US Questions Pakistan Election Process Amid Imran Khan Allies Lead
FEBRUARY 10, 2024
A supporter of Pakistan's imprisoned former Prime Minister, Imran Khan, works on a desk next to a poster of the leader displayed at his party office, in Islamabad, Pakistan, February 9, 2024. Photo: AP.
This comes as candidates aligned with imprisoned former Prime Minister Imran Khan maintained a lead in election results thus far.
Washington on Friday questioned the implementation of “undue restrictions” during Pakistan’s electoral process and voiced concerns regarding accusations of potential vote-rigging.
“We join credible international and local election observers in their assessment that these elections included undue restrictions on freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly,” a statement by State Department Matthew Miller read.
This comes as candidates aligned with imprisoned former Prime Minister Imran Khan maintained a lead in election results thus far.
Despite facing a crackdown targeting the party, Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) was performing better than anticipated.
Geo News revealed that independents, who are more lenient towards Khan, had won 47 of 106 seats for which it had results, noting that a total of 265 seats were up for grabs in yesterday’s election.
Khan stated before that the military is working against his party, as analysts and opponents claim that Sharif is being backed by the military
“I am confident that we will form a government,” a close aide to Sharif, Ishaq Dar, informed GEO TV, adding that the PML-N could partake in a coalition with the support of independents.
However, it was still likely that the next government would be formed by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) after a period of political negotiations and bargaining.
The government also stated that before the elections yesterday, it stopped mobile phone services as a security measure and then partially initiated them.
Miller said Washington looked forward to “timely, complete results that reflect the will of the Pakistani people,” as he listed US concerns with the process.
“We join credible international and local election observers in their assessment that these elections included undue restrictions on freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly,” Miller said in a statement.
“We condemn electoral violence, restrictions on the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including attacks on media workers, and restrictions on access to the Internet and telecommunication services, and are concerned about allegations of interference in the electoral process. Claims of interference or fraud should be fully investigated.”
However, Miller emphasized that the administration of President Joe Biden was “prepared to work with the next Pakistani government, regardless of political party, to advance our shared interests,” which includes trade, investment, and security cooperation.
The people’s Prime Minister: Imran Khan's triumph against the odds
Despite facing the collective opposition of Washington and its local allies, Pakistan's incarcerated, charismatic leader has scored a stunning electoral victory against his detractors – though the military still holds the power play.
F.M. Shakil
FEB 12, 2024
Photo Credit: The Cradle
Imran Khan, Pakistan's jailed 71-year-old former cricketer-turned-politician, surprised the US and its allies in Islamabad with his party’s stunning victory in the 8 February parliamentary elections.
Locked behind bars and serving a cumulative 30-year sentence over three corruption cases, the triumph of Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) party defied all odds, snapping up most of the seats, “humiliating the country’s military rulers, and creating a political crisis” in the process.
His ousting from office in April 2022 following a parliamentary no-confidence motion, which he claimed was orchestrated by the US, seemed like a temporary setback. Khan's bold decision to visit Moscow on 23 February, 2022, on the eve of Russia's Ukraine invasion and its deteriorating ties with the west, further ruffled feathers within Washington and the Pakistani military establishment.
The country’s de-facto military rulers, panicked by Khan’s ‘unexpected’ electoral victory, are presently planning to establish a unity government without Khan's PTI, seeking to diminish its parliamentary influence through a combination of defections – both coerced and voluntary – leveraging various political factions to achieve their aims.
PTI’s comeback in a rigged game
According to the country’s Election Commission (ECP), which announced the preliminary results more than 60 hours after polling ended, the independent candidates – fielded by the PTI – bagged 93 seats in the National Assembly (NA). Earlier, the ECP tally showed the PTI clinched 100 seats, but later, those independent members who were not part of the PTI were listed separately. Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) got 75, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) secured 54, Muthahida Qaumi Movement Pakistan (MQM-P) got 17, and other smaller and regional parties and non-PTI independent members clinched 26 seats. The NA has a total of 266 seats, excluding 60 reserved for women and non-Muslims.
