependency. This theory asserted that the world is driven by a neocolonial system in which the core countries (the imperialist powers) dominate the periphery (developing countries) through the reproduction of the gains of the colonial era; through the unequal terms of trade set in place that used the periphery as a resource for raw materials and a market for final products; and through the use of development aid to drive a debt-austerity cycle that entrapped countries in the periphery.16 Pedro Vuskovic, one of the cepalistas, became Allende’s minister of economic affairs, bringing this theory into the Popular Unity’s programme and government policy.17 For a moment, Chile was the centre of the project to break down the neocolonial world system and establish the NIEO. These are some of the main elements that the US government and transnational corporations have tried to ignore as the reasons for the civil-military coup d’état.

At the opening of UNCTAD III in 1972, Allende delivered a monumental speech. The basic mission of the conference, he said, was to replace ‘an obsolete and radically unjust economic and trade order with a fairer one based on a new concept of man and human dignity and to reformulate an international division of labour that the less advanced countries could no longer tolerate, inasmuch as it obstructed their progress while favouring only the affluent nations’.18 The affluent nations would defend their advantages with ‘tireless tenacity’, in Allende’s words, which is why the poorer nations had to be united and clear about their objectives. Those present had no choice because, he continued, ‘if the present state of affairs continues, fifteen percent of the Third World population is condemned to die of starvation’.19 Allende raised five key issues that he argued needed to be addressed in the transformation from the neocolonial, capitalist world order to one committed to advancing humanity:

1. Reform monetary and trade systems. The Third World states had minimal representation at the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference in the United States, where the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank were created, and were entirely absent (except for some colonies) when the Western countries created the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) in 1947. As a result, these monetary and trade systems were designed to benefit the affluent nations. The Third World created UNCTAD as the platform to rethink these systems, but, from its founding in 1964, the West tried to marginalise UNCTAD as well as the inputs of post-colonial states on the debate about monetary and trade policy. In 1971, the United States unilaterally abandoned the gold system, enshrining the dollar as the global fiat currency, and by the 1973 Tokyo Round of GATT negotiations, the United States, the European Economic Community, and Japan had begun to reconsider the monetary and trade system without any input from the Third World. Faced with this scenario, Allende said, UNCTAD needed to build a trade system that prioritised increasing popular consumption, eradicating hunger and illiteracy, and regulating the power of transnational corporations.

2. Cancel debt burdens. At the World Bank meeting in Nairobi (Kenya) in 1973, roughly a year after Allende’s speech at UNCTAD III, the bank’s president, Robert McNamara, made the point that the ‘essence of the debt problem’ is not the volume of the debt, but rather that ‘debt, and debt payments, are growing faster than the revenues required to service them’.20 Countries in the developing world were trying to attract finance not for the purpose of capital investment, but in order to service their debt.

At UNCTAD III, Allende pointed out that the debt of developing countries had already reached $70 billion. These debts, he said, are ‘largely contracted in order to offset the damage done by an unfair trade system, to defray the costs of the establishment of foreign enterprises in our territory, [and] to cope with the speculative exploitation of our reserves’.21 Key documents, such as the Lima Declaration of the G-77 and the UN General Assembly resolution ‘The Increasing Burden of Debt Services’ (both published in 1971), had already raised this sentiment, urging creditors to reconsider their actions ‘for long-term avoidance of debt crises’, as the UN put it.22

3. Consolidate control over natural resources. In May 1969 in Viña del Mar (Chile), the governments of Latin America underscored the need to wrest control over their own natural resources. The text that emerged from this meeting, The Latin American Consensus of Viña del Mar, influenced the Lima Declaration (1971), from which Allende quoted during UNCTAD III, declaring that: ‘The recognition that every country has the sovereign right to freely dispose of its natural resources in the interests of the economic development and well-being of its own people [and that] any external, political, or economic measure or pressure brought to bear on the exercise of this right is a flagrant violation of the principles of self-determination of peoples and of non-intervention, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, and, if pursued, could constitute a threat to international peace and security’.23 ‘Chile has nationalised copper’, Allende said, and this nationalisation has been paid for by the excess profits pilfered by the copper conglomerate. The Popular Unity government was not merely asserting ideals, Allende said – it had put these ideas into practice with ‘profound conviction’.24

4. Affirm the right of nations to technology and science. The Third World countries, Allende explained , ‘watch the march of science as outsiders’ and import ‘technical know-how which in many cases simply constituted an instrument of cultural alienation and of increased dependence’. Countries such as Chile needed to develop their own scientific and technological capacity, and they needed to collaborate with other countries to create technologies ‘to suit our needs and our development plans’.25

5. Build a peace economy. The need of the hour, Allende argued, was to ‘turn a war economy into a peace economy’, to use the waste spent on war and armaments to ‘cement a solidarity economy on a world scale’.26 In 1970, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute noted that seven percent of the global Gross Domestic Product went towards military expenditures, ‘equivalent to the total income of the poorer half of the world’s population’.27 A cut in arms spending, Allende pointed out, ‘would finance major projects and programmes for [Third World] countries’.28


In April 1972, US National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger’s assistant on Latin American affairs, William Jorden, wrote that Allende was ‘increasingly positioning himself as leader of [the] Third World’.29 The example of la vía chilena, or the Chilean road to socialism, elevated by Chile’s aggressive nationalisation of its metal reserves, provided Allende with the necessary prestige to emerge as a clear voice for the Third World as it pushed the NIEO forward. As a result, Chile’s leadership, with persistent diplomatic work by other Third World states (including Mexico), pushed UNCTAD III to pass the ‘Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States’, which was eventually adopted by the UN General Assembly as a resolution in December 1974.30

Though such examples of forward motion at UNCTAD III were minimal, the general sensibility in the Third World was, nonetheless, that change was inevitable.31 The Triad (the United States, Europe, and Japan) went to great lengths to stop the NIEO and, towards that end, formed the G-7 in 1973. At the first G-7 meeting, West Germany’s Helmut Schmidt said that the Western leaders cannot allow decisions about the world economy to be made by ‘officials somewhere in Africa or some Asian capital’. Prime Minister Harold Wilson of the United Kingdom agreed, adding that those decisions must be made by ‘the sort of people sitting around this table’.32

Image
Top: Luis Poirot (Chile), Presidente Salvador Allende y Hortensia Bussi (‘President Salvador Allende and Hortensia Bussi’), 1970. Photograph, 20 x 30 cm.
Image
Bottom: Luis Poirot (Chile), Balcón del Palacio de La Moneda, Septiembre 1973 (‘Balcony of La Moneda Palace, September 1973’). Photograph, 20 x 30 cm.

What Coups Do
On 5 August 1970, a month before Allende won the presidential election, the United States government was already thinking about taking ‘action to overthrow Allende’, as US Assistant Secretary of State John Crimmins wrote to US Ambassador Edward Korry.33 Two hundred years ago, in 1823, the United States put forth the Monroe Doctrine, which plainly stated that Europe must not interfere in the Americas since the hemisphere was the ‘backyard’ of the United States.34 Interventions in Latin America – from the seizure of just over half of Mexico’s territories in 1848 and the annexation of Cuba and Puerto Rico in 1898 to the overthrow of a string of governments across the hemisphere – became commonplace. In 1964, the United States government openly assisted the Brazilian military to remove the democratically elected government of João Goulart, establishing a military dictatorship that lasted for twenty-one years and abetted the US in installing military dictatorships across South America (Bolivia, 1971; Uruguay, 1973; Chile, 1973; Peru, 1975; Argentina, 1976) through what became known as Operation Condor.

Despite spending millions of dollars on the Christian Democrats in the 1960s, the United States government could not prevent Allende’s victory. Thirteen days after the elections, the US government set up Project FUBELT to attempt to prevent Allende from taking power and – if he did get sworn in – to destabilise Chile and remove him from office. As the CIA’s Chile Task Force wrote in Situation Report #2, ‘there is a coup possibility now in the wind’.35

The United States government tried every means possible to overthrow Allende. This included a military plot that resulted in the assassination of Chile’s highest military officer, General Rene Schneider, as well as a pressure campaign to get Allende’s predecessor, former President Frei, to annul the election and seize power. US Ambassador Edward Korry assembled business leaders in the embassy and told them that ‘not a nut or bolt will be allowed to reach Chile under Allende’.36 Korry, and his successor Nathaniel Davis, worked closely with members of the Monday Club, a group of Chilean business leaders, owners of newspapers (particularly El Mercurio), and right-wing politicians that met every Monday at the office of Hernan Cubillos, who would become the foreign minister under Pinochet from 1978 to 1980, on Lord Cochrane Street in Santiago. Korry, who guided the club, wasted no time in putting into place US President Richard Nixon’s 15 September 1970 instruction to ‘make the economy scream’.37

The US government prevented Chile from accessing dollars through commercial channels and shut down aid, squeezed shipping companies to charge higher freight charges, and encouraged expropriated transnational firms to seize Chilean assets overseas. It did not help Allende’s government that copper prices collapsed in 1971.

Allende’s government struggled against this economic strangulation but still managed to hold on. In fact, as an indicator of its political resilience, the Popular Unity slate won 43.39 percent of the vote in the parliamentary elections of March 1973 – more than Allende won in 1970 and far more than expected by either the party itself or by the US government. As US Ambassador Nathaniel Davis told Washington, the Popular Unity government’s policies had made the population ‘materially better off’ and ‘doubtless prepared to pay some economic price’ for an ‘enhanced sense of dignity and satisfaction of putting down the upper classes’.38A month later, Frei and other pro-capitalist political forces, as the CIA described them, ‘reached the conclusion that throughout the so-called Third World the traditionalist capitalist system is not capable of realising development goals and aspirations. Frei had also been impressed over the relative success and rapidity in which Allende… has dismantled previously existing bastions of economic power… Frei recognises that he cannot reverse much of what the UP [Popular Unity] has done’.39 In other words, Chile’s classical right-wing parties had conceded defeat, and so other – harsher – forces would have to be summoned to crush la vía chilena and the Third World Project. Those forces gathered around Pinochet, who sent his tanks out of the barracks on 11 September to overthrow the Popular Unity government. Two years later, the role of the United States in fomenting the coup became available for all to see due to the revelations of the US Congress’ Church Committee report (though the report’s implications have not been fully digested around the world).40

Image
Ximena Armas (Chile), Golpe (‘Coup’), 1973. Collage on paper, 60 x 40 cm.

Before the coup, far-right groups painted the ominous slogan ‘Jakarta is coming’ on walls across Santiago, conjuring the memory of the murder of over a million communists, trade unionists, peasant organisers, artists, and left sympathisers in Indonesia at the hands of General Suharto’s coup regime, installed in 1965 to displace the left-wing government of President Sukarno.41 The words on Santiago’s walls foreshadowed the violence that would be repeated in Chile when Pinochet’s coup regime murdered thousands of people, imprisoned tens of thousands more, and exiled hundreds of thousands, working intimately with the CIA to clinically wipe out the left from the country and send a lesson to any Third World Project that tried to establish its sovereignty and self-determination.42 The violence of the coup regime shaped Chile’s state institutions and the impunity of the security police, the Carabineros, in the decades to come. The brutal murder of world-renowned artists such as Pablo Neruda and Víctor Jara illustrated the coup regime’s deep hatred of the left and lack of concern for the international condemnation of the regime’s violence. Pinochet’s 1980 Constitution – which remains in place despite the return to democracy in 1990 and subsequent efforts to change it – continues to give the executive branch emergency powers to suspend civil rights (which it used to lethal effect against the protests of 2011–2013 and 2019).

