If half a century ago they described how in the future we will work 15-20 years, now they say, rejoice, if you will have at least such eternal labor (
https://t.me/redzion/17705 ). Indeed, recipients of benefits or “basic income”, as well as workers of the “second level” from dog walkers to those employed in the “bullshit economy” will not have such a thing ...
But back to our native Russian reality.
Rosstat reports that the workforce in the Russian Federation is 76 million people. And 72 million people are employed.
TsIPKR researcher N.V. Fokina thus aggregates the official data of the Federal State Statistics Service by type of occupation.
Schedule
Employment structure by occupation group
Well, then even more interesting. Rosstat gives a classification of employees without small enterprises, self-employed, security officials, defense industry workers, etc. And here the number of employees on the payroll in the economy is 30,246,488 (2016). Probably a reservation that this payroll includes all organizations and enterprises of all forms of ownership (except small businesses) and all types of economic activity (except state administration and military security; social insurance; activities: religious organizations, households, extraterritorial organizations) is important. Approximately 4-5 million employees are not counted. And where is another 38 million people?
Let me remind you of the question of the Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of Russia, O. Golodets, who announced in April 2013 at the XIV International Conference “Modernizing the Economy of the Society” that 38 million people of working age work in opaque conditions, that “our labor market is practically illegitimate, and only a small the part functions according to normal rules. ” Out of the 76 million able-bodied population, such a number of Russians do not know where they are busy, what they are doing, how busy they are, as a result of which their living conditions and incomes are not reflected in official statistics.
But, before dealing with and figuring out who these 38 million are, let’s imagine what the 30 million employees examined by Rosstat are. Of these, 2.8 million managers, 11 million specialists, 2.6 million employees and 14 million workers (or 45% of employees). This is the official data for 2016. No fresher ones.
So, the key figure is 45% in the structure of workers employed in the Russian Federation. From the aggregated data on the structure of employed N.V., Fokina, approximately the same data follow, if only half the workers in the service, trade and property protection sectors and citizens are recognized as workers, i.e. do not rank as workers, for example, 2 million guards.
A well-known researcher of the problems of the working class, Doctor of Historical Sciences VV Trushkov cited such data of his calculations for 2013: skilled workers - 21 018 thousand people .; unskilled - 8363 thousand people; housing and communal services workers, advertising services, television studios, etc. - 510 thousand people Total - 29 891 thousand.
First Secretary of the Central Committee of the RKRP V.A. Tyulkin in his lecture at the University of Working Correspondents of the Workers' Academy Foundation in February 2017 made such an estimated judgment on the number of workers in the modern Russian Federation: from 25 to 38 million people.
Based on the official data from the Rosstat 2016 surveys of 30 million employees, we extrapolate these data to all employees and get a total of 72 million people. total number of employees: workers - 27 million people (28 million people in 2015).
So, in the modern Russian Federation - 27 million workers.
Based on the survey data and the statistics of the Federal State Statistics Service, the researcher from the Central Research and Testing Center N.V. Fokina calculated the share of workers in key sectors of the economy (Table 1).