Barrister Gohar Ali, who assumed the position of PTI Chairman after Khan's incarceration for ethical and financial transgressions, tells The Cradle: "We secured 170 seats in the National Assembly and are ready to set up a government in the center as well as in the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces.”
He adds that the PTI's symbolic cricket bat emblem has been withdrawn by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) in a petulant move that underscores how silly electoral machinations have become.
Out of these seats, 100 are those that the ECP has admitted and issued provisional results for, but 70 seats, including three in Islamabad, four in Sindh, and the rest in Punjab, are being converted into defeated ones even though the PTI had won them.
According to Ali, the PTI was able to demonstrate such a tremendous achievement despite that its election campaign was not allowed. PTI candidates were harassed, arrested, and barred from holding public meetings.
“Mobile networks were stopped statewide on Thursday, hindering party officials' ability to inform supporters about their selected independent candidate in each constituency. Our workers were unable to monitor polling locations. The level of manipulation occurring in the poll was excessively absurd," he declares.
Partisan maneuvering and manipulation
On 10 February, the Inter-Service Public Relations (ISPR), the official communication channel of the army, released a statement from the Chief of Army Staff (COAS), General Syed Asim Munir, outlining a policy-driven vision for the country’s governance.
General Munir emphasized the imperative of establishing a "unity government" to ensure the stability needed to propel Pakistan’s economic progress forward.
A day earlier, Khan’s political rival, PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif echoed similar sentiments in his speech, tasking his brother, former prime minister Shehbaz Sharif, with reaching out to key parties like the PPP and MQM-P to explore alliances.
Subsequently, PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto and Vice Chairman Asif Ali Zardari engaged in discussions with PML-N's Shahbaz Sharif, with Zardari entrusted to liaise with other parliamentary factions – including independents – to consolidate support for their envisioned coalition. Additionally, a delegation from MQM-P conferred with Nawaz Sharif to strategize for the future.
The hectic political activities in Islamabad aim to thwart the PTI's chances of coming to power by reducing its parliamentary strength through forced or bribed defections. Before the poll, there were widespread speculations about a power-sharing arrangement between the PML-N and PPP, in which Sharif would take on the position of prime minister and Zardari would accept the post of president. The likelihood of a coalition being formed between the two parties is very high.
Since the PTI lawmakers are officially categorized as independents, they are not obligated to vote by party affiliation. This gives rise to the potential for coerced defections. Furthermore, without joining a political party, the PTI cannot secure its share of the National Assembly's 70 "reserved seats" designated for women and minorities, which are distributed proportionally according to a party's overall vote. It is also important to note that Khan is presently imprisoned and disqualified from seeking political candidacy.
Erosion of Pakistan’s electoral integrity
Despite these challenges, PTI emerged as the largest single party post-election, a formidable force poised to play a pivotal role in shaping Pakistan's political future. However, a notable consequence of these elections has been the marginalization of religious and nationalist parties, particularly evident in regions like Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where the Awami National Party (ANP) faced significant setbacks.
Speaking to The Cradle, Zahid Khan, the ANP central spokesperson says:
Once again, the people of smaller provinces have been denied their rightful representation, not as an act of revenge from voters, but as part of a preplanned strategy … The political forces in Punjab and Sindh are not willing to let them govern despite the PTI having sufficient seats in the Punjab provincial assembly and the national assembly.
In the lead-up to the national elections, efforts were underway to undermine Imran Khan's chances of returning to power, orchestrated by influential elements within the state apparatus. The Election Commission, responsible for overseeing fair elections, dealt a blow to the PTI by invalidating its intra-party election on 22 December.
However, PTI swiftly challenged this decision in the Peshawar High Court, securing a temporary suspension of the ruling on 26 December. However, this respite was short-lived as the court ultimately sided with the ECP, reinstating the decision to nullify PTI's internal election and revoke its electoral symbol.
Prosecution or political persecution?
Meanwhile, the legal machinery accelerated its proceedings, seemingly aimed at barring Khan from participating in the upcoming election. In a controversial ruling on 30 January, Khan was sentenced to 10 years in prison by a trial court for allegedly unlawfully disclosing sensitive information.