In 1969, a group of economists in Chile completed the report El ladrillo (‘The Brick’).43 The prologue was written by Sergio de Castro, trained at the University of Chicago, who would become Pinochet’s minister of the economy. De Castro, along with Carlos Massad (who was the governor of the central bank from 1967 to 1970 and from 1996 to 2003), went to Chicago as part of a programme established with the Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation.44 De Castro, Massad, and the rest of the Chicago Boys drove an agenda of ‘shock therapy’ that included severely cutting government spending, liberalising imports, and using state entities to provide advantages to large business conglomerates. These conglomerates included transnational corporations and business houses owned by Pinochet’s cronies such as the Banco Hipotecario y de Fomento de Chile and the Cruzat-Larraín empire, known collectively as the ‘Pirañas’. By 1978, Cruzat-Larraín controlled 37 of Chile’s 250 major corporations while Vial controlled 25 of them.45 José Piñera, one of the Chicago Boys and the elder brother of Sebastián Piñera (who was the president from 2010 to 2014 and from 2018 to 2022), set out to destroy labour laws and demobilise trade unions through his post as the head of the ministry of labour. The Chicago Boys used Chile as a laboratory for their neoliberal religion, inviting the two priests of neoliberalism to Chile to meet with Pinochet: Milton Friedman in 1975, along with the Brazilian coup regime’s economist Carlos Langoni, and Friedrich Hayek in 1977.46 Pinochet’s policies produced a boom for the wealthy alongside great suffering for the vast majority of the population.

Despite the immense repression of the coup regime, the lineages that produced the Popular Unity government reconstituted themselves and began a process of resistance that – eventually – defeated the coup. The Communist Party (whose leadership had been killed off four times), the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez, the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR), and other left groupings bravely gathered their ranks and began a process of organisation and sabotage, as well as relief for a desperate and terrorised population. A battered trade union movement, which had long been the backbone of Chile’s left, found its buoyancy with new leaders such as Oscar Piño at Santiago’s Goodyear factory. These advances are precisely why some of these leaders were then assassinated, among them Tucapel Jiménez, the founder of the Group of Ten labour federation, which represented 500,000 workers when he was killed in 1982. Civil society was able to be rebuild strong social ties and solidarity through popular organisations that quickly formed in the wake of the coup including community kitchens (ollas comunes), unemployed workers’ centres (bolsas de cesantes), children’s canteens (comedores infantiles), and pioneering social movements, particularly in the arena of labour and human rights, that were led by groups of relatives of the victims of repression. Soon, the women’s and shack dwellers’ movements also began to take shape. Relief and resistance went hand in hand, a brave people holding fast against the coup regime imposed upon them. A decade into the coup, the people returned to the streets with their political parties’ flags in hand to protest against the 1980 Constitution and contest the dictatorship more broadly. It is fitting that the first National Day of Protest on 11 May 1983 was inspired by the copper miners’ strike that year and led by the resurgent trade union movement.

Countless acts of solidarity with Chilean workers spread across the world, with various unions and organisations participating in a solidarity movement that was comparable only to the movement for peace and against the US war on Vietnam. The governments and political movements of the non-aligned countries maintained an attitude of sympathy and collaboration with the democrats in Chile and the world. This international solidarity movement, including in the Third World, never let Pinochet find respectability.

If the slogan for the imperialist bloc in anticipation of the coup was ‘Jakarta is coming’, the slogan for any project that wants to establish the sovereignty of the Third World and the dignity of the peoples is ‘Chile is coming’.

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Alejandro “Mono” González (Ramona Parra Brigade, Chile), La mirada de las anchas alamedas (‘The Gaze of Wide Boulevards’), 2005. Mural, 150 x 384.5 cm.

Notes


Foreword
1 Salvador Allende, ‘Discurso con motivo de la nacionalización del cobre’ [Speech on the Occasion of the Nationalisation of Copper], transcript of the speech at the Plaza de Los Héroes in Rancagua, 11 July 1971, https://www.marxists.org/espanol/allend ... ulio11.htm, our translation.

2 Allende, ‘Discurso’, our translation.

3 Allende, ‘Discurso’, our translation.

4 Salvador Allende, ‘El desarrollo del tercer mundo y las relaciones internacionales’ [Third World Development and International Relations], transcript of the opening speech at the Third World Conference on Trade and Development in Santiago de Chile, 13 April 1972, https://www.archivochile.com/S_Allende_ ... 27.pdf,1–2; United Nations, Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Second Session, vol. 1 (New York: United Nations, 1968), https://unctad.org/system/files/officia ... ol1_en.pdf, 16.





1 Popular Unity, Programa básico de gobierno de la Unidad Popular. Candidatura presidencial de Salvador Allende [Popular Unity’s Basic Government Programme: Presidential Candidacy of Salvador Allende] (Santiago: Instituto Geográfico Militar, 1970), 3, our translation.

2 United Nations, Proceedings. Second Session, 7.

3 United Nations, Proceedings. Second Session, 77–78.

4 Popular Unity, Programa básico, 4, our translation.

5C. J. Tesar and Sheila C. Tesar, ‘Recent Chilean Copper Policy’, Geography 58, no. 1 (January 1973): 9.

6 In 1970, sixty percent of the world’s copper output was owned by six transnational corporations: three US firms (Anaconda, Kennecott, and Cerro), two British firms (British Insulated Callender’s Cables and IMI Refiners), and one Belgian firm (Metallurgie Hoboken-Overpelt). See Tesar and Tesar, ‘Recent Chilean Copper Policy’, 9.

7 Dale Johnson, ed., The Chilean Road to Socialism (Garden City: Anchor Press, 1973), 28.

8 Andrés Zauschquevich and Alexander Sutulov, El cobre chileno [Chilean Copper] (Santiago: Corporación del Cobre, 1975), 42–48; Norman Girvan, Copper in Chile (Mona: University of the West Indies, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1972).

9 Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL), Estudio económico de América Latina 1971 [Economic Survey of Latin America 1971] (New York: United Nations, 1972), 118.

10 Salvador Allende, ‘Nacionalización del cobre’ [Nationalisation of Copper], in La vía chilena hacia el socialismo [Chile’s Road to Socialism] (Santiago: Editorial Fundamentos, 1971), 71, our translation.

11 Allende, ‘Nacionalización del cobre’, 74 and 76–77, our translation.

12 Mario Amorós Quiles, Compañero Presidente: Salvador Allende, una vida por la democracia y el socialismo [Comrade President: Salvador Allende, a Life for Democracy and Socialism] (València: València University, 2008), 160–161; Fernando Mönckeberg Barros, ‘Prevención de la desnutrición en Chile. Experiencia vivida por un actor y espectador’ [Prevention of Malnutrition in Chile: The Experience of an Actor and Spectator], Revista Chilena de Nutrición 30, no. 1 (2003).

13 Allende, ‘Participación y movilización’ [Participation and Mobilisation], in La vía chilena hacia el socialismo, 99–100, our translation.

14Tanya Harmer, Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 82–83.

15 ‘Series S-0858: Commissions, Committees, and Conferences’, files of the Secretary-General U. Thant, UN Conference on Trade and Development (Miscellaneous), 1961–1971, UN Archives, 23. The building for the conference was constructed in record time with the assistance of both workers and volunteers. After the coup, La Moneda was used as the headquarters of the military junta. Part of the building is now the Centro Cultural Gabriela Mistral.

16 Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, Dependency and Super-exploitation: The Relationship Between Foreign Capital and Social Struggles in Latin America, dossier no. 67, August 2023; Margarita Fajardo, The World That Latin America Created: The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America in the Development Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2022).

17 Pedro Vuskovic, ‘Algunas experiencias del desarrollo latinoamericano’ [Some Experiences of Latin American Development], in Dos polémicas sobre el desarrollo de América Latina [Two Polemics on Latin American Development] (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1970) and ‘La política de transformación y el corto plazo’ [Transformation Policy and the Short Term], in El pensamiento económico del gobierno de Allende [The Economic Thinking of the Allende Government], ed. Gonzalo Martner (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1972).

18Salvador Allende, Discurso del doctor Salvador Allende G. Presidente de Chile, inaugurando la Tercera Conferencia Mundial de Comercio y Desarrollo [Speech of Dr Salvador G. Allende, President of Chile, Inauguration of the Third International Conference on Trade and Development] (Santiago: UNCTAD, 1972), 8, our translation.

19Salvador Allende, Discurso, 9, our translation.

20 Robert S. McNamara, Address to the Board of Governors, (Nairobi: World Bank Group, 1973), 8.

21United Nations, Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Third Session, vol. 1 (New York: United Nations, 1973), 354.

22 United Nations General Assembly, ‘The Increasing Burden of Debt Services’, A/RES/2807 (14 December 1971).

23 United Nations, Proceedings. Third Session, 355.

24 United Nations, Proceedings. Third Session, 351–355; Allende, Discurso, 23, our translation.

25 Salvador Allende, ‘El desarrollo del Tercer Mundo y las relaciones internacionales’ [The Development of the Third World and International Relations], inaugural speech at the Third World Conference on Trade and Development (Santiago, 13 April 1972), our translation.

26 United Nations, Proceedings. Third Session, 357; Allende, Discurso, 28; Allende, ‘El desarrollo’, our translation.

27 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Yearbook of World Armaments and Disarmament 1969/70 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1970), 3.

28 United Nations, Proceedings. Third Session, 357.

29 Harmer, Allende’s Chile, 161.

30 In 1970, the UN Commission on Human Rights appointed the Iranian diplomat Manouchehr Ganji as a Special Rapporteur. Ganji’s report The Widening Gap: A Study of the Realisation of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (1973) emphasised the economic and political weaknesses of the Third World and suggested that the fight for human rights had to be related to the fight for a new international economic order.

31 For instance, Algeria’s Foreign Minister Abdelaziz Bouteflika said in 1972 that ‘the road to Third World economic emancipation… does not run through UNCTAD’. Nonetheless, he played a prominent role at the fourth summit of the NAM in Algeria, where the basis for the NIEO resolution in the UN General Assembly was laid. See Harmer, Allende’s Chile, 163.

32 Vijay Prashad, The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (Various publishers, 2013), 53–54.

33 Peter Kornbluh, The Pinochet File. A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability (New York: The New Press, 2013), 7.

34 Between 1810 and 1814, the US government sent Joel Roberts Poinsett to Argentina and Chile to assist in the war against the Spanish Empire and to insert US interests at the forefront.

35 Kornbluh, The Pinochet File, 2.

36 Kornbluh, The Pinochet File, 17.

37 Kornbluh, The Pinochet File, 36.

38 Harmer, Allende’s Chile, 205.

39 Harmer, Allende’s Chile, 205–206.

40 US Senate, Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (Washington, 1976). Much of the material – and other information released from the CIA and from the Nixon papers – has been compiled in The Pinochet File. For a broader look at Washington’s interference and interventions, see Vijay Prashad, Washington Bullets: A History of the CIA, Coups, and Assassinations (2021).

41 Vincent Bevins, The Jakarta Method: Washington’s Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World (New York: Public Affairs, 2020).

42 Though these numbers remain in dispute, the official figures can be found in Informe de la Comisión Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación [Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation] (Santiago: Comisión Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación, 1991), also known as the Retting Commission, and Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura [Report of the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture] (Santiago: Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura, 2004), also known as the Valech Commission; The Pinochet File, 220–225.

43 The book was published in 1992 by the Centro de Estudios Públicos, set up in 1980 to coordinate the work of the Chicago Boys.

44 Sebastian Edwards, The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023); Javier Campos Gavilán, Antecedentes del neoliberalismo en Chile (1955–1975): El autoritarismo como camino a la libertad económica [Background to Neoliberalism in Chile (1955–1975): Authoritarianism as the Road to Economic Freedom] (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Derecho, 2013).

45 María Olivia Monckeberg, ‘El mapa del imperio Cruzat-Larraín’ [The Map of the Cruzat-Larraín Empire], Hoy, no. 145 (30 April 1980): 25–29.

46 Friedman’s trip is well-known, though Hayek’s is not. For further reading on that trip, see Bruce Caldwell and Leonidas Montes, ‘Friedrich Hayek and his Visits to Chile’, Review of Austrian Economics 28, no. 3 (2015).

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Thu Sep 07, 2023 2:15 pm

Regionally Integrating the Horn of Africa and the Nile Basin
Ann Garrison, BAR Contributing Editor 06 Sep 2023

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Ethiopian president Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki in 2018 (Photo: G.M.A. Visafric)

BAR Contributing Editor Ann Garrison spoke with Amanuel Biedemariam, author of The History of the USA in Eritrea, about regional integration in the Horn of Africa and the Nile Basin among Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia.

ANN GARRISON: In the peace agreement of 2018 Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia pledged, “The three countries shall build close political, economic, social, cultural and security ties.” Why don't you start by telling us about the promise of that agreement between Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia?