The proportion of workers by industry (from payroll)
the number of workers, thousand people share of workers2016,% the number of workers, thousand people, 2013 share of workers,%, 2013 delta, thousand people
agriculture, hunting and forestry 776 73 861 74 -102.9
fishing, fish farming 19 52 23 58 -3.1
mining, manufacturing, production and distribution of electricity, gas and water 5446 67 5902 69 -490.2
mining 674 71 684 72 4.6
extraction of fuel and energy minerals 473 69 469 70 21.5
mining, except fuel and energy 200 76 215 77 -16.9
manufacturing industries 3702 68 4097 69 -460.4
food production, including beverages, and tobacco 604 71 643 71 -50.9
textile and clothing production 84 77 98 78 -17.5
manufacture of leather, leather products and footwear 23 81 26 82 -3.2
wood processing and manufacture of wood products 90 79 91 79 -2.0
pulp and paper production; publishing and printing activities 94 55 111 54 -34.9
production of coke and petroleum products 80 62 87 67 -1.1
chemical production 223 63 231 66 -1.0
manufacture of rubber and plastic products 95 71 104 71 -13.4
manufacture of other non-metallic mineral products 249 74 326 76 -94.5
metallurgical production and production of finished metal products 558 74 605 75 -58.6
manufacture of machinery and equipment (without the production of weapons and ammunition) 305 66 390 67 -116.2
manufacture of electrical equipment, electronic and optical equipment 360 58 389 60 -20.8
production of vehicles and equipment 638 68 709 70 -71.6
other production 76 71 88 71 -17.9
production of other materials and substances not elsewhere classified 224 64 198 64 43,2
production and distribution of electricity, gas and water 1071 64 1120 65 -34.4
construction 685 69 899 71 -287.0
wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles, motorcycles, household products and personal items 1209 48 1110 48 183.0
hotels and restaurants 175 56 185 65 26.3
transport and communication 1759 59 1930 61 -175.6
education and healthcare, financial services, other 3642 25 3860 26 -563.9
Total 13711 45 14770 47 1059
As you can see, the highest share of workers among the employed is observed in more extensive sectors - agriculture and forestry (73%), mining (71%), especially non-fuel (76%).
But the minimum share of workers is in the services and tertiary sectors (trade (48%), education, medicine, financial and other services (25%)).
In manufacturing, the average share of workers is 68%, the highest is in textile and clothing production (77%), leather and leather products (81%), wood processing (79%), metallurgy and building materials industry (74 each). %).
Once again, we note that on average in the country the share of workers among the employed is 45%.
If we analyze the number in absolute values of the various working-class detachments of modern Russia, then the largest working-class detachment is manufacturing workers (3.7 million in the circle of enterprises surveyed by Rosstat). Here, by the way, is the biggest reduction in three years - by half a million people .
Further, workers are transport workers and signalmen (1.8 million people), workers in the extractive industries (1.3 million), workers engaged in wholesale and retail trade, household repairs (1.2 million), energy workers and gas workers (1.1 million), agricultural workers, foresters and hunters (0.8 million), construction workers (0.8 million, a decrease of 0.3 million), food and light industry workers (0, 7 million). Well, in the “other” section , and workers of enterprises and organizations of education, health and financial services - 3.6 million people.
The regional structure of the modern working class of Russia is also very interesting (Table 2)
Share of workers among employed by region
Region the share of workers from the payroll,% 2016 the share of workers from the payroll,%, 2013
Nenets Autonomous Okrug 60 60
Kemerovo region 55 56
Belgorod region 55 54
Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug 55 55
Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug 54 58
Lipetsk region 54 56
Bryansk region 53 53
The Republic of Mordovia 53 54
Amurskaya Oblast 52 54
Chukotka Autonomous Okrug 52 fifty
Chelyabinsk region 52 53
Novgorod region 52 53
Oryol Region 52 51
Kirov region 52 52
Leningrad region 52 54
Tula region 51 51
Vologda Region 51 53
Tambov Region 51 52
Arhangelsk region 51 51
Komi Republic 51 52
Vladimir region 51 52
Smolensk region 51 51
Udmurt republic 51 51
Kursk region 51 51
Tver region fifty 53
Kurgan region fifty fifty
Ryazan Oblast fifty 51
Arkhangelsk region (except for the Nenets Autonomous Okrug) fifty fifty
Republic of Tatarstan fifty 51
Pskov region fifty 52
The Republic of Khakassia fifty 52
Jewish Autonomous Region fifty 49
Orenburg region 49 51