Notably, the hearings took place within the confines of Rawalpindi prison, where Khan was detained, deviating from the norm of a public courtroom setting. His legal team protested against this unconventional procedure, citing constitutional violations.
Khan's incarceration since August stemmed from his vocal criticism of the military, with this particular case revolving around a diplomatic cable that went missing while under his purview. Khan, while denying direct involvement, had referenced the memo as evidence of foreign interference in his removal from office in 2022.
On 31 January, the next day, an anti-corruption court in Pakistan sentenced the former prime minister and his wife, Bushra Khan, to 14 years in prison each, on the charge of unlawfully selling state articles. This occurred just one day after Khan was sentenced to 10 years in prison in a separate case. Following the third conviction recently imposed on the beleaguered former cricket star, the conditions also entail a 10-year ban on holding public and party offices.
In another instance, a local court imposed a seven-year sentence on Khan and his spouse for engaging in a marriage that the court deemed “un-Islamic” – a ruling declared earlier this month in a case initiated by the ex-husband of Bushra Bibi.
If there were any lingering doubts regarding Khan's allegations of US interference in Pakistan's delicate democratic processes, recent events seem to validate his claims. This wouldn't be the first instance of Washington and its intelligence networks undermining a populist, democratically-elected leader in the region, echoing historical precedents such as the 1953 coup against Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh.
Imran Khan's rivals form coalition govt after 'stolen' elections in Pakistan
US and army-backed parties have joined forces to form Pakistan's new government following elections marred by internet blackouts, terror attacks, and allegations of vote rigging
News Desk
FEB 14, 2024
(Photo Credit: AFP)
Pakistan's army-backed Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) party and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) reached an agreement to form a coalition government on 14 February.
This development ends the days-long stalemate following the general elections that saw the proscription of the country's most popular party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), and the jailing of its leader, former prime minister Imran Khan.
“The parties present here are almost two-thirds of the house that has been elected,” PML-N leader and former prime minister Shehbaz Sharif told reporters as he stood alongside leaders of the PPP.
After the press conference, PML-N spokesperson Marriyum Aurangzeb confirmed to Geo News that Sharif is the coalition's candidate for prime minister.
During his speech, Sharif claimed the coalition is willing to talk to Khan to include the PTI in the next government. "Forget and forgive; forgive and forget – come, let's join hands for the betterment of the country," he said. "Sacrifice self-interests set the issue of egos aside."
Raoof Hasan, the PTI's central information secretary, expressed in a social media post that the party's “mandate has been stolen in the dark of night.” He also voiced concerns about the potential "further destabilization" of Pakistan in the aftermath of the elections.
Following a day of elections marred by internet blackouts, terror attacks, and allegations of vote rigging, independent candidates loyal to Khan and the PTI managed to secure first place with 93 seats in the 266-seat National Assembly. The PML-N came in second with 75 seats, followed by the PPP with 54.
Despite independent candidates winning 101 seats, a government can only be formed by a recognized party or coalition of parties. These independents would have to join another group to form an effective bloc capable of governing.
"We are going to challenge the election rigging in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, and we will consider the alliance later," Khan said on Tuesday.
Khan also warned his rivals against the "misadventure" of forming a government with “stolen votes.”
“Such daylight robbery will not only be a disrespect to the citizens but will also push the country's economy further into a downward spiral,” the former premier said via social media.
Members of the PTI were forced to run as independents after the party was effectively banned last month. The Pakistani Supreme Court also ruled that the PTI could not use its traditional electoral symbol, a cricket bat. Because many PTI supporters in rural areas are illiterate, the symbol would be the only way for many to identify the party on the ballot.
Moreover, Khan was slapped with three jail sentences the week before the ballots and barred from holding any public post for 10 years. The former premier has been the target of a lawfare campaign since being ousted in a US-backed legislative coup in early 2022.
The PTI has been the target of harassment and even abductions of its candidates by pro-military elements that do not wish to see Khan or his party return to power.