AMANUEL BIEDEMARIAM: Well, I think it is natural for Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia to come together. They are in the same region. They have the same security interests. They have the same geopolitical interests. They are also part of the Arabian Nubian Shield, which is a major resource rich area. That is a vast area that incorporates Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan to a certain point, Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia. And Eritrea is on the Red Sea.

They are also among the Nile Basin countries. And so it is strategically important that they work together. They must work together in order for them to collectively take advantage of all the resources and strategic location that they have.

AG: Two of the three countries who signed the agreement, Ethiopia and Somalia, have since been badly wounded. Could you talk about that?

AB: Well, the United States and Washington do not want the independent alliance between Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia.

Washington is also keen on making sure that Ethiopia remains either in a weakened state, or fragmented to the point where they can control it by, for one, encouraging conflict.

Before the Biden administration, the Trump administration wanted to work with Eritrea and Ethiopia. And that is when the agreement between Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia happened.

And the Trump administration was keen to work with these countries collectively and even bring Russia into the fold to sideline China. That was his administration’s approach.

However, when the Biden administration came, they wanted to do what they did during the Obama and Bush years, which is to maintain control over Somalia, maintain control over Ethiopia using the TPLF, and then making sure that Eritrea remains sidelined.

So as soon as the Biden administration came back to office in 2000, even before they came to office, they were targeting Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. They wanted to make sure that he was on notice that he could not do anything to grow. They also wanted to make sure that he didn't do anything to the military and to Tigray because they wanted to use them to weaken Eritrea and to control Ethiopia. So, in an effort to do that, they pressed Ethiopia; they started the war with the TPLF and Ethiopia. They also managed to remove Somalia’s President Farmaajo and replace him with President Hassah Sheikh Mohamud.

So the US worked very hard to divide the three countries so they could control them, but the idea of a united approach—regional integration—has already cycled into the communities in these countries, and it’s not going away. In addition to that, with China and Russia in the equation, it becomes far more difficult for the West to continue its divide-and-conquer policies.

Moreover, if they don't have a presence in Ethiopia, especially in the Tigray Region, they believe that their presence in that area is going to be completely wiped out. As a result, they want to make sure that there's some kind of US presence, using the Tigray Region, using whatever’s left of the TPLF. They could use the TPLF to get in the way of the overall regional integration that incorporates a whole range of countries—Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, South Sudan, Uganda, Central African Republic, Chad, Mali, Libya, Ethiopia, and to a certain extent Somalia and Kenya. So that is what they want, to prevent that integration. The impediment has been Washington.

AG: What would regional integration look like specifically?

AB: The regional integration is already in place. It is just not formalized. The people of Eritrea have special connections with the eastern part of Sudan. The people of Eritrea have been integrated regionally, in terms of business with the Ethiopian side in the northwestern part of Ethiopia. Both countries border Sudan. Through that, a lot of goods from Ethiopia, from Gondar, and all these different central and higher regions, including the Tigray Region, used to come through the Tekezē River. These countries all share borders.

It’s like a dry port area that has been working for a long time. It's only been hampered by conflict. Without conflict, there would be goods transported and traded all through there. And also you have the Port of Assab in Eritrea on the Red Sea, where goods and services go back and forth from Ethiopia.

Ethiopia uses Eritrean corridors through both the Ports of Massawa and Asab. The ports of Massawa serve the eastern part of Sudan and the northwestern part of Ethiopia. And that is one of the richest areas in Ethiopia. It’s a very fertile area with vast resources for Sudan, Eritrea, and Ethiopia. So the cooperation is there. It just needs to be formalized, and it needs to start working better.

AG: So this means that all the countries involved would be better able to industrialize and create a more complex division of labor in regions where most people are still subsistence farmers. It would allow all these countries to build industries, to use their own strengths to specialize, and to trade with one another. Is that the idea?

AB: Absolutely, you know, but I think that is where it is heading right now. Because what China and Russia are trying to do is to stabilize the energy situation in the region, and to industrialize the area. That’s happening within that region that I just mentioned earlier, especially Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, South Sudan, Egypt, Chad, Libya, and Uganda. This is a population of over 500 million people, the majority of them young. It is resource rich and it’s one of the most strategic places on earth.

They're going to be able to build this pocket that will become an alternative to Western markets. You build up the middle class in that region and that means you have a new market in a very, very rich area where they can help develop and create partnerships with one another. That's the direction that the West is not going along with. And that's what they're fighting very hard to stop.

AG: Eritrea has particularly rich mineral resources, but it is demanding a better deal than most African countries get. Most African countries get something like four or five percent, if that, and often they don’t even get what’s promised. Tell us about how Eritrea is demanding a better deal.

AB: Well, Eritrea has a lot of leverage in that it controls the security forces of the country. It offers peace and stability, trust, lack of a cumbersome bureaucracy, and efficiency to investors.

Eritrea’s access to the Red Sea also gives it leverage. And also the fact that Eritrea has a vast array of resources.

What Eritrea has been able to do is develop slowly, incrementally. Work in one area, develop this area like the Bisha Gold Mine, which met tremendous hindrances from the West, sanctions and all kinds of other impediments, but yet the government of Eritrea was able to make an agreement oriented towards the environment and the public good.

One thing Eritrea demands is that Eritreans are educated in resource extraction.

AG: They’re going to learn mining technology?

AB: Exactly. And there's also the tax component of it. We want to make sure that these people working in Eritrea are taxed just like everybody else. They're going to pay local taxes in addition to those in the mining contracts. And the agreements are fair to where everyone, Eritrea and the investors, both benefit.

Now we have the potash mine that's going to yield income for Eritrea for a long time. Eritrea has leveraged all its advantages to make really good deals with countries like China. We make sure we will find out what the detail of the deals looks like in the end. I think Eritrea is leveraging everything that it has extremely well. And it's going to make sure that it’s partnering with countries that want to do good and have a long term relationship with the country. That’s what makes Eritrea different from the other African countries.

AG: How do you think of the current ethnic strife, which is threatening to become a full blown war or perhaps an extended low intensity conflict in the Amhara region of Ethiopia? How do you think that is going is affect these plans for regional integration?

AG: The people of Ethiopia are going to need Eritrea whether Ethiopia is together or apart. The Amhara Region cannot survive without access to the sea through Eritrea. The Tigray region could not sustain itself without connection to Eritrea.

So it’s not going to stop the regional integration, but it could hamper it seriously, because either a full scale war or an extended low intensity conflict could mean a weakened central government. And is that going to happen? Is that likely to happen? I think there is a lot of noise outside abroad in the diaspora, and there's some deliberate attempt to weaken the nexus between Eritrea, the Amhara, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. They want to make sure that they don't see that kind of unity in the region, but it will emerge eventually.

https://www.blackagendareport.com/regio ... nile-basin

Challenging Imperialism: Communist Party of Kenya Stands in Solidarity for Justice and Equality with the Haitian People
Communist Party of Kenya 30 Aug 2023

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Kenyan police arrest a protester in May 2023 (Photo: Collins Kweyu, Standard)

The Communist Party of Kenya strongly condemns their nation's involvement in the impending occupation of Haiti.

The Communist Party of Kenya demands that the Kenya Kwanza government rescind their proposal to send 1,000 police to Haiti, while calling on the Kenyan people to join the Haitian masses and popular progressive forces worldwide in opposing the intervention, continued occupation and neo-colonial governance of Haiti by the Core Group and the UN.

The Central Organizing Committee of the Communist Party of Kenya, expresses deep concern regarding the proposed deal between the USA and the Kenyan Government. It is with great displeasure and utmost frustration that we are forced to witness Kenya allowing itself to be recruited into the imperialist activities of the United States, the Core Group and United Nations. The reported plan of involving Kenyan police to carry out actions on behalf of the USA government in Haiti raises serious ethical and moral questions. In its efforts to endear itself to the systems of power that underpin Western hegemony, Kenya is providing legitimacy for a long-standing series of interventions into Haiti that seek to undermine the aspirations of the Haitian people.

Kenya’s motive to send a small contingent of police officers to Haiti is not to solve the so-called problems of insecurity that beset Haiti. Just as it has been done in the past through recruitment of Caribbean and African countries, it is to prevent accusations of racism and oppressive grip of Western foreign powers by having third world nations give their support for the exploitation of Haiti. “If there is a humanitarian crisis, the response cannot be to send in foreign troops. The countries that today are the first to bemoan the control of Haiti by the various gangs are the first to have sponsored these same kingpins in other times, such as in Afghanistan during the time of the Mujahedin or in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq against Iran.”

The Communist Party of Kenya firmly rejects any form of neocolonialism and condemns attempts to use a Black face to brutalize Haiti or any other nation by the members of the Core Group, including representatives of the United Nations, Canada, France, Germany, Spain, the European Union, the United States, and the Organization of American States. The party recognizes the systems of maintaining a neo-colonial agenda in Haiti, or as dubbed in popular Haitian lingua, “Sistèm nan” (The System). We vehemently stand with the exploited Haitian population and oppose any western led interventions or involvement whatsoever in Haiti. By agreeing to send troops into Haiti, the Kenyan government is diminishing the sovereignty and self-determination of Haitian people, while preserving the neo-colonial interests of the United States, the Core Group and the United Nations. Imperialism, historically rooted in exploitation and subjugation, has caused immense suffering across continents. Similarly, the USA's rise to power was significantly fueled by the enslavement of millions of African people, whose labor laid the foundation for its economic prosperity. The echoes of this dark past continue to resonate in various forms of systemic racial and social inequalities that persist in the USA today.

As the Central Organizing Committee of the Communist Party of Kenya, we address the historical injustices perpetrated by both Europe and the USA. Europe's wealth and development have, in large part, been built on the stolen resources and exploitation of the global South during colonial times. As advocates of anti-imperialism, we must acknowledge and condemn the historical actions of both Europe and the USA that have contributed to the global inequities we face. Our commitment to a just and equitable world demands that we confront and challenge the oppressive legacies of these colonial and enslavement practices.

The party denounces and urges parliament to intervene in the actions being undertaken by the current administration. Exploiting vulnerable Kenyans for any purpose is unacceptable. President Ruto's actions in this regard must be rejected, and the government's focus should be on empowering its citizens, not auctioning them to willing buyers. Our commitment lies in advocating for policies that uplift the marginalized and create a fair and just society, addressing root causes of societal issues, including land problems and the need for investment in industries to create jobs and improve lives. Furthermore, there must be rigorous discourse in the public sphere with parliament engaging with the masses before such unilateral actions are undertaken. Of course, we recognize that this was done specifically without public involvement as the masses would readily recognize the actions for what they are, efforts to sabotage Haiti’s sovereignty, utilization of state instruments in the continual subjugation of the oppressed Haitian people and disruption of Pan-Africanism solidarity. We must therefore, intensify the struggle from below, emphasizing grassroots movements and collective action to bring about transformative change.

Moving forward, we stand resolute in our pursuit of justice and the dismantling of imperialist structures that perpetuate global exploitation and subjugation. We call on all revolutionary forces, people’s movements and organizations across the globe to unite in the struggle for a future that respects the sovereignty of nations, upholds human rights, and ensures the welfare of all people, regardless of their geographic location. The Communist Party of Kenya reaffirms our unwavering commitment to the principles of peace, justice, and sovereignty in Haiti.

Long live the struggles of Haitian People!

Long Live free, liberated Haiti!

Long live the struggle for justice and liberation!

In solidarity with the oppressed peoples of the world

The Communist Party of Kenya (CPK) is a political party registered in accordance with the Constitution of Kenya and Political Party’s Act of 2011. CPK is committed to uniting all Kenyans irrespective of their ethnic groups, class, gender and age to work for an alternative society away from the present unjust system; towards a society that realises the freedoms, human rights and development of each and all.

https://www.blackagendareport.com/chall ... ian-people

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Protests against French troops in Chad
September 6, 2023
Rybar

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In the north of Chad, in the city of Fay-Larjo, protests broke out against the military contingent stationed at the base of the French Armed Forces near the city.

French sources report that a member of the Chadian armed forces attacked a military nurse with a scalpel. As a result of the scuffle, the attacker was shot dead. After news of the incident , spontaneous demonstrations broke out , and some of the demonstrators marched towards the military base of the French Armed Forces.

There are reports that the Chadian army has already put down the protest using live ammunition . The number of victims has not yet been reported. The city has also imposed a curfew and introduced additional security measures.