Irkutsk region 49 fifty
Krasnoyarsk region 49 51
Murmansk region 49 fifty
Altai region 49 52
Republic of Bashkortostan 49 fifty
Sverdlovsk region 49 51
Mari El Republic 49 fifty
Transbaikal region 49 fifty
Chuvash Republic 49 51
Perm region 48 fifty
Yaroslavskaya oblast 48 49
Volgograd region 48 48
Ulyanovsk region 48 fifty
Penza region 48 49
Samara Region 48 52
Kostroma region 47 48
Republic of Karelia 47 49
Kaluga region 47 49
Omsk region 47 47
Ivanovo region 46 48
Saha Republic 46 46
Nizhny Novgorod region 46 48
Rostov region 46 46
Primorsky Krai 46 49
Saratov region 46 47
Republic of Crimea 45 No data
Khabarovsk region 45 44
Magadan Region 45 49
Stavropol region 45 46
Moscow region 44 47
Kaliningrad region 44 47
Tyumen region (except districts) 44 44
The Republic of Buryatia 44 46
Voronezh region 44 46
Krasnodar region 44 45
Sakhalin Oblast 43 44
Republic of Adygea 43 43
Tomsk region 42 45
Sevastopol 42 No data
Novosibirsk region 42 44
Astrakhan region 42 42
Kamchatka Krai 41 42
Karachay-Cherkess Republic 40 39
Tyva Republic 38 41
Republic of Kalmykia 36 38
Kabardino-Balkarian Republic 35 37
Altai Republic 34 41
St. Petersburg 34 36
Republic of North Ossetia-Alania 33 36
Chechen Republic thirty thirty
The Republic of Dagestan thirty 31
Moscow 29th 27
The Republic of Ingushetia 26 28
In the regional plan, the largest share of workers in the payroll is observed in oil and gas producing regions, regions with metallurgical specialization, as well as some engineering regions.
Minimum - in the underdeveloped republics of the South of Siberia and the North Caucasus, regions with large agglomerations - Moscow, St. Petersburg, Novosibirsk region.
According to N.V. Fokina’s calculations, since 2013 the number of workers in the average number of employees has decreased by almost 2 million people, and their total share among workers has been reduced by 2% (from 47% to 45%).
At the same time, the largest reduction in the share of workers among the employed is observed in both developed and depressed regions: Altai (6.8%), Samara Region (4.2%), Magadan Region (3.5%), Yamalo-Nenets District ( 3%), North Ossetia, Tuva, Primorsky Krai (3%).
The number of workers in the total employment structure (according to the lists) increased in Belgorod, Kurgan, Jewish Autonomous Oblasts (0.6% each), Khabarovsk Territory (1.1%) and Karachay-Cherkessia (1.4%). The most noticeable share of workers in the overall structure increased in Moscow and the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug (by 2%).
Among industries, the largest decline in the absolute number of workers is observed in the manufacturing industry (almost half a million people are reduced). Moreover, the main decline in the number of workers occurred in engineering (almost 50% reduction in the number of workers), construction (300 thousand people), as well as services industries (560 thousand people), agriculture and forestry (100 thousand people).
The number of workers in absolute terms increased by 3% in the extraction of fuel and energy minerals, by 7% in trade, and by 8% in the hotel and restaurant business. Moreover, in the latter sphere, with the growth of employed, the total number of workers decreased by 10%.
Let us try to single out the most advanced working class detachments in modern Russia in terms of connecting with the means of production.
A common place - in the coming era of universal digitalization, the most advanced group of workers (workers and specialists) in the IT sphere.
But such workers in 2017, only about 1.06% (0.69% in 2010) among the employed. In any case, this is 0.7-1.0 million workers.
Can IT workers fulfill the same advanced socio-political role as the proletariat of large industrial enterprises in Moscow and St. Petersburg in the early twentieth century? It is clear that there are no such conditions for self-organization of specialists in this field. Their work is often isolated from large groups, or even remotely organized.
True, due to the use of a wide range of communication technologies, there is a side effect: the possibility of self-organization around the movements of one goal. Hence the popularity of agitation and propaganda political projects in megalopolises such as Navalny or various local protest groups that are forming on a territorial basis or according to "pain problems". Thanks to modern telecommunications, a virtual concentration of not only labor abilities, but also political and socio-economic protests is possible.
As already noted, despite the dispersion of the working class of modern professions within the framework of deconcentration of production and the high automation of many processes, large detachments of the traditional working class remain.