There’s Compelling Evidence That Pakistan Is Indirectly Exporting Armed Drones To Ukraine
ANDREW KORYBKO
FEB 14, 2024
One way or another, the Kremlin must make its displeasure with Islamabad known, but in a way that doesn’t risk Pakistan overreacting by throwing caution to the wind and doubling down on its indirect armed drone exports to Ukraine out of spite.
A popular military blog drew attention the other day to a viral thread analyzing one of the Ukrainian drones that was recently downed in Russia’s Belgorod Region, which compellingly argues that the munition came from Pakistan and was exported Ukraine via Turkiye. They discovered that a very similar looking one is proudly showcased in Pakistan’s National Aerospace Science and Technology Park, and since it has an agreement with Turkiye’s Baykar, the latter possibly passed it along to Kiev.
As the thread’s author concluded, “a drone assembled in Pakistan, in collaboration with Türkiye, was sent to Ukraine, filled with explosives and then flown into Russia. One can consider the geopolitical implications. As a complication, Baykar is also working with Ukraine.” In other words, Pakistan has ramped up its contribution to NATO’s proxy war on Russia through Ukraine, likely as a quid pro quo for more IMF aid per The Intercept’s report from August about why it was sending ammo there at the time.
The geopolitical implications are enormous since they confirm that the aforesaid report wasn’t just an opportunistic one-off carried out by an economically desperate regime like some have suggested, but the beginning of a comprehensive proxy war partnership that proves Pakistan’s return to US vassalage. It’ll also probably ruin the new Russian and Pakistani Ambassadors’ shared vision of strengthening bilateral ties since Moscow might not feel comfortable doing so anymore after what Islamabad just did.
In fact, it could even scale ties back a bit in response, albeit in a “plausibly deniable” way per Russia’s commitment to classical diplomatic traditions. For instance, long-running and thus-far mostly futile talks with Pakistan over large-scale Russian energy exports could be informally suspended on the pretext that nothing came of them. After all, there’s a better use for its negotiators’ limited time than to keep clinging to the hope of reaching a deal with Islamabad, and finite resources could be better expended elsewhere.
Socio-cultural cooperation and Russian agricultural exports are expected to continue since they’re apolitical, but anything with a strategic tint to it like the previously mentioned energy talks and the small arms trade could be curtailed, the latter on the pretext of meeting pressing domestic needs. Not reacting in any tangible way, even a “plausibly deniable” one, would risk reflecting poorly on Russia’s international reputation and therefore isn’t advised.
One way or another, the Kremlin must make its displeasure with Islamabad known, but in a way that doesn’t risk Pakistan overreacting by throwing caution to the wind and doubling down on its indirect armed drone exports to Ukraine out of spite. Even that worst-case scenario won’t make any difference in terms of changing the conflict’s dynamics, but it could dangerously return those two back to their fierce Old Cold War-era rivalry, which would destabilize Greater Eurasian dynamics.
A polling official confirms a voter’s identity during the Pakistani general elections in July 2018. (Photo: Commonwealth Secretariat / Flickr)
Social crisis underlies Pakistan’s election upset
By John Clarke (Posted Feb 17, 2024)
Originally published: Counterfire on February 14, 2024 (more by Counterfire) |
The strong support that was shown for ousted and imprisoned former prime minister Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in the country’s 8 February election has created a major political upset. It had been assumed that the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) party (PMLN), headed by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, would win easily but this proved to be a severe miscalculation.
Though Sharif enjoyed the support of Pakistan’s powerful military establishment, independent candidates connected to the PTI took 93 seats to the PMLN’s 75, with the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in third place with 54 seats. Since no party won the 169 seats needed to comprise a majority in parliament, it remained unclear who would be in a position to form the next government.
Outpouring of anger
Khan having been in prison since August, an AI generated version of the PTI leader was used to urge supporters to ‘now show the strength of protecting your vote’. Sharif, for his part, responded to his party’s dismal share of the vote by doggedly insisting that it had actually obtained the largest share of support.