Due to the general instability and wave of coups in the region, fears immediately arose in the media that tough and unpopular actions by the Chadian security forces could split the security forces and serve as an impetus for another coup . However, despite the growth of anti-French sentiment in society, the ruling Deby clan in Chad is still stable and firmly holds power .

Nevertheless, such incidents may well provoke a gradual withdrawal of the French Armed Forces from Chad. Earlier, we talked about the plans of the authorities of the Fifth Republic to withdraw the military contingent from Niger - part of it will immediately return to France, and not be relocated to Chad.

In the light of the new strategy of Paris to focus on the economy and reduce the military presence, it simply makes no sense for the French government to maintain a contingent in Chad.

However, in light of the activation of the Americans in Africa, with whose direct participation the recent coup in Gabon took place, as a result of which the once French assets come under the control of the United States, the French leadership will do everything possible so that, when the military contingent is withdrawn from Chad, it does not lose economic levers of control over local elites in the country.

https://rybar.ru/protesty-protiv-francz ... a-v-chade/

Google Translator

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Libya’s Attempt to Normalize Relations with the Zionist Entity is a Multilayered Treason
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on SEPTEMBER 6, 2023
Essam Elkorghli

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There are Arab governments going along with the U.S. push to normalize relations with Israel. But people throughout the region are adamantly opposed to such treachery, as the now suspended Foreign Minister of Libya discovered.

Following the destruction of Libya by NATO in 2011, the country has had consecutive governments that were parachuted into the country by the United Nations that serve the interest not of Libyans but of the transnational elite, lobbyists, and corrupt officials. The recent scandal of Libya’s Government of National Unity (GNU), spearheaded by Abd Alhamid Dbaiba, was the Foreign Minister of Libya’s meeting with Eli Cohen, the Foreign Minister of Israel (hereafter, “Zionist entity”) last week to seek normalization of relations. This must be seen as part of the US push in the region to launch a series of normalization of states with the Zionist entity, which has occurred with Morocco, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Sudan. Yet, this shameful act contradicts what Libya has historically stood up for, and that is the national liberation of Palestine and disposing of the Zionist settler colonialism.

A secret meeting in Italy

On Sunday, August 27, 2023, news broke out Libya’s Foreign Minister, Najla el-Mangoush , a student of the CIA-supported George Mason University , was in Italy and had a meeting that was cheered by the Foreign Minister of the Zionist entity. Given the secret nature of the meeting, el-Mangoush fled to Turkey on a private jet after the news became public. The Ministry’s Facebook page denied that this meeting was intentional and that it happened unplanned . However, this is not the first time where el-Mangoush met with Zionists and sought collaboration.

In 2011, she met with the Zionist French philosopher in Libya, Bernard Henry Levy, who was the mouthpiece for NATO intervention (who also happens to be cheering in Ukraine’s frontlines with Azov and in 2014’s Maidan protests; supported military intervention in Syria). Her committed anti-Libya policies are numerous. She called for the lynching of Black Libyans in 2011 under the pretext that they were “African mercenaries” – as if by the virtue of them being African and mercenaries legitimates such racist attacks, while forgetting that Libya is in Africa. In December 2022, she supported the extradition of a Libyan citizen to the US on the basis of allegations that he played a role in the 1988 Lockerbie Bombing,despite Libya not having an extradition agreement with the US.

Normalizing relations is a multilayered treason

Besides Libya’s law from 1957 that illegalizes the normalization, it is a treacherous act against numerous sacrifices Libyans have committed for Palestine and national liberation:

Normalizing relations with the Zionist entity is a treason against the thousands of Libyans who sacrificed their lives fighting settler colonialism in Palestine in 1948, 1956, 1967, and 1973. It is also a treason against Libya’s historic support in arms and logistics to Palestine throughout the 70s, 80s and 90s.
Normalizing relations is a treason against the Libyan workers who mobilized in 1965 to boycott West Germany’s ships and their products. And given the endless support the US provides the Zionist entity, these workers, alongside dock laborers, held a national strike in June 1967 that targeted American oil companies that resulted in the stoppage of oil export to the US. Making this the first lesson OPEC learned in later years to weaponize oil as a tool for imposing Non-Alignment and contesting US imperialism.
Normalizing relations is treason against the colonization of Yemen’s Socotra island by the UAE and the Zionists . The archipelago that houses unique nature and plants found nowhere else in the world, is now occupied by Zionist intelligence , further deepening Yemen’s proxy war.
Normalizing relations is a treason against the Arab cause of sovereignty as it approves of the Zionist frequent bombings of Syria.
Normalizing relations is treason against Africa and its history. The Zionists support separatists under the guise of Igbo’s Biafra liberation. Furthermore, before 1994, the apartheid regime in South Africa received support from the apartheid regime of the Zionist entity. And now, the Zionist entity is seeking observer status in the African Union (a quest vehemently rejected by Algeria and South Africa).
And most importantly, normalizing relations is treason against Palestine and its people, because it insinuates that Libya approves of the conditions of apartheid imposed on the Palestinian people .
Despite such an ill-studied geopolitical stunt by the GNU that assumed Libyans are apathetic to the inhumanity of the Zionists, mass protests erupted on Monday, August 28. A clear sign that Libyans are alive and care about Palestine. The protestors attacked the office of the Ministry, burned street tires, blockaded roads, and set ablaze Zionist flags and pictures of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The protests were not confined to the capital city of Tripoli, but the following days saw a furor against such a stunt in other major cities and towns. The government-backed militias cracked down and arrested more than 20 protestors. Considering that these protests are taking place at a time coinciding with the 54th commemoration of 1st September 1969 regime change that toppled the Libyan Monarchy, police physically barricaded popular squares in Tripoli to dissuade Libyans from using the momentum of this stunt to celebrate the 54th anniversary.

To understand imperialism, we must look at Palestine!

We must understand that Palestine, its sovereignty and struggle against settler colonialism is not a single issue. This struggle is entangled with imperialism, led by the US and supported by the functionaries of imperialism across the globe. The US annually provides the Zionists with more than $3.8 billion dollars for military purposes. Whereas the collective West jumps at any opportunity to sanction and isolate any revolutionary regime, they oppose the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction (BDS) movement. This double standard makes the so-called rules-based world order a farce. Further, any critiques of the apartheid regime carried out by the Zionists is defined as being anti-Semitic. Yet, sanctions and collective punishment on the people of Gaza goes unnoticed by the rules-based world order. Combining this double standard, sanctions, and blind eye to Zionist crimes is the cornerstone of imperialism. Normalizing relations with the Zionists is normalizing imperialism.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/09/ ... d-treason/

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Islamist Party Leaders Arrested by Tunisian Security

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The official news agency Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP) reported that Security agents arrested 63-year-old Harouni, also Tunisia's former transport minister, without mentioning the reasons. | Photo: @mena_trends

Published 6 September 2023 (15 hours 34 minutes ago)

The report was released a few hours after the arrest of Mondher Ounissi, the party's interim head, and the release of Hamadi Jebali, the party's former secretary-general and former prime minister


On Wednesday, Tunisia's Islamist party Ennahdha said that its Shura Council leader Abdel Karim Harouni was arrested after being placed under house arrest since Saturday.

The official news agency Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP) reported that Security agents arrested 63-year-old Harouni, also Tunisia's former transport minister, without mentioning the reasons.

The report was released a few hours after the arrest of Mondher Ounissi, the party's interim head, and the release of Hamadi Jebali, the party's former secretary-general and former prime minister.

According to TAP, Jebali was arrested on Tuesday in a home raid and released after being interrogated for seven hours by the judicial unit responsible for financial corruption cases.


According to official data, in February, Tunisian authorities arrested a large number of Ennahdha party leaders, including its president Rached Ghannouchi, his deputy Ali Al-Arayedh, and former Minister of Justice Noureddine Bhiri, on charges including conspiracy against state security.

Ennahdha, with the Shura Council being its highest-ranking body, was the largest party in the previous parliament that was dissolved by Tunisian President Kais Saied in July 2021.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Isl ... -0010.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Sat Sep 09, 2023 1:54 pm

MILEI IS A DANGER TO DEMOCRACY IN ARGENTINA: THE ECONOMIST
Sep 8, 2023 , 3:21 pm .

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According to The Economist, Milei's ideas are "poorly thought out" and it will be difficult for him to govern without consensus (Photo: Reuters)

The British weekly The Economist explained the reasons why the presidential candidate of La Libertad Avanza, Javier Milei, is "a danger to democracy in Argentina."

He pointed out that the much-touted dollarization that the character proposes, as well as the inability to establish alliances with other parties, leave the "anarcho-capitalist" candidate outside the institutional dynamics of the country. The Economist is an authority on political and economic matters from a liberal and neoliberal point of view, serves as a mouthpiece for the financial oligarchies of Western Europe and is one of the oldest media outlets in the United Kingdom.

Likewise, he said that beyond the public effervescence of the moment, conditioned by the economic crisis that is a breeding ground for "saviors" to appear with magical solutions, Milei's ideas are "badly thought out" and it would be difficult for him to govern without consensus.

The editorial argues that, although dollarization could end inflation, Milei "has no way of providing the necessary dollars" for this, since it could not even pay its debts to the IMF.

We must add the concern of Argentines that the "southern Trump" will become authoritarian. His links to genocidaires such as Antonio Bussi and those of his running mate and vice presidential candidate, Victoria Villarruel, to soldiers accused of atrocities during Argentina's military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983, do not help to purify his image either.

The Economist also noted that Milei "lacks the right temperament" to negotiate with the IMF, and the adjectives he and his entourage use toward his opponents give him an unnecessary radical image.

https://misionverdad.com/milei-es-un-pe ... -economist

Google Translator

Well, libertarianism is pretty poorly thought out too. I thought The Economist liked that sort of thing. Guess they're guarding the 'brand'.

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What if There Had Been No Coup in Chile in 1973?: The Thirty-Sixth Newsletter (2023)

SEPTEMBER 7, 2023

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Gracia Barrios (Chile), Multitud III (‘Multitude III’), 1972.

Dear friends,

Greetings from the desk of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research.

Imagine this scenario. On 11 September 1973, the reactionary sections of the Chilean army, led by General Augusto Pinochet and given a green light by the US government, did not leave their barracks. President Salvador Allende, who led the Popular Unity government, went to his office in La Moneda in Santiago to announce a plebiscite on his government and to ask for the resignation of several senior generals. Then, Allende continued his fight to bring down inflation and to realise his government’s programme to advance the socialist agenda in Chile.

Until the moment when the Chilean Army descended upon La Moneda in 1973, Allende and the Popular Unity government were in a pitched fight to defend Chile’s sovereignty, particularly over its copper resources and its land as they sought to raise sufficient funds to eradicate hunger and illiteracy and to produce innovative means to deliver health care and housing. In the Popular Unity programme (1970), the Allende government founded its charter:

The social aspirations of the Chilean people are legitimate and possible to satisfy. They want, for example, dignified housing without readjustments that exhaust their income; schools and universities for their children; sufficient wages; an end once and for all to high prices; stable work; timely medical attention; public lighting; sewers; potable water; paved streets and sidewalks; a just and operable social security system without privileges and without starvation-level pensions; telephones; police; children’s playgrounds; recreation areas; and popular vacationing and sea resorts.

The satisfaction of these just desires of the people – which, in truth, are rights that society must recognise – will be a preoccupation of high priority for the popular government.

Realising the ‘just desires of the people’ – a laudable objective – was possible amidst the public’s optimism for the Popular Unity government. Allende’s administration adopted a model that decentralised the government and mobilised the people to attain their own ‘just desires’. Had this model not been interrupted, the depositors in the government’s social security institutions would have remained on directive councils with oversight of these funds. Organisations of slum dwellers would have continued to inspect the operations of the housing department tasked with building quality housing for the working class. Old democratic structures would have continued to strengthen as the government used new technologies (such as Project Cybersyn) to create a distributed decision system. ‘It is not only about these examples’, the programme noted, ‘but about a new understanding in which the people participate in state institutions in a real and efficient way’.

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Roberto Matta (Chile), Hagámosnos la guerrilla interior para parir un hombre nuevo (‘Let’s Fight the Guerilla War Within Ourselves to Give Birth to a New Man’), 1970.