According to N.V. Fokina’s calculations, on average, every worker in the modern Russian Federation produces value added to GDP of 2 million rubles. Of course, the largest contribution to the current Russian “pipe economy” is in export-oriented industries. The largest contribution of workers to value added in GDP is in the fuel and energy sector (one worker produces it for 12 million rubles), and the chemical industry (3.4 million rubles). Less is in the extraction of other useful resources (2.4), metallurgy (1.5), food industry (1.5) and electric power industry (2). It is the smallest in mechanical engineering (0.9), light and footwear (0.4), forestry and timber processing (1.0) industries. .
On average, workers in enterprises receive 15% less than other workers (Table 3) . In the mining industry, wages make up 85% of the average wage of employees, in manufacturing - 88%, in the electricity sector - 79%. In addition to the electric power industry, it is significantly less than the average in the pulp and paper industry (82%), the chemical industry and the extraction of fuel and energy minerals (83%), and the food industry (85%) - i.e. in those industries (except pulp and paper) that are advanced in the economy. The level of workers' salaries is closer to the average level in mechanical engineering (89%), metallurgy and woodworking (91%), light and leather and footwear (92%) and mining (except for the extraction of fuel and energy minerals) (92%).
Table
The share of workers' wages from the industry average (2016)
the share of workers' wages from the industry average,%
mining, except fuel and energy 92.2
Lightweight and leather and shoe 91.7
Metallurgy 91.1
Engineering 88.6
Manufacturing 87.8
Timber, woodworking and pulp and paper 86.5
Food 84.7
Mining 84.6
extraction of fuel and energy minerals 82.8
Chemical 82.7
Power industry 78.5
Other production 88.9
The largest gap between the wage of the worker and the average wage in the region is observed in Tuva, Ingushetia, Chechnya, Altai, and other underdeveloped republics (it is 30-40% lower). Of the regions with significant industrial potential and a significant contribution to GDP, the largest gap is observed in Moscow (35%), regions specializing in the extraction of fuel minerals (Khanty-Mansiysk District (29%), Yamalo-Nenetsky District (25%) , Tyumen region (22%), Sakhalin region (19%), mining industry (Chukotka, Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Magadan region (28-29%).
There is practically no difference in the level of remuneration of workers and other employees on average in Mordovia, Ivanovo Region, the Jewish Autonomous Region, Karelia, Amur, Vologda, Belgorod Regions.
On the other hand, in the largest resource-producing regions, the wages of workers exceed the average wage in the country (Yamal-Nenets, Khanty-Mansi, Nenets, Chukotka Autonomous Districts, Tyumen, Sakhalin, Magadan, Murmansk Regions, Kamchatka Territory, Republics of Yakutia and Komi - from 11% up to 89%). In addition, these are Moscow and St. Petersburg (an excess of 24% and 6%, respectively). In addition, in the same regions, workers receive more than the average worker in the country (30-130%). Workers' labor is also better paid in the Khabarovsk, Krasnoyarsk, Primorsky territories, Amur, Moscow, Tomsk, Arkhangelsk regions, Karelia and the Jewish Autonomous Region (by 10-23%).
In three quarters of the regions, workers receive less than the national average . In most republics of the North Caucasus, it is only 40% of the average Russian level, in the republics of the Volga region (Mari El, Mordovia, Udmurtia), Tambov, Bryansk, Ulyanovsk, Oryol, Kurgan, Kirov, Kostroma, Saratov, Vladimir, Ivanovo, Smolensk - 50- 60%
The greatest difference is also observed in the republics of the North Caucasus, Tyva and Altai (by 53-35%), as well as in regions with developed machine-building specialization ( Ulyanovsk, Bryansk, Oryol, Kirov, Vladimir, Smolensk, Ryazan and other regions ) (by 20 -thirty%).
By the way, these "machine-building" regions are traditionally distinguished by a high level of support for the left opposition and the Communist Party.