After the electoral results came in, Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff General Syed Asim Muni rather ominously suggested that the ‘nation needs stable hands and a healing touch to move on from the politics of anarchy and polarization.’ Leaving little doubt that a political alliance that excluded Khan was to his liking, the general added that ‘Pakistan’s diverse polity and pluralism will be well-represented by a unified government of all democratic forces imbibed with national purpose.’
The election had unfolded amid widespread concerns that it would not be conducted fairly. On February 9, violent ‘protests had already broken out on Friday over allegations of vote rigging and the slow vote count, amid warnings from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan that the “lack of transparency’ surrounding the delay in announcing the election results was “deeply concerning”.’
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, local PTI affiliated candidate Syed Fareen told CNN that they were having a peaceful demonstration when the police fired on the protesters, killing two workers and injuring at least 24. It was widely believed that the country’s caretaker government and military were working to ‘suppress Khan and his supporters’.
In this charged situation, with the vote having already been delayed for months, ‘PTI voters came out in droves to telegraph a message of defiance, that they weren’t going to let the military dictate the outcome of an election that it badly wanted them to lose.’
Candidates supporting the PTI were forced by a court ruling to run as independents and it is expected that the effort to form a government that can prevent Khan from taking power will include attempts to convince some elected representatives who supported him to switch sides. It is clear that Sharif is working to pull together a coalition with the PPP but it has been suggested that this would result in a ‘weak and unstable coalition’ and a ‘prolonged period of political instability.’
It must be understood that the role of the military in Pakistan’s political life is considerable and there have been long periods during which civilian government has been suppressed. In this situation, ‘all eyes are on the powerful generals who have long been seen as the ultimate arbiters of politics in this country.’ Even in the very likely event that the PTI is successfully shut out from governing, the ‘key question now is how the establishment will respond to their unprecedented failure to politically sideline the party.’
That failure has certainly added greatly to Pakistan’s political instability. ‘After Khan ran afoul of the military two years ago, Pakistani officials all but dismantled his party. Many of its leaders were arrested — including Khan, who has been convicted in three separate cases so far — and the party’s offices were raided the week of the election.’
Yet a problem that was supposed to be contained has now rebounded spectacularly. ‘For many Khan supporters, their vote was as much about sending an anti-establishment message as it was about supporting the jailed former premier.’ A deep sense of grievance against the intrusive military presence and the very major social and economic problems facing the country has been expressed in the powerful wave of support for Khan.
It would be a mistake to imagine, however, that Khan and his party represent a political direction that offers any real solutions for the great mass of people in Pakistan. The former cricket star’s differences with the military dominated establishment aren’t of any fundamental nature, however bitterly they have played out. Khan hasn’t advanced any radical alternatives but his shallow ‘populist insurgency’ has nonetheless generated hopes that the grip of a stultifying and corrupt power structure might be broken.
While distinctly privileged ‘social layers dominated the PTI’s parliamentary echelons and shaped its policy measures while in power,’ it is also strikingly clear that ‘Khan has also found vast reserves of popularity among Pakistan’s lower classes and young people under the age of thirty, who constitute over 60 percent of the country’s population.’
Deep grievances
It is easy to appreciate the sources of the desperation and anger that Khan has been able to draw on and that were so starkly revealed in the recent electoral upset. ‘The Pakistani state owes more than $120 billion in foreign debt and even more in domestic debt. It is spending more than two-thirds of state revenue (obtained mostly through regressive, indirect taxation) on servicing the debt burden and military expenditures.’
At the same time, inflation ‘is hovering at 30 percent, close to 40 percent of people live below the poverty line.’ Pakistan was also devastated by enormous floods in 2022 that ‘displaced eight million people and cost the country $30bn in damage. The loss of cotton crops ravaged the country’s textile industry, a key source of exports.’ The impact of these floods continues to affect the lives of people in Pakistan and the means to recover and rebuild properly are lacking.
Last year, on the very edge of defaulting on its debts, Pakistan ‘secured a $3 billion loan from the IMF – its 23rd fund programme since 1958. However, the lending package came with strict conditions and unpopular reforms.’ New taxes were imposed on the power sector and the government was forced ‘to lower utility subsidies, which led to sharp hikes in electricity prices, hitting poorer households particularly hard.’