As Chile’s people, led by the Popular Unity government, took control over their economic and political lives and worked hard to improve their social and cultural worlds, they sent a flare into the sky announcing the great possibilities of socialism. Their advances mirrored those that had been attained in several other projects, such as in Cuba, and boosted the confidence of people across the Third World to test their own possibilities. The eradication of poverty and the creation of housing for every family was an inspiration for Latin America. Had the Popular Unity project not been cut short, it very well might have encouraged other left projects to demand the satisfaction of just desires in a world where it was possible to attain them. No longer would we live in a world of scarcity, which impedes the realisation of these desires. No Chicago Boys would have arrived with their noxious neoliberal agenda to experiment in the laboratory of a military regime. Popular mobilisations would have exposed the illegitimate desire of the capitalist class to impose austerity on the people in the name of economic growth. As Allende’s government expanded its agenda, driven by a decentralised government and by popular mobilisation, the ‘just desires’ of the people might have eclipsed the narrow greed of capitalism.

If there had been no coup in Chile, there might not have been coups in Peru (1975) and Argentina (1976). Without these coups, perhaps the military dictatorships in Bolivia, Brazil, and Paraguay would have withdrawn in the face of popular agitation, inspired by Chile’s example. Perhaps, in this context, the close relationship between Chile’s Salvador Allende and Cuba’s Fidel Castro would have broken Washington’s illegal blockade of revolutionary Cuba. Perhaps the promises made at the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) meeting in Santiago in 1972 might have been realised, among them the enactment of a robust New International Economic Order (NIEO) in 1974 that would have set aside the imperial privileges of the Dollar-Wall Street complex and its attendant agencies, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Perhaps the just economic order that was being put in place in Chile would have been expanded to the world.

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But the coup did happen. The military dictatorship killed, disappeared, and sent into exile hundreds of thousands of people, setting in motion a dynamic of repression that has been difficult for Chile to reverse despite the return to democracy in 1990. From being a laboratory for socialism, Chile – under the tight grip of the military – became a laboratory for neoliberalism. Despite its relatively small population of roughly ten million (a tenth of the size of Brazil’s population), the coup in Chile in 1973 had a global impact. At that time, the coup was not just seen as a coup against the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende, but as a coup against the Third World.

That is precisely the theme of our latest dossier, The Coup Against the Third World: Chile, 1973, produced in collaboration with Instituto de Ciencias Alejandro Lipschutz Centro de Pensamiento e Investigación Social y Política (ICAL). ‘The coup against Allende’s government’, we write, ‘took place not only against its own policy of the nationalisation of copper, but also because Allende had offered leadership and an example to other developing countries that sought to implement the NIEO principles’. At the third session of UNCTAD in Santiago (1972), Allende said that the mission of the conference was to replace ‘an obsolete and radically unjust economic and trade order with an equitable one that is based on a new concept of man and human dignity and to reformulate an international division of labour that is intolerable for the less advanced countries and that obstructs their progress while favouring only the affluent nations’. This was exactly the dynamic that was derailed by the coup in Chile as well as by other manoeuvres of the imperialist bloc. Instead of promoting an order ‘based on a new concept of man and human dignity’, these manoeuvres resulted in the murder of hundreds of thousands of people’s advocates (among them leftists, trade unionists, peasant leaders, environmental justice campaigners, and women’s rights activists) and prolonged the destiny of hunger and illiteracy, poor housing and medical care, and the general orientation of a culture of despair and toxicity.

Please read our dossier and share it. These dossiers – produced once a month – are a product of collaboration and hard work, a synthesis of how we, as an institute rooted in popular movements, see key events of our history. The art for this dossier comes from the Salvador Allende Solidarity Museum, which preserved art from the Popular Unity period and from the struggle against the coup. We are grateful to them, and to ICAL, for our collaborations based on solidarity and against the neoliberal ethic of parochial greed.

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Two weeks before the fiftieth anniversary of the coup in Chile, Guillermo Teillier, the president of the Communist Party of Chile (PC), died. At his funeral, the party’s general secretary Lautaro Carmona Soto described how Teillier – with the coup’s cordite still in the air – went to work in Valdivia to protect and then build the party as part of the broader resistance to the coup regime. In 1974, Teillier was arrested in Santiago and subsequently held and tortured for two years in the Academia de Guerra Aérea. For another year and a half, Tellier was held in concentration camps in Ritoque, Puchuncaví, and Tres Álamos. Released in 1976, he went into hiding and continued to build the party back to its fighting strength, joined the following year by PC leader Gladys Marín. This was dangerous work, made even more dangerous when Tellier took over as the leader of the party’s military commission, which managed the aid sent from Cuba to Chile and oversaw the creation and operations of the Manuel Rodríquez Patriotic Front (FPMR), the PC’s armed wing. Though attempts to assassinate Pinochet failed, broader work to build the movement for democracy succeeded. It is the bravery and sacrifice of people such as Tellier, Marín, and countless – and often nameless – others, that brought the dictatorship of Pinochet and the Chicago Boys to an end in 1990.

The 1973 coup in Chile destroyed lives and suspended a process of great promise. Today, that promise must be revived.

Warmly,

Vijay

https://thetricontinental.org/newslette ... 1973-coup/

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“Chile needs a communist party,” an interview with Lautaro Carmona, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Chile

Carmona reflects on the political situation in Chile amid increased right-wing attacks, the death of the CP’s president, and the 50th anniversary of the coup against Salvador Allende

September 08, 2023 by Taroa Zúñiga Silva, Vijay Prashad

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Members of the Young Communists of Chile accompanying the funeral of the CP President Guillermo Teillier. Photo: JCC
Lee en español aquí

On August 31, 2023, the President of the Communist Party of Chile Guillermo Teillier was buried in the historical cemetery of Recoleta. In this graveyard lies the remains of a range of important people, from former Chilean President Salvador Allende to the socialist singer Victor Jara. Both Allende and Jara were victims of the military coup d’état that took place 50 years ago on September 11, 1973. Teillier, who was tortured for several years in prison after the coup, went underground after his release and led the efforts of rebuilding the Communist Party (CP) underground (since it had been banned), its armed wing (El Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez), and the broader popular movement that led to the restoration of democracy in 1990. Chile’s President Gabriel Boric attended the memorial before Teillier’s burial and called for two days of national mourning on August 30 and 31 to mark the loss of Tellier, who he said lived a “dignified life.”

At the funeral, the Communist Party’s General Secretary Lautaro Carmona emphasized the importance of Tellier’s leadership—at great personal cost—in the fight against the military dictatorship and in the fight in the past three decades to revive a socialist project in Chile. Despite attempts to bury the legacy of the left—including the advances made by the Popular Unity government led by Salvador Allende (who served as president from 1970 to 1973), the communists—who are part of Boric’s government—continue to struggle to advance an agenda to establish sovereignty over Chile’s economy and to improve the everyday living conditions of the people of the country. This socialist project—which is written on the “las banderas Allendistas” (flags of Allendism), as Carmona said at the funeral—has recently been virulently attacked by the Chilean right-wing media outlets and the center-right.

Why has there been this fierce attack on the communists? When we spoke to Lautaro Carmona in his office in Santiago, near Plaza de la Dignidad, he provided us with a detailed explanation of the social and political context in the country. There is, he told us, a widespread view in the right-wing media that if they can sow doubt inside the government about the policies advanced by the Communist Party, then this would discredit the influence of the CP, tear apart the left, and allow the right to return to power for several electoral cycles. During Chile’s constitutional council election in May 2023, the right wing prevailed, but among the liberal and left parties, the Communist Party got the highest share of votes. That result and the key role that the communists play in the government of Boric, Carmona told us, is the reason why the right-wing media began this fierce campaign against the Communist Party.

The impact of the social explosion
In 2019, cascading protests broke out all over Chile. At the heart of the protests was a general sense of social despair, Carmona told us, one that mostly wracked the middle class. It was, he said, “an accumulation of frustration” with a system of permanent household debt being the only avenue to sustain a basic middle-class and lower-middle-class lifestyle. One of the key elements of this debt has been debt for education, which is why the protests demanded that the government find a way to lift this “invisible weight” from the shoulders of Chile’s youth. No government—not even the center-left governments of Michelle Bachelet (2014-2018) or Gabriel Boric (who came to power in 2022)—has been able to address this problem of educational debt. Proposals made to eradicate student loans are often tied to other issues—such as tax reform—and they scuttle any forward movement for debt relief. “If you want to solve in your lifetime the problem of your debt, you have to take another loan,” Carmona said. The crisis of finances in Chile does not yet impact the financial sector, but its cost debilitates the lives of millions of Chileans.

These protests, Carmona said, need to be understood clearly. They demonstrate that a large section of the Chilean population has an “implicit level of consciousness” about their situation. The unhappiness with the system has been demonstrated in a range of ways, from the demonstrations (which were significantly halted by the pandemic), from the election of Gabriel Boric in 2022, and from the demand—imposed by the street—for a new constitution. The public mood has remained frustrated with the existing debt system, but the political embodiment of this mood oscillated dramatically from support for the center-left Broad Front election campaign in 2022 to the vote for the right-wing Republican Party during the May 2023 campaign for the constitutional council.

The attack on the communists
The attack on the Communist Party in Chile is not new, as documented by Iván Ljubetic Vargas in El Partido Comunista de Chile (2014). Founded in 1912 as a worker’s party and renamed the Communist Party in 1922, the CP was first banned from 1927 to 1931, then again from 1948 to 1958. On September 22, 1973, 11 days after the coup, the military declared all Marxist parties to be illegal. The military assassinated six members of the CP’s central committee and disappeared 11 others in 1976.

The current attack on the CP builds on this long history of repression. The right wing, Carmona told us, wants to use this attack on the party not only to dispute the views of the party but also to isolate the party from other sectors with which the CP has built alliances.

With the resumption of democracy in Chile, the Communist Party made the case for its legality with the slogan, “Chile needs a Communist Party.” Carmona told us that the CP might need to revive that campaign because it should not underestimate the attack against it. The right-wing wants to deepen the neoliberal model in Chile, a model that the communists are trying to undermine from within Boric’s government. The party, Carmona said, faces two risks: “first, by not giving the attack enough importance, and second by believing that just because it is a campaign based on lies it is going to be ineffectual.”

There is a social problem that Chile must confront. Only 30 percent of Chile’s population was alive during the coup years, which means a majority might underestimate the danger of the right-wing, which continues to defend the coup and its neoliberal policies. The overall media landscape, with its frivolous programs on television and in the right-wing newspapers, Carmona told us, is not serious about the challenges facing the country. The social movements and the unions, he said, are weakened, and often passive in their approach. Whether the people of Chile—along with the communists who have taken to the streets—will be able to overcome the deep legacies of the coup is not yet clear.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2023/09/08/ ... -of-chile/

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The Communist Parties against progressivism in Latin America
ANGEL CHÁVEZ, DIRECTOR OF EL MACHETE NEWSPAPER 17.Aug.23 Fight against social democracy

We communists do not exist to embellish capitalism through the endless logic of reforms to the capitalist mode of production; our objective is the collapse of the old world to proceed with the construction of socialism.

The Communist Parties against progressivism in Latin America [1]

The current political landscape in Latin America is facing a new wave of progressivism, and both its promoters and those who welcome this phenomenon argue that this means a respite from the dynamics of exploitation and oppression of neoliberalism. Progressivism is undoubtedly a respite, but not for the working class but for capitalism, since this type of management allows the bourgeoisie to rebuild its domination by showing a supposed "human face" of the capitalist system, which without diminishing exploitation or disrupting the essence of it allows to contain the outbursts of the working class. This is what happened with the mobilizations in Chile in 2019 and in Colombia in 2021,

We communists do not exist to embellish capitalism through the endless logic of reforms to the capitalist mode of production; our objective is the collapse of the old world to proceed with the construction of socialism.

Progressive governments are the political response used by the bourgeoisie to restore its class domination in the face of the insubordination of the working class, peasants, native peoples and all sectors of the exploited whose social problems derive from capitalism. The monopolies, to avoid a revolutionary way out, accompany the continuity of the exploitation with the delivery of perks, always temporary and insufficient and increasingly limited and unsustainable in the long term. This is what happened with the progressive governments of Latin America; there was no change in the economic structure of society, capitalist relations continued to dominate, the only difference was that the US monopolies were replaced by those of the EU, by those of China or Russia, and they sought to strengthen the bourgeoisie of the progressive countries with the creation of inter-state alliances such as ALBA, CELAC, TCP, UNASUR, SUCRE, or the strengthening of MERCOSUR, which had a clear class definition in favor of capitalism. The presence of Cuba in these alliances does not modify its capitalist essence.