In connection with the success of the protest vote in the elections in Moscow in September 2019, it is curious to compare this not only with data on unexpected statistical growth in the number of workers in bureaucratic-petty-bourgeois-pensioner Moscow. It turns out that Moscow still demonstrates a decline in living standards compared to other cities in Russia (except St. Petersburg). So, the residents of Moscow in September 2019 spent 9.2% less than the same period last year, and the residents of St. Petersburg - 5.1% less, according to ROMIR. In other Russian cities, the opposite trend is completely compared with Moscow and St. Petersburg. In other millionaire cities, residents' expenses grew by 6.8% over the year. In the half-million inhabitants, the expenses of residents during this period increased by 16.5%. In the hundreds of thousands per year, the expenses of their residents increased by the maximum value throughout the country - by 18.6%.
So far, sociologists and economists have not taken up such studies of what happened in Moscow and St. Petersburg, which is why such unfavorable trends have arisen in the sphere of falling real incomes of the population and consumer spending.
According to experts of @proeconomics, a significant drop in real incomes in Moscow is explained by the fact that income from entrepreneurial activity, deposits in banks and income from property (rental of apartments, plots, etc. in rent). And these three components of income just fall with our prolonged stagnation. Whereas in the regions, revenue growth came from the growth of salaries in the public sector and the mining industry (
https://t.me/proeconomics/3234 ).
It is clear that modern research on the socio-economic situation of the modern working class, identification of industries where there is the greatest degree of exploitation, identification of areas of possible strong protest moods and the formation of a “trade union and political infrastructure” to work with such groups of the working class are urgently needed. But this is not the purpose of this study.
4. The scale of precarization of the working class and intermediate layers
Let us evaluate the extent of precarization and degradation in key social groups.
So, in Russia 18% of the employed population does not pay taxes, up to a quarter of the income is invisible to the state, and the total amount of lost funds is 3 trillion rubles. Approximately the same figures were ascertained a year ago: up to a quarter of employees do not pay taxes in the capitals, about 12% in the regions, and 18% of the population in one way or another are involved in the “gray sector” throughout the country.
The number of working Russians, according to the Federal Tax Service, is 22% less than according to Rosstat. 58.9 million people pay taxes, it follows from the statistics of the tax service. I recall once again that Rosstat estimates the number of employees at 72.3 million people.
Perhaps the main reason for the discrepancy is in shadow employment, i.e. unofficially employed 13 million Russians. Although the figure of 18 million, apparently, includes even those who unofficially earn extra money.
Informal employment is one of the manifestations of precarization of various segments of the population - from workers and employees, to the underclass, the marginalized layers.
The average salary in Russia, according to the Federal Tax Service, by the way, is 25% lower than according to the Federal State Statistics Service.
The average monthly nominal accrued salary in 2018 was 39.2 thousand rubles, or 3.5 living wages, the Federal State Statistics Service reported. The taxable salary averaged 31.1 thousand rubles, or 2.8 living wages.
Another manifestation of precarization is rejection, as at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, which V.I. carefully studied. Lenin.
It would seem that at the beginning of the 21st century the emergence of otodnichestvo today - temporary work in a big city without final relocation to it - is an archaized repetition of tsarist Russia. At the beginning of the twentieth century, 15-20% of the peasant population went to temporary work in cities (this is about 10 million able-bodied male peasants).
Today, the proportion of migrants is apparently higher. I read an estimate of their number at the Khamovniki Foundation: “A third of all families in the province live off the latrine.”
But this is not the only difference between modern immigrants and imperial ones. Here's another: “The main directions of departure for residents of European regions everywhere are Moscow and Moscow Region. Of all the migrants we interviewed, more than 2/3 - and up to 3/4 worked or are working in the Moscow region . ”
Those. 60-70% of migrants today are concentrated in one metropolitan area. Whereas a hundred years ago, the geography of abandonment was much wider. Moscow and St. Petersburg accounted for up to 40-50% of migrants from the European part of Russia, the rest were scattered across provincial cities and industrial centers (such as Orekhovo-Zuevo).