The mass of people in Pakistan are confronting a dire and rapidly deteriorating economic situation. They face the effects of crushing international debt and the full impact of climate change. Their lives are dominated by a corrupt and fractious political order that operates under the watchful eye of a powerful and aggressive military establishment.
It is this bitter reality that created an opening for the illusion of a meaningful alternative that Imran Khan puts forward. However, very real and deep grievances found their expression in the recent election that won’t be easy to contain. The shutting out of Khan and the PTI will only highlight the corrupt and anti-democratic nature of the ruling interests.
If Nawaz Sharif is able to form a government, with the approval of the generals, it will operate as a discredited institution from the outset. The explosive anger that came to a head during the election has much deeper causes than the infighting over competing interests that the political power brokers engage in, but their shameless readiness to thwart the democratic process adds insult to injury. Pakistan’s election upset and the clumsy effort to resolve the political problems it has generated point to continuing social conflict in the days to come.
''Fraud is unacceptable, the voice of the people of Islamabad,'' said a Pakistani organization. | Photo: @PTIofficial
Published 17 February 2024 (18 hours 43 minutes ago)
Plician parties denounce that on several occasions the Pakistani army has repressed its activities, to hinder the PTI’s career for the presidency.
Thousands of Pakistanis participated on Saturday in a day of peaceful protests in various regions of the country, convened by the political party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), where the former Pakistani minister militates, Imran Khan, to denounce an alleged fraud in the elections held on 8 February.
"The fraud is unacceptable, they are the voices of the people of Islamabad", is the message that the PTI has spread on its account of social network X, after announcing that the mass rally would be against "the massive fraud, shameless and unprecedented in the general elections of 2024".
The PTI also reported that its leader, former Imran Khan, imprisoned since last August, was arrested while leading a demonstration in the city of Lahore, demanding his immediate release.
The party formation also denounced that on several occasions the Pakistani Army has repressed its activities, to hinder the PTI’s career for the presidency.
In this sense, with a view to the last elections, the PTI changed its symbolism and presented independent candidates, and although it won 90 seats out of 266 in Parliament, it still does not come close to the simple majority of the 133 needed to form a Government in the National Assembly.
Although he was over the Muslim League of Pakistan (PML-N), the latter decided to reach a coalition agreement with the Pakistani People’s Party (PPP), the Muslim League of Pakistan (LMPQ), the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, the Istehkam-e-Party of Pakistan and the Awami Party of Balochistan, reaching 152 seats.
On the eve, the PTI announced at a press conference that it has evidence to prove that fraud existed in the past elections by the PML-N in some regions, where the results declined in favor of that political formation.
Pakistan election aftermath: Coalition government, economic challenges, and the struggle for substantive solutions
Pakistan’s recent elections led to a PML-N and PPP coalition, overshadowed by economic challenges and a focus on personalities. However, the overarching question persists: can these parties provide a substantial alternative for the people?
February 16, 2024 by Pranjal Pandey
Pakistan's National Parliament House
On February 8, 2024, Pakistan conducted its parliamentary elections with 44 political parties contesting for 265 seats in the National Assembly. This marked the 12th general election in the country since it gained independence 76 years ago.
After the announcement of results on February 11, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif, and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), led by Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, joined hands to form a government. Both of these parties were not able to reach the majority mark. Nawaz Sharif put forth his younger brother, Shehbaz Sharif, as the nominee for the position of Prime Minister.
Parties and regional results
Pakistan’s National Assembly comprises 336 seats, and elections were conducted for 265 seats. The election for one seat was postponed after the death of a candidate, while the remaining seats (60 for women and 10 for minorities) were reserved for members of those groups and allocated based on the proportional representation of parties in the election results.
According to the Election Commission of Pakistan, the independents supported by now-jailed Imran Khan’s party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) secured 93 seats in the National Assembly. Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), headed by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, attained 75 seats. The Pakistan People’s Party led by former Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari obtained 54 seats. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a party based in Karachi, made a noteworthy comeback, winning 17 seats in the polls, and has pledged full support to PML-N. The remaining 26 seats were secured by others.