The establishment of progressive governments depends in part on the desires and need that the workers have for a transformation, and on the other hand that it is the type of management that suits capital to ensure its domination. But that the deception of progressivism is not sustained among the workers as a supposed alternative depends on the work of the communists, to demonstrate the class character of this type of government and its impotence to solve the problems of the workers, those who only reach a solution under a new social system. In other words, it is up to the communists to demonstrate the anti-worker and anti-popular character of all bourgeois governments, including progressive ones.

With the progressive governments, not only did progress towards the overthrow of capitalism not be made, but also the communist parties that, abandoning their class independence, decided to collaborate and even submit to these bourgeois governments, were weakened and dismantled. Said weakening occurred, in some cases, through the explicit collaboration of the communists in these bourgeois efforts, either through ministers or in some other way that implied joining the government headed by the progressives. In other cases it happened that – under the justifications of supporting the arrival of a “less reactionary” government (in the logic of the lesser evil), not moving away from the masses or the possibility of obtaining better conditions for the development of revolutionary tasks – the communists decided to support progressivism and therefore,

During the progressive administrations, some communist forces were weakened by being captured or integrated into the bourgeois governments through "broad fronts"; There were also cases where the bourgeoisie sought to dilute the revolutionary forces in multi-class parties, something that Hugo Chávez attempted when he tried to get the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) to join the Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). Another consequence has been that the Communist Parties, faced with the fait accompli of the non-existence of concessions from the progressive government in turn, oriented their work in support of these governments, organically weakening and strengthening the bourgeois project labeled as progressive.

The weaknesses in the organizational and numerical field, when they are the product of repression or the hegemonic condition of the bourgeoisie, it is possible to reverse them by preserving a revolutionary identity and politics, as demonstrated by the Bolsheviks who managed to lead the seizure of political power. even though the POSDR was a small group before the October Revolution. This does not mean that the communist parties do not aspire to a numerical strength and an important organizational development, but that even more serious than the organizational delay is the ideological one; If the revolutionary program is abandoned, despite favorable numerical and organizational conditions, the essentials are lost and with it the potential to organize the revolutionary change towards socialism. Some organizations of the Second International,

Progressivism, like any government or management of a bourgeois nature, could not resolve the class contradictions between capital and labor. It often happens that, when the insubordination of the workers emerges, the communist parties –trapped with progressivism or stuck in opportunism in general– are weakened as a result of the reduction in their revolutionary character, therefore unable to direct and concretize a process revolutionary based on such processes of insubordination. In some cases it has happened that the communist forces, integrated into progressivism, join in containing the protests, demonstrating that they have fully passed over to the camp of opportunism, to the camp of the enemies of the working class.

The monopolies use the progressive governments to contain the insubordination of the workers, and if the communists do not maintain their class independence, a revolutionary program, a clarity in the strategy and a harmony between it and their tactics, the subordination to the bourgeoisie and their political forces will constitute a heavy blow against. It is time to take stock of the relationship between the communist parties and progressive governments; considering also that the communist forces that maintain a revolutionary program, seek progress in their political-ideological action and confront progressivism, have suffered the repression of the bourgeois State; as is currently the case in Venezuela, where the PSUV is launching an attack against the PCV.

The Communist Party of Mexico (PCM) considers that progressivism has a bourgeois class character, and therefore it must be confronted in the same way that it is done with other types of bourgeois management. Progressivism does not contribute to progress towards socialism, on the contrary. It is the responsibility of the Communist Parties to clarify all the essential aspects of the class struggle, as well as the nature of the social forces of the bourgeoisie designed to alleviate the turbulence of the capitalist mode of production.

The strengthening of the communist parties involves raising our own political program, affirming our revolutionary perspective of breaking with capital: making it clear to the working class that the differences between the different forms of capitalist management are always secondary and that the true change is represented by the communists. Thus, before the new wave of progressivism, we must clarify to the workers that, as with previous progressive governments, social democracy and progressivism will not resolve the worker-popular problems; that the way out of all the ills that workers suffer today is not found within the framework of capitalism, but in the construction of a new society, socialism-communism.

[1] Paper for the III International Ideological Seminar: "The contemporary ideological struggle and the central role of the proletariat as a revolutionary subject in capitalism" . The seminar was held at the headquarters of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) on November 2, 2022, prior to the XVI Congress of the PCV. The text was prepared prior to the VII Congress of the PCM, held in December 2022; In the documents of said congress, the debate on progressivism was concluded, which is addressed in several of the topics outlined in this text.


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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 27, 2023 2:32 pm

Back to Business As Usual: The US Is Once Again Vigorously Stirring the Pot in Its Own “Backyard”
Posted on September 26, 2023 by Nick Corbishley

From Peru to Uruguay, to Ecuador and Guyana, the US is seeking to rebuild its strategic influence in Latin America, one gun at a time.

Last week, the head of U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), Army Gen. Laura Richardson, visited Peru, a country that is in the grip of arguably its worst political crisis of this still-fledgling century. The country has witnessed wave after wave of anti-government protests followed by brutal, sometimes deadly, crackdowns by security forces since the US-greenlit removal of the democratically elected President Pedro Castillo in December. It also recently played host to a joint military exercise involving an unprecedented number of US troops.

With a record low approval rating of just 10% and a record high disapproval rating of 82%, Castillo’s replacement as president, his former deputy, Dina Boluarte, is weak. She is still under investigation for the deaths of dozens of pro-Castillo protesters in the early months of her government and refuses to hold elections until 2026 despite previous pledges to bring the vote forward. In the face of rising public discontent, her government recently proposed changes to the penal code that could, in their current form, allow for the prosecution of any citizen who calls for a protest march and any journalist who reports on it.


Washington, of course, is looking the other way.

During her stay in Lima, Gen Richardson met with Peru’s Secretary of Defence Jorge Chavez, senior armed forces leaders and the commanders of the Peruvian air force, navy and army, to discuss the “longstanding U.S.-Peru defence partnership.” Meanwhile, Boluarte was in New York spinning a web of lies and half truths, including a rapidly debunked claim that she had held an official meeting with Joe Biden on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly when in reality all they had shared was a photo op.

But relations between the US and Peru are stronger than ever. By the end of last week, the US Embassy in Peru had published a press release announcing a new agreement between US Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) and the government of Peru to collaborate in transnational criminal investigations through the establishment of a Transnational Criminal Investigation Unit (TCIU). According to the press release, HSI’s TCIUs help further HSI’s global mission by bringing in foreign partners to help investigate and prosecute individuals involved in transnational criminal activities.

A New Escalation in Washington’s War on Drugs?

The move comes as Republican lawmakers and right-wing pundits are busily psychologically prepping the US public for a fresh escalation in the war on drugs. Droves of high-profile figures, including arch neocon and regime change-specialist Lindsay Graham, presidential candidates Donald Trump and Ron de Santis, and media pundit Tucker Carlson, have been calling for direct, overt US military intervention against Mexico’s drug cartels in order to stem the flow of fentanyl.

In an op-ed for the Wall Street Journal in March, former Attorney General (under both George HW Bush and Donald Trump) William Barr likened Mexico’s “narco-terrorists” to Isis and called for “a far more aggressive American effort inside Mexico than ever before.” Barr also called AMLO the cartel’s “chief enabler” for refusing to wage war against the cartels with quite the same zeal as his predecessors.

Barr is hardly one to talk given his central role in burying evidence of then-President George HW Bush’s involvement in the “Iraqgate” and “Iron-Contra” scandals, the latter of which involved the trafficking of huge volumes of cocaine to the US by the Contras, as the hand-written notebooks of Oliver North, the National Security Council aide who helped run the contra war, amply show. Years later, courageous journalists like Gary Webb and Robert Parry would show that the CIA was also heavily involved in bringing crack cocaine into the US.

Back to today, it goes without saying that the real driving motivation behind the latest calls to expand the war on drugs is not to stem the flow of drugs into the US, or to tackle the escalating violence of drug cartels across Latin America — if Washington was serious about that, all it would have to do is pass legislation to stem the southward flow of US-produced guns and other weapons. But that would hurt the profits of arms manufacturers. And if it was serious about tackling drug addiction, it would never have let Big Pharma unleash the opium epidemic in the first place. And once it had, it would never have let the perps walk free with the daintiest of financial slaps on the wrists.

No, this is primarily about what the US war on drugs has always been about: pursuing geopolitical and geostrategic dominance in key regions of the world while controlling and imprisoning for serious sums of money the restive populace at home. This is a point that is explained elegantly by Jorge Retana Yarto, a former director of the Intelligence School for National Security of Mexico’s Centre for National Intelligence (CNI), in an article for the news website Contralinea:

The ideology of the “war” on drugs and organized crime in the United States is an immense fabrication. That does not mean that the problems linked to the multinational trafficking of prohibited drugs and the criminal organizations that have specialized in it, and everything that this entails, do not exist. They exist and are very acute, but both phenomena were ideologized for the purposes of geopolitical and geostrategic dominance, and were imposed through exportable reactive and punitive public policies in matters of intelligence and security, causing social, political-institutional, cultural and economic devastation. By assuming a military dimension, (the War on Drugs) laid the foundations for armed intervention in the Latin American region and converted the territories, as well as national sovereignties, into areas of geostrategic action.

Right now, Peru is undoubtedly a key area of geostrategic action. Just four months ago, as readers may recall, the Boluarte government authorised the entry of more than 1,000 armed US military personnel, 11 US military aircraft, two boats, two trucks, rockets, grenades, detonators, satellite communication equipment, machine guns, pistols and ammunition onto Peruvian soil, ostensibly to take part in Resolute Sentinel 2023, a military exercise that was held across a number of regions of Peru between June and August.

I wouldn’t be surprised if the visiting US troops also provided Peru’s security forces with special sessions on crowd control and crisis management. But there is also a clear geopolitical agenda at work. According to an in-depth article in the Peruvian weekly newspaper Hildebrandt en sus trece (which we covered here), the main purpose of the US troops’ mobilisation was as a show of force to Washington’s main strategic rivals, Russia and China, which are “eroding” US influence in the region.

“There is a global political confrontation between the United States and China and Russia,” Wilson Barrantes, former director of Peru’s National Intelligence Directorate (DINI), told the weekly magazine. “Peru is key because we are located at a strategic point in the Pacific basin, serving as a gateway for China as well as an access point to Brazil’s huge market on the Atlantic seaboard.”

Expanding US Influence, One Gun at a Time

On the same day that Peru’s government signed an agreement with the US Homeland Security Department to combat transnational crime together, the Argentine media outlet Infobae reported that the United States Security Force Assistance Brigade (SFAB) — a specialized US Army unit formed in 2017 to conduct security force assistance (SFA) missions with allied and partner nations — is looking to launch operations in Uruguay in the near future.

“The US Army’s Southern Command is working to establish the first exchange opportunity with Uruguay in 2024, in order to continue strengthening the partnership between our armies and advance shared national security objectives,” said Kerri Spindler-Ranta, the Press, Education and Culture Counselor of the US Embassy in Uruguay.

Founded in 2017, the SFAB initially operated in Afghanistan and Iraq as part of the US War on Terror in the Middle East. But predictably enough, their role was rapidly expanded to many other regions, including Africa, Asia and Europe, where SFAB units have been advising and training Ukrainian soldiers in Germany and other NATO member countries. The SFAB landed for the first time in Latin America in 2020 as a deployment to Ivan Duque’s Colombia.

But the soldiers were not exactly welcomed by the local population, many of whom feared that the US was seeking to sabotage Colombia’s peace process. Senator Iván Cepeda described the arrival of the SFAB as an “invasive and hostile presence on our territory” and a violation of Colombia’s constitution. Colombia’s Supreme Court initially suspended any authorization for the military contingent to carry out activities in Colombian territory, but Colombia’s Foreign Ministry successfully challenged the ruling.