It is possible that such an increase in otchodnichestvo today is associated with the emergence of freedom of movement around the country. In tsarist time, the peasant, in order to leave the village, needed to obtain a temporary passport (valid for up to 1 year). Running away from the village to work in the city without a passport was risky.
There was an enormous layer in the social structure of the so-called “siloviki”
The siloviki and “security guards in modern Russia are 11.3% of the economically active population, 6.4% of the electorate.
It is clear that the precarization of the siloviki is very specific. And it is connected with the extraction of "power rent" from the economy. We will not cite here the growing statistics of corruption crimes among the "siloviks". But the precarization of security guards (“property protection officers and citizens”) is an observable process by all. Fortunately, the form of employment (a day in three) provides opportunities for all kinds of side jobs and manifestation in other social and professional roles.
These are just some of the touches characterizing the processes of precarization of key layers of modern Russian society.
Speaking of precarization as a manifestation of unusual forms of employment for various classes and groups, we are reporting that there are two different processes in the social structure.
On the one hand, archaization, i.e. reproduction of the wildest forms of employment of the nineteenth century. Secondly, the modern transformation of the social structure, the formation of islands and information society, a society of a new technological structure. Yes, yes, it’s precisely the society that was talked about a lot in the decisions of the CPSU — a society (and not in the understanding of bourgeois ideologists who are correctly criticized by representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), in which science becomes the main generating force. This process was foreseen by K. Marx, who wrote about "the transformation of the production process from a simple process of labor into a scientific process, putting itself at the service of the forces of nature."
In this regard, I want to rely on the estimates of the doctor of historical sciences S.I. Vasiltsov. He rightly notes that much that determined the characteristics of imperialism in the industrial era is beginning to change rapidly.
“The enormous growth of industry and the remarkably fast process of concentration of production in ever larger enterprises are one of the most characteristic features of capitalism,” wrote Lenin. And industrial growth today remains the main feature of imperialism. But its forms themselves have changed. Concentration of production in ever larger enterprises - no, it is falling. The centralization of industry is replaced by its decentralization. Huge “great construction sites” are being replaced by small, but extremely efficient enterprises operating on the basis of microelectronics. They are managed not by thousands, but by a dozen or so highly skilled workers.
Deconcentration processes take the place of processes of concentration of labor in giant enterprises , emphasizes S.I. Vasiltsov. The outflow of workers, especially skilled workers, from cities also begins. For example, the bulk of the current entrepreneurs in the village are the recent residents of leading cities.
S.I. Vasiltsov makes an interesting forecast: unusual phenomena in a rapidly changing society will not dry out. New gives birth to new. Unusual - unusual ... As a result, huge social groups suddenly find themselves “between two chairs”. These hands are less and less needed by anyone. And only suitable for the most primitive work. But they are not able to get involved in new processes.
Hence, their hovering in socio-economic uncertainty. The process of decay of imperialism predicted by the classics of Marxism-Leninism is unfolding in full force. Extensive, already global, zones of marginalization are emerging. Moreover, the internationalized zones that cross borders.
Such degenerative changes in the history of imperialism are known. They once spawned fascism. Today these are global realities of a new type. Their consequences are extremely dangerous, warns S.I. Vasiltsov.
In its own way, this is also happening in Russia. Say, today's influx of migrants into the cities. It is only to a small extent socio-economic in nature. It is a predominantly artificial phenomenon. It says a lot because we have before us the latest version of the strategy of “controlled chaos”, the favorite weapon of the imperialist countries. And above all, the United States.
Lenin already said that "the main social (non-military) support of the bourgeoisie" is "a layer of bourgeois workers or labor aristocracy, quite philistine in terms of life, in terms of earnings, in their entire world outlook." Today, marginalized, decaying strata of the population, including the newcomer, have been added to them (more and more noticeably superior in numbers). These social neoplasms practically do not create anything, but they actively consume things done by outsiders. Marginality at the present stage of imperialism is becoming almost the leading social stratum, S.I. Vasiltsov emphasizes.