In the provincial elections, candidates from PML (N) won 138 seats in Punjab while independents backed by PTI won 116 seats. Additionally, the PPP secured 10 seats and later offered support to Nawaz Sharif’s party. PTI-backed candidates won a majority in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, securing 84 seats out of 113. In Sindh, the PPP obtained a majority by winning 83 seats out of 130, while Balochistan voted in a hung assembly.
Maryam Nawaz, the daughter of Nawaz Sharif, made history by being the first woman to be nominated as the Chief Minister of Punjab province in Pakistan.
What led to PTI’s revival?
These elections occurred against a backdrop of broad public dissatisfaction directed at the previous government headed by the PML (N) and PPP. The discontent stemmed from their inability to control the prices of essential commodities and address the economic challenges faced by the majority of Pakistanis.
Furthermore, the arrest of Imran Khan, his involvement in multiple legal cases, the prison sentences he received, and his party losing its election symbol added to the prevailing chaos. Nevertheless, the public perceived the targeting of Imran as an assault on democracy, mobilizing support and playing a significant role in the PTI’s performance. Pakistanis expressed dissatisfaction with the military’s role in politics, seeking change and a genuine democratic system. Imran Khan emerged as the preferred candidate to fulfill these aspirations.
Issues in the election
In Pakistan, a primary concern for voters centered around the burning issue of inflation, a critical factor that has significantly eroded real wages. A real wage is the income that an individual receives for their work, adjusted for inflation. The average real wage has seen a substantial decline in Pakistan, plummeting by 13% in the year 2023 alone, increasing financial strain on the people.
The industrial sector of the country is in a downturn, with the high costs of inputs acting as a major barrier. The manufacturing output of large industries witnessed a staggering 15% year-on-year contraction in June 2023, due to the high cost of doing business. Moreover, the broader economic scenario from July 2022 through June 2023 indicates an overall industrial decline of 10.26%, pointing towards the intensity of the challenges faced by the manufacturing sector.
The imposition of stringent austerity measures mandated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the transition toward market-based prices have further constricted Pakistan’s capacity to navigate economic challenges effectively. This shift in economic policy has not only impacted the purchasing power of citizens but has also intensified the economic hardships faced by businesses, particularly in the manufacturing domain which is the highest creator of employment opportunities.
Adding to the complexity is the absence of a comprehensive plan for reindustrialization, leaving the economy without a clear roadmap to revitalize its industrial base. The allocation of a substantial portion of the budget, approximately USD 17 billion, to subsidies that primarily benefit a privileged elite increases the economic disparities within the country. Concurrently, the persistently high unemployment rate, currently standing at 8%, underlines the challenges faced by ordinary people.
Collectively, these issues underscored the intricate economic landscape in Pakistan, where concerns about inflation, industrial decline, austerity measures, and the distribution of resources played pivotal roles in shaping voters’ perspectives and influencing their choices.
However, a notable positive outcome from the recent elections is the limited influence of religious parties, with their representation remaining below 10 seats. This suggests a preference among voters for a more secular and inclusive political landscape, emphasizing national interests over religious affiliations.
The recently held Pakistan election, considered one of its most significant, experienced a substantial voter turnout despite lingering doubts about its fairness. Before the polls, concerns were raised regarding the fairness of the Election Commission, which denied PTI its symbol and the consistent ‘persecution’ of Imran Khan. Several petitions challenged constituency results post-general elections, citing issues with Forms 45 and 47, crucial in Pakistan’s electoral process. Form 45, recording votes at polling stations, includes vital details submitted to the Returning Officer for final results. Form 47 offers a provisional overview before official confirmation, consolidating Form 45 data. PTI raised concerns over their polling agents not being provided Form 45 and significant discrepancies between Form 47 results and detailed Form 45 information in several cases.
The appeals for unity from both political and military figures underscore the strained civil-military relationship. Unfortunately, none of the political parties presented a substantive alternative agenda. Critical issues have taken a back seat in the discussions. Instead, the focus had shifted disproportionately toward the personalities of Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif, turning the entire electoral narrative into a contest of charisma.