In short order, SOUTHCOM launched additional SFABs in Honduras and Panama. But the stationed US soldiers did not always mentor the local forces in ways Army brass would have wanted, reports Army Times:

The 800-soldier unit racked up at least 60 misconduct offenses, including incidents with alcohol, drugs and adultery; a battalion commander was fired; members of one advising team are facing punishment for their behavior in Colombia; and another team’s actions in Honduras are under investigation, according to internal records and interviews conducted by Army Times.

Advisors deployed to Central and South America were told in late 2021 to behave amid a rise in sexually transmitted diseases among married and single troops, and a Colombian officer had to ask that advisors not use drugs at their hotel.


Which is kind of ironic, all things considered. According to a recently published US Army document cited by Infobae, SOUTHCOM is now looking to open new SFABs in Uruguay, Peru and Ecuador. The document argues that the expanded presence of SFAB units in Latin America will help counteract the influence of other nations in the region. It is not hard to guess which nations it is talking about.

Back to Business As Usual

For the best part of the first two decades of this century, the US government showed relatively little interest in what it used to call its own “backyard” (Biden now calls it the US’s “front yard”). Put simply, it had more important priorities, most notably the Global War on Terror. While Washington shifted its focus and resources away from its immediate neighborhood to the Middle East, where it squandered trillions spreading mayhem and death and breeding a whole new generation of terrorists, China began massively expanding its influence and economic footprint in Latin America.

Two decades later, the Asian giant is already South America´s largest trading partner. As Reuters reported in June 2022, if you take Mexico out of the equation, China has already overtaken the US as Latin America’s largest trading partner. Excluding Mexico, total trade flows — i.e., imports and exports — between China and Latin America reached $247 billion last year, far in excess of the US’ $173 billion.

Unlike the US, China generally does not try to dictate how its trading partners should behave and what sorts of rules, norms, principles and ideology they should adhere to. What China does — or at least has by and large done over the past few decades until now — is to trade with and invest in countries that have goods — particularly commodities — it covets. Until now, it has worked a treat.

The US is now keen to turn back the clock — not through mutually beneficial trade but rather one-sided security partnerships. In May 2019, Admiral Craig Faller, then head of SOUTHCOM, presented an internal document called “Enduring Promise for the Americas.” It outlined a plan for winning back allies in Latin America and the Caribbean up to 2027 with the goal of “improving security, protecting the US homeland and our national interests.” Just call it business as usual.

At the beginning of this year, Admiral Fuller’s successor at the helm of SOUTHCOM, Army Gen. Laura Richardson, gave a speech at the Atlantic Council in which she unveiled a tweaked version of the Monroe Doctrine. The original doctrine held that any intervention in the political affairs of the Americas by European foreign powers was a potentially hostile act against the United States. Now, the US is applying the same doctrine to China and Russia, whom US SOUTHCOM intends to “box out” from the region’s strategic resources.

A Possible Flashpoint

One potential flashpoint could be the small former British colony Guyana, formerly known as British Guyana. Sandwiched between Venezuela to the west, the Atlantic Ocean to the north, Suriname to the east and Brazil to the south and southwest, Guyana is the third-smallest sovereign state by area in mainland South America after Uruguay. It is also one of the least densely populated countries on the planet. Yet it is now being treated to state visits by top US officials like Secretary of State Anthony Blinken and USAID Administrator Samantha Power.

Guess why?

That’s right: it has huge, unexploited oil deposits just off its coastline.

Discovered by a consortium led by Exxon Mobil in 2015, whose partners include China’s CNOOC, the deposits have transformed Guyana into one of the world’s biggest offshore oil producers. The country has already seen its economy soar thanks to the discovery, which has so far led to the production of nearly 400,000 barrels of oil a day by the Exxon-led consortium. According to U.S. Geological Survey estimates, Guyana’s coastal area has roughly 13.6 billion barrels of oil reserves and 32 trillion cubic feet of gas reserves just waiting to be drilled.

For a country with a population of just 805,000 and a GDP of slightly less than $10 billion, it is a huge bonanza. But there’s just one problem: a vast chunk of its territory, called El Esequibo, has also been claimed by Venezuela for the past 200 years, ever since Venezuela gained independence from Spain. That is where most of the oil lies and the Maduro government says it belongs to Venezuela, which already boasts the world’s largest oil reserves (an estimated 304 billion barrels). And on this matter, it has the overwhelming support of the opposition parties.

Tensions between the two countries recently came to a boil after Guyana’s government announced it was opening bids for 14 additional offshore blocks, even as the International Court of Justice weighs up each country’s claims to the territory. The bidders included Exxon and its partners, a consortium led by French-owned Total Energies as well companies and groups based in the US, Ghana, Saudi Arabia, Guyana and London.

Venezuela was livid, arguing that the offshore blocks awarded are in disputed areas. The country’s National Assembly accused Guyana of “behaving like a franchise of the North American oil transnational Exxon Mobil, whose interests are, essentially, the appropriation of the existing oil in this territory, which is still pending resolution of the controversy, putting peace in the region at risk.”

The war of words is escalating. In his speech to the UN General Assembly in New York this past weekend, Venezuela’s Foreign Minister Yvan Gil said (emphasis my own):

“Two days ago, Venezuela’s National Assembly unanimously decided to call our people to vote in a consultative referendum to ratify the defense of our sovereign territory against the aggressions of the American empire, which wants to lead us to a war for natural resources.”

Washington, as one might expect, is stirring the pot. After the Maduro government announced plans to hold the referendum, Assistant Secretary of State Brian Nichols tweeted:
Brian A. Nichols

@WHAAsstSecty
·
Follow
The U.S. supports Guyana’s sovereign right to develop its own natural resources. Efforts to infringe upon Guyana’s sovereignty are unacceptable. We call on Venezuela to respect international law, including the 1899 arbitral award & the ongoing ICJ process btwn Guyana & Vzla. -BAN
2:45 PM · Sep 20, 2023
The US is Guyana’s largest trading partner as well as main security partner. As Guyana President Irfaan Ali said at a joint press conference with Anthony Blinken, “the United States has played a tremendous role in the training of our security forces… We are committed to continuing this partnership, expanding this partnership, building stronger relationship (sic) and trust, creating greater network (sic).”

But China has also significantly expanded its trade and investment with Guyana, making it Beijing’s largest trading partner in the Caribbean region — a fact that has not gone unnoticed in Washington.

A few weeks ago, the US Ambassador to Guyana, Sarah-Ann Lynch, a 25-year USAID veteran, raised the Biden Administration’s concerns about the rising influence of Chinese businesses in Guyana as well as the Caribbean region as a whole. “Clearly, China’s footprint is growing in Guyana, as well as the rest of the Caribbean,” Lynch said at a press conference before urging companies in the South American country to take advantage of the superior business opportunities available with American companies.

In the meantime, the territorial dispute over Guyana is once again straining relations between the governments of Venezuela and the United States, with Caracas accusing Washington of “insolent meddling” in the dispute, just at a time when specialists and politicians were beginning to glimpse possibilities of progress in the negotiations facilitated by the Kingdom of Norway.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2023/09 ... erica.html

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President Daniel Ortega challenges Petro to shutdown U.S. military bases
September 13, 2023Daniel

Below is a transcript of the remarks of President Daniel Ortega at the National Police parade: “Don’t Trifle With Peace” 44th Anniversary of the founding of the National Police held in Managua on September 12, 2023.

Address by Daniel

Good evening, Nicaraguan brothers and sisters. Today, at the opening of this Event, the National Police Parade on its 44th Anniversary, we have received the Torch of Liberty on the 167th Anniversary of the struggle in Central America against the Yankee invaders. And, together with this Torch traveling through Central America goes the Spirit of General José Dolores Estrada, goes the Spirit of Andrés Castro, goes the Spirit, the Courage, the Heroism of those who gave their lives to defend their Nation.

Beloved brother, Compañero First Commissioner Francisco Díaz, Head of the National Police; beloved brother, Compañero Army General Julio César Avilés Castillo; beloved Brother, Compañero, Doctor Gustavo Porras, President of the National Assembly; beloved brothers, Compañeros Commissioner General Horacio Rocha, Commissioner General Zhukov Serrano; Minister of the Interior, Compañera Amelia Coronel, beloved Compañera, beloved sister; beloved brothers, Major General Bayardo Rodríguez, Chief of the General Staff of the Nicaraguan Army, and beloved sister of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua, First Secretary of the National Assembly, Loria Dixon.

Also joining us here are our Compañera Alba Luz Ramos Vanegas, Magistrate and President of the Supreme Court of Justice; Heroic Compañera Brenda Isabel Rocha Chacón, Magistrate and President of the Supreme Electoral Council; Commissioner General Aldo Sáenz, Deputy Director General of the National Police; Commissioner General Jaime Vanegas Vega, Inspector General of the National Police; our beloved Compañera, guerrilla fighter in the insurrection and today Attorney General of the Republic, Ana Julia Guido Ochoa.

Beloved Comrade General in Retirement, but giving battle at the international level, leading the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nicaragua, also a fellow guerrilla fighter and combatant in the war of the 1980s, General Denis Moncada Colindres.

Our recognition to the guerrilla and brigade Comandante, our brother René Vivas Lugo. He comes from guerrilla combat and also comes from the defense of the Revolution from the Yankee aggression of the 1980s.

Beloved guerrilla Comandante Doris Tijerino Haslam, a Nicaraguan Hero.

Beloved brother and sister members of the Cabinet of our Government of Reconciliation and National Unity; beloved Members of the National Police Council; beloved brother and sister founders of the National Police; beloved Police Chiefs in honorable retirement; beloved members of the Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Republic of Nicaragua; Defense, Military, Naval, Air and Police Attachés, accredited to the Republic of Nicaragua.

Police Chiefs in Honorable Retirement; sisters and brothers all; brother Lumberto Campbell, guerrilla Comandante.

These are times of challenges, of difficulties testing the revolutionary mettle of those who in our region of Latin America and the Caribbean at some point even took up arms to overthrow a pro-imperialist government in the service of Capital, in the service of drug trafficking.

There are those who have stood firm throughout history, as all of you have stood firm, beloved brothers and sisters of the National Police, brothers and sisters of the Army, Sandinista sisters and brothers. Others take part for a while but when the conditions become adverse, then cowardice makes them change sides, cowardice makes them become agents of the Yankee Empire, and makes them betrayers, they betray themselves, betray those who gave their lives when they were leading those guerrilla movements.

Without beating about the bush, I want to refer to the person who is today the President of Colombia, yes, he was a guerrilla, incredibly, he was a guerrilla and a guerrilla victim of the campaigns of the pro-imperialist ruling class in Colombia, among all the guerrilla movements that emerged from the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces, headed by someone who never backed down and who died in combat, Comandante Manuel Marulanda Velez, to whom I had the honor of awarding the Order of Sandino in the mountains of Colombia, pinning it on his chest.

Those are the indispensable ones. The others become detritus, after struggles that they led, like Petro, where many Colombian brothers and sisters fell in combat, giving battle out of their heart, their conscience, their dignity.

Well, now Petro has become President of Colombia, a State serving the Yankees, a State that is full, full yes, of military bases of the Yankee Empire, but when he was fighting with the guerrillas Petro said that he was anti-imperialist .

So what are you waiting for, Petro, to get rid of the Yankee military bases in Colombia? He has changed sides, and the turncoats are banding together, now they feel burned as if by a chili pepper after I told the truth yesterday, that the Chilean military and the carabineros have been murderers, that they murdered an entire people and an entire political project 50 years ago when they staged the coup d’état against the Martyr Hero President, Salvador Allende. They’ve become upset because I said they were criminals.

If with the government of this other individual, who is supposed to come from the Left, because Leftist forces, forces of the People supported him in the electoral struggle, I am referring to this other individual, who swore he was going to punish the murderers of young people, of Chile’s Youth who are always giving and have indeed been giving the battle, of the Chilean Revolutionaries who have given and continue to give the battle, because they know that Chile is not a democracy.
Chile is still kept in chains by the laws left behind by Pinochet, it is still chained to imperialism, that is the truth, and they must accept it. And the Chile’s Youth, the revolutionary forces who maintain their principles know this and continue the fight.