The injection into the group of leading world powers of foreign and foreign cultural marginal masses provokes an almost universal one - not so much an economic, but a cultural, psychological, even civilizational crisis.
Therefore, despite the importance of studying the processes of precarization of classes and strata in the modern social structure of society, understanding the processes of marginalization and the extent of their growth is no less important. It is the marginalized strata that are the main base of support for capital democracy, striving to fascize modern society and maintain their dominance over the material and non-material resources of the planet.
This leads to a somewhat paradoxical conclusion: the left forces should rely on:
ultra-progressive layers of the employed (such as hired workers creating high and digital technologies, and left-wing industrial intelligentsia),
extant traditional working-class units
Layers “falling out” of production that “cling” to it in order to preserve at least something
all kinds of social “melt” of supporters of the preservation of traditional values.
Subsequent differentiation into those with which layers will have to be demarcated after coming to power and during the implementation of the new project “USSR2.0”, and with which it will make sense to go further only after our common victory.
Electoral behavior of various social groups
Well, in conclusion, some estimates of the electoral behavior of modern groups. TsIPKR at the end of 2019 conducted another all-Russian monitoring study , which allows us to evaluate some features of the mass consciousness of key social groups in Russian society.
The WORKING CLASS of the sample of 2019 calls the “talking room” (46%), chaotization (38%) and stagnation (8%) the most suitable characteristic of the state of society. Only 7% of workers believe that society has a desire for order. Development, however, is not felt by any of them. The severity of the sensation of an increase in destruction in society among workers is higher than the average
Among the most acute problems, workers called low incomes (“working poverty”) and, as a result, the difficulty of paying all the time for rising prices, taxes, and tariffs. The socio-economic problems for workers were expected to be closest than to other layers in a crisis society.
Four fifths of workers do not feel the presence of social justice in Russian life. It is also slightly above average.
Naturally, the workers do not support pension reform more actively than others, i.e. a very real prospect of death in the workplace.
At the same time, a significant part of the especially poor working class (42%) is ready to endure power experiments on the country for the sake of stability. Nevertheless, 40% of the workers think that “everything is rotten” and the whole system needs to be changed. This is one and a half times higher than the average for the electorate. Will the left with their propaganda reach this "fuel", but not yet aware of its goals and objectives of the struggle of the working man?
By the way, the workers are clearly aware that the country needs a parliament, without which everything will slide into dictatorship (48%). Another 43% of them are in favor of expanding the powers of parliament and its role in the life of the country, considering the current representative bodies in the Russian Federation too weak and incapable of real influence.
HIRED WORKERS SERVICE AND REPAIR - one of the most popular social groups in the electorate.
As people who are constantly interacting with many other citizens, they can be called sort of social psychologists who feel public sentiment. Therefore, among them, the prevailing opinion is that in the country there is now a “talking room” and chaotization. They do not observe positive phenomena. In this, their moods are similar to the moods of workers.
Employees in the service and repair sector are concerned about unemployment (it is known that the “turnover” in the industry is very large) and poor-quality medicine. Service justice workers do not see social justice in the life of the country. But they complain about low salaries no more than others.
They do not support pension reform.
This group prefers not to dig deep into causal relationships - they do not approve of the government’s policies, but consider the only way out is the change of Medvedev’s government, and not the repair of the entire system. This is the difference from the more radical mood of the workers.
Regarding parliament, two opinions prevail among service workers - it is not needed, and it is needed in an enhanced form.
As for the Communist Party, they noted not only clichés (“the party of the Soviet past” and “Zyuganov's party”) in the study, but also constructive support for the requirements of nationalization.
Nuance - among the service workers, there is a very noticeable share of those who firmly wish the Communist Party of the Russian Federation victory in elections and return to power. The depressing part of them believes that it is better to let everything remain as it is.
Also, the led, depressed part prefers to be with "EP": "you have to be strong." With regard to the LDPR, the opinions are the same as those of all, based on the rhetoric of the party (see above).