Asif Ali Zardari is poised for a potential second term as president. Imran Khan has cautioned against the “misadventure” of establishing a government based on “stolen votes,” asserting that such electoral manipulation would not only disrespect citizens but also worsen the country’s economic decline.
Uncertainties persist regarding tangible benefits for the people, including increased income for farmers and workers as promised, the prevention of government overthrow by the military, and potential surprises from Imran Khan. Amidst numerous questions, answers remain elusive, leaving the population to confront challenges while elites build their castles.
Political Turmoil Continues in Pakistan Despite Power Sharing Deal Among Establishment Parties
FEBRUARY 24, 2024
Members of the Awami National Party protest in Charsadda, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa against alleged rigging in the February 8 general elections. Photo: X/@ANPMarkaz.
The Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) have agreed to form the new government. However, several parties, including Imran Khan’s PTI, have refused to accept the results and have alleged widespread rigging.
Pakistan’s establishment parties, the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), along with several other parties, have reached a deal to form a new government. However, uncertainty remains over the final numbers in the National Assembly and many parties continue to insist that the elections on February 8 were rigged.
Former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), the left-wing Awami National Party (ANP), and the right wing Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazal (JUI-F) have separately called for protests against the alleged electoral manipulation.
The ANP had one seat in the last National Assembly elected in 2018. This year, they failed to win a single seat. The party has claimed that rigging led to the defeat of its candidates. The ANP has organized protests since the election results were announced and called for a protest on Friday in Charsadda.
JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman announced on Friday that his party does not recognize the results of the national elections as fair and considers the manipulation in the February 8 elections to be bigger than in the previous elections in 2018. He said the recent election was perhaps the most manipulated one in the country’s history. JUI-F has reportedly secured four seats in the National Assembly.
PTI continues to claim that it secured the majority of the seats in the elections and that the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) had rigged the results. The party announced on Thursday that it would challenge the results in court.
On Friday, the party also claimed that its elected members were prevented from attending the first sitting of the newly-elected Punjab provincial assembly. In the Punjab assembly too, the PTI has claimed a clear majority. However, the PML (N) is set to form a government in the province, with Maryam Nawaz, daughter of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, expected to take oath as Chief Minister soon.
Meanwhile, the ECP has failed to allot the 70 reserved seats in the National Assembly to parties despite PTI independents merging with the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), a small party with no representatives elected in the National Assembly, in order to be able to claim its share of those seats.
However, ECP has yet not been able to decide whether the SIC is eligible for getting any reserved seats given the fact that it did not win a single seat in the National Assembly.
PTI-backed independent candidates elected in the provincial assemblies have also merged with the SIC for the same purpose.
PML (N) and PPP agree to share power
As per the agreement reached between PML (N), PPP, and others on Wednesday, former Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif will once again take up the post and PPP leader and former president Asif Ali Zardari will be the next President. The PPP will get the governorships of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) provinces whereas the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) will get the governorship of Sindh.
According to the latest results announced by the ECP for the 265 popularly contested seats in the National Assembly, the PML (N) has got 75 seats, the PPP 54, and MQM 17. They together have the required majority in the National Assembly to form the government. The SIC, comprising PTI members, will have around 90 seats. A few PTI independents have not joined the SIC for technical reasons.
The PPP has decided not to be part of the federal cabinet but will get Deputy Chairperson’s post in the National Assembly and that of the Chairperson of the Senate after it is formed.
The Senate is the upper house of Pakistan’s parliament and its members are elected by the members of the country’s provincial assemblies. The election for the Senate will be held after the newly elected provincial assemblies are formally in session.
The current political equation in the country makes it likely that PML (N) will form the government in Punjab province, whereas the PTI or SIC will form the government in KP, and the PPP in Sindh. The PPP, in alliance with PML (N) and other smaller parties, is set to form the government in Balochistan.
The picture at the federal level will become clear by February 29 as according to the constitutional provisions in Pakistan, the first meeting of the newly elected National Assembly has to be convened within 21 days of the election.