And those carabineros whom the Chilean government says are angels and are beloved by the Chilean people, under the government of the previous president, under Piñera, back then the current President of Chile was shouting out, criticizing Piñera and saying that if he came to govern he would put him in prison and that he was going to put an end to the carabineros. Why? Because under the Piñera government more than 9,000 young people were repressed by the Carabineros in the streets of Santiago and other cities, losing their sight, blinded. Those are crimes that you can’t cover up, Boric, you can’t cover it up, Boric. You are a mini-Pinochet, Boric, that’s what you are, a mini-Pinochet.

And the other individual, Petro, what a shame, a disgrace, a shame for those who fought in the guerrilla movement that he led, for those who gave their lives in the guerrilla movement that he led. He has betrayed their blood! Show everyone, Petro, that you have some dignity and expel and close the Yankee bases that you have there in Colombia!

That indeed is a failed state, as they say, where people are murdered every day, students are murdered every day, teachers are murdered, peasants are murdered, every day we hear news of how they are murdered there in Colombia, every day. And it is also a State that is crossed out, of course, since the Yankees are there and the biggest consumers of drugs are the Yankees, no doubt they also do good business out of the drug trade, because it is a State totally complicit in drug trafficking.

The Yankees have a false, hypocritical attitude regarding the fight against drug trafficking and money laundering, because in the United States the biggest banks receive the largest amounts of the billions and billions of dollars from the drug traffickers, but no one closes those banks, not even when there is a law suit against them. What happens? They get a fine.

In other words, there is a combination of a lack of Values, a lack of Conscience, a lack of Humanity, firstly on the part of Yankee imperialism, and then, secondly, from these traitors, sell-outs, turncoats, who betrayed the compañeras and compañeros who gave their lives in combat for the guerrilla forces they led. That other individual has not, that fellow Boric has not been a guerrilla, since after all he is a “golillero”, a “golillerito”, that fellow Boric.

Now, beloved Nicaraguan brothers and sisters, we are going to receive our brothers and sisters of the National Police in their parade, today, on the 44th Anniversary of their foundation. Proceed, General Diaz!

By Kawsachun News

https://kawsachunnews.com/president-dan ... tary-bases

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Peruvian President Boluarte to Testify on Deaths in Protests

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Peruvian President Dina Boluarte (C), 2023. | Photo: X/ @Politica_LR

Published 27 September 2023

She must respond in an investigation into the commission of crimes such as genocide, qualified homicide, and abuse of authority.

On Wednesday, Peruvian President Dina Boluarte will respond to the summons from the Prosecutor's Office regarding the 49 deaths in direct confrontations with law enforcement and the 77 fatalities during protest mobilizations that occurred between December and March.

The Prosecutor's Office summoned Boluarte to testify in the preliminary investigation it has initiated against her and other high-ranking officials for the alleged commission of crimes such as genocide, qualified homicide, and abuse of authority.

Boluarte has been summoned this Wednesday to the main headquarters of the Prosecutor's Office in downtown Lima, starting at 9:00 AM. The Head of the Council of Ministers, Alberto Otarola, confirmed that Boluarte will attend the summons.

"President Boluarte sends warm greetings. She is preparing to attend a judicial proceeding due to the decisions she made in defense of democracy," Otarola said.

The Prosecutor's Office also summoned Otarola for the same case on Wednesday at 2:30 PM, but he has not commented on the matter.


Boluarte had previously appeared at the Prosecutor's Office twice in the context of this investigation. However, on March 7, she did not provide a statement because she was awaiting the resolution of a rights protection request filed by the Public Defender's Office, which requested her inclusion in the investigation based on Otarola's statement.

On June 6, Boluarte responded for approximately three hours before the Public Ministry. Afterward, her lawyer, Joseph Campos, told the media that the Peruvian president expected to be excluded from the investigations.

PM Otorola stated that the work stoppage in mining companies due to protests was caused by "very small and violent groups that sowed destruction and immobility" in various southern regions, using unaddressed social demands as a pretext.

"But we all know it was in support of the coup attempt by the former president Pedro Castillo, and to overthrow the new regime," he added, referring to the ousted former leader for his attempted coup in December.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Per ... -0002.html
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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Oct 16, 2023 2:11 pm

US SOUTHCOM Chief Criticized for Attacks on Telesur, RT, Sputnik in Interview With Pro-War Think Tank
OCTOBER 15, 2023

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US Southern Command Chief General Laura Richardson in an interview with US warmongering think tank Foundation for Defense of Democracies, October 11, 2023. Photo: Facebook/US Southern Command.

Head of the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) General Laura Richardson lashed out at media outlets Russia Today (RT), Sputnik, and the Latin American channel Telesur in an interview for a pro-war US think tank. She claimed that the aforementioned channels “do not practice journalism of justification or verification,” but “spread disinformation” and “undermine democracies throughout the hemisphere.”

“In Latin America, there are more than 31 million followers of Sputnik Mundo, Russia Today, and Telesur,” Richardson said. “They do not practice journalism of justification or verification. They spread disinformation. They undermine democracies throughout the hemisphere, and we have to do better than that. We have to do something in the region that is very specific, that promulgates democracies and how democracies benefit people.”

The US general made these remarks on October 11 at an event called Latin America’s China Challenge, held by the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), a neoconservative, hawkish US think tank that publishes foreign policy research on North Korea, Iran, Russia, Afghanistan, and other areas of US interest. FDD is also registered as a lobbying organization and is part of the Israel lobby in the United States.

The president of Telesur, journalist Patricia Villegas, condemned Richardson’s statements. Villegas shared Richardson’s comments in a post on X, stating, “Ms. Richardson talks about things that do not concern her and openly shows her position on media outlets, such as Telesur, that have an ideology that will never depend on her office.”


“The media outlets that she named, and particularly Telesur, have great global and regional recognition, for being the voice of a people increasingly interested in their own history and in understanding the contexts of reality,” Villegas continued. “These objectives are opposed to the interference of the US Southern Command.”

She also emphasized that “no attempt to discredit us will keep Telesur away from the path and commitment to the construction of a region that has become a large homeland, with a world with a privileged space for the South. This world that is being born is plural, with a symphony of voices. We are working on it, without rest or pause.”

Venezuelan Foreign Minister Yván Gil also made a statement on X condemning Richardson’s threats against Telesur. “Direct threats against Telesur from the head of the Southern Command, Laura Richardson,” Gil wrote. “They are trying to undermine people’s freedom of information. It is simply unacceptable.”


Venezuelan Minister for Communication, Culture and Tourism Freddy Ñañez also criticized Richardson’s statements for representing a threat to freedom of expression. “The US controls the large communicational monopolies, including the planet’s internet and almost all social media,” Ñañez stated. “It uses this power to destabilize those who do not kneel to it. Venezuela rejects these threats by exercising the right to inform truthfully and freely.”


The US Southern Command is one of the combat commands belonging to the US Department of Defense. US imperialism has divided the world into six blocks, and each of the Commands is in charge of watching over the “interests” of the United States in that sector of the world. The Southern Command covers the countries of Latin America, with the exception of Mexico and 12 islands under European control, so-called “overseas territories.” The SOUTHCOM is headquartered in Miami, Florida.

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US combat commands throughout the world.

In March, Richardson asked US Congress for additional resources to counter the alleged “widespread Russian disinformation campaign” in the area under her command’s responsibility. At that time, she expressed concern about the popularity of RT en Español and Sputnik Mundo in Latin America.

After the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine, attacks against Russian media in the West are becoming increasingly critical. RT and Sputnik news agencies were banned from broadcasting in the territory of the European Union from March 2, 2022.

(Alba Ciudad) by Luigino Bracci Roa

https://orinocotribune.com/us-southcom- ... hink-tank/

Ecuador’s Election Could Have Lasting Consequences
OCTOBER 15, 2023

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A person casts their vote during the 2021 Presidential Elections in Cuenca, Ecuador. Photo: Cristina Vega Rhor/AFP/Getty Images/File photo.

Imagine a developing country where a 43-year-old economist with a PhD from the University of Illinois, who is relatively unknown as a politician, runs for president and wins. Despite the preceding decades of corruption and institutional rot, he puts together a competent government and gets the economic policy right. The numbers tell much of the story: in the 10 years of his presidency, poverty fell by 41 percent; income per person grew at more than twice the rate of the previous 25 years; and public investment and government expenditure on health services doubled as a share of the economy.

These and other gains (e.g., in education) were accompanied by unprecedented levels of political stability, and Ecuador was one of the safest countries in South America.

Welcome to Ecuador in the twenty-first century. That was part one of the story that began when Rafael Correa took office in 2007. But then he left office in 2017, and things went to hell in a hurry, over the past six years.

The first president of this period was Lenín Moreno, who came from Correa’s party but within months turned against it. He purged the party of people who were loyal to its original progressive mission, leaving the country’s largest political movement without a political party. He then purged the judiciary, and used it to persecute his opponents. This included Correa himself — who faces an eight-year prison sentence if he comes home. Correa’s charges and trial were a farce, with the court finding that he used “psychic influence” over others to commit crimes. Because it was so obviously a case of political persecution, he was given political asylum in Belgium, and can travel freely to almost anywhere besides Ecuador without fear of extradition.

Guillermo Lasso, the current president and one of Ecuador’s richest people, was elected in 2021. In May, he dissolved the National Assembly and called for new elections. He was facing impeachment and very likely removal from office, over serious allegations of corruption.

The results of this six-year destruction of the rule of law, and policy reversals, were not pretty. Poverty reached its highest level in a decade, just before the pandemic. The most recent data show a poverty rate 17 percent higher than six years ago. Ecuador’s recovery from the pandemic is at the bottom for South America, in terms of real per capita income today. And the country also had one of the worst per capita death rates in the world from the COVID pandemic.

More frightening right now is the spiraling violence. Under Correa, Ecuador’s homicide rate had declined from 18 per 100,000 to just 5.8 (2016) — one of the lowest in Latin America — but has since exploded to a projected 40 for 2023, one of the highest in the hemisphere. And this includes unprecedented political violence, including the August 9 assassination of a presidential candidate, Fernando Villavicencio, who had challenged organized crime.

This recent history is of particular importance right now. Ecuador has a presidential election in less than a week, and the candidates represent opposing sides of the policy choices, goals, values, and interests that brought about the sharply contrasting results of the two preceding episodes.

On one side, from the same wealth strata as Lasso — net worth in the hundreds of millions at least — is Daniel Noboa. He is the son of the banana tycoon Alvaro Noboa, Ecuador’s richest person. Daniel Noboa was elected to the national Assembly in 2021, and is widely seen as representing the status quo. This includes his connections to both Lasso and to organized crime — for example through Lasso’s agriculture minister, Bernardo Manzano, a former senior manager in the Noboa Group, who resigned as minister in a corruption scandal in February.

And today, Brazil’s largest newspaper, Folha de Sao Paulo reported that Noboa is the owner of at least two Panamanian shell companies. This was shown in documents from the Pandora Papers leaks. Under Ecuadorian law, people with such holdings in tax havens, including Panama, are prohibited from running for or holding elected office.

On the other side is Luisa Gonzalez, previously a minister in the Correa government and a former representative in the National Assembly. She pledges to reverse the damage of the past six years by stepping up the fight against crime and corruption, as well as by increasing public investment in infrastructure, health, and education. Most of her program is based on a continuation of what she sees as the successful policies of the Correa government, with additional efforts, e.g., in public safety, to fix some of the big things that have since been broken.

The choice would seem self-evident. But, as we who live in the United States have learned — especially since 2016 — a lot can depend on the information that large parts of the electorate consume. Most Ecuadorans have probably not heard the most important facts described here. The latest polls show Sunday’s election as too close to call.

The destruction of the rule of law in Ecuador has destroyed much of the foundations of democracy, including in the areas of basic human rights and free elections. Journalists are afraid to write about the richest and most powerful politicians and presidents’ mafia connections; they face death threats if they do. So, too, can key witnesses in major criminal cases, as witnessed last week: seven men arrested in the assassination of Villavicencio were murdered while in jail. They won’t be telling any stories about who recruited or paid them.

The experience of other countries has shown that the kind of governance that has been developing in Ecuador over the past six years — an amalgamation of oligarchs, organized crime and violence, corruption and lack of accountability — can be extremely difficult to reform when it becomes entrenched. Sunday’s election could have a profound and possibly lasting impact on the country’s future.

(CEPR)

https://orinocotribune.com/ecuadors-ele ... sequences/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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