Employees of the service and repair sector have the most mixed preferences regarding the future president. The most common answers are a request for a “new face”, as well as the choice of Shoigu and Grudinin. Few people have noted Medvedev as a successor here. Those. The group's approach here is cautious innovation.
Non-working PENSIONERS are the most massive group of survey participants, and the most motley, because Here are former employees of all areas of the economy - from officials to locksmiths. Therefore, the state of their mass consciousness is the most controversial.
Pensioners are not inclined to more acutely feel chaos and destructive tendencies in modern Russian society. They note some “talking room” and stagnation, and some of them even saw “the pursuit of order”. In general, the current situation suits them - they got housing, education and jobs back in the USSR, did not fall under the pension reform and have many concessions from the authorities ...
In fact, they point out one problem - lack of income, low pensions. As a result, difficulties with employment, as a salary would be a good addition to a pension. All other problems bypass most retirees. They are not inclined to consider even pension reform hell, because already received a pension before. However, they still do not feel social justice.
Pensioners traditionally, and by virtue of the above, are loyal to the authorities. Above average, their share is among those who believe that the government "does everything right." The most intolerant of the current political system, retirees advocate only for a change in Medvedev’s government and do not crave system repair. A considerable part is ready to endure “for the sake of stability”. Based on the results of the survey, current retirees will clearly not be the basis of protest sentiment, if any.
Regarding the role and powers of parliament, pensioners have not formulated a clear position. Their opinion is spread more or less evenly over all options for the perception of popular representation.
With regard to the perception of the Communist Party, they are more likely than others to link the party with Gennady Zyuganov. Strange as it may seem, not many pensioners consider the Party to be the “defender of the Soviet past”. But among them there is a high proportion of those who are aware of the construct - programs, nationalization, etc.
There is a minuscule, as among all groups, who believe that the Party does not need the country. On the contrary, many retirees want to return to the Communists the influence of the model of the late 1990s.
At the same time, many pensioners support ER (Television People) and the Zhirinovsky party. Among those who support Putin’s lifelong presidency are just some of the senior citizens and officials. This is a manifestation of the motleyness of this group.
The archaic nature of the group lies in the fact that the archetypes of a “military leader”, “a peasant in uniform who is praised on TV” are not outlived among the successors — they are ready to support Shoigu.
In general, although pensioners are inclined to forgive the authorities a lot, they are more extensive than the others inside the Communist Party’s nuclear electorate. With this phenomenon, they apparently consider the Communist Party a kind of “watchdog”, a “guardian” of power, which does not allow it to relax and go into all seriousness. But they obviously will not be the basis of the revolution.
The class of OFFICE workers (specialists of various qualifications, “clerks”) is one of the most widespread. Most of them do not see the positive in modern Russian life, noting the speaking, chaotization and stagnation.
A curious detail - the clerks are satisfied with their income level, while they still complain about prices and fees. Because many clerks work in business — they often report corruption. Another problem of this population group is poor medicine.
An amazing feature is that almost only clerks firmly feel social justice in the country. Among them, the share of sympathizers of the pension reform is also higher ...
Clerks have no illusions about Putin’s policies, but prefer to turn a blind eye to her “for stability”, “while the margin is dripping”.
Concerning the parliament, among office workers there are the most mixed opinions - half of them believe that it is not needed at all, half - that it is necessary even in its existing form.
Specialists-clerks are indifferent to the Communist Party. Above average the answers are that it is a “party of the Soviet past." The rest of the opinion is "spread" evenly across all the answers. At the same time, a considerable part of clerks advocates strengthening the Communist Party as in the late 1990s, considering it, like pensioners, a kind of “insurer” of their unstable life, an important part of the system of checks and balances.
The business nature of the clerks forces them to “be close to the strong” and “Putin's party” - their share among the sympathizers of “United Russia” is high.
With regard to the LDPR, the opinions are the same as those of all - based on impressions of the rhetoric: “they are not afraid to speak” and “there is a lot of screaming, there is little sense”.
On the issue of power transit, a large proportion of clerks advocate a "new face", some part - for Medvedev ("he will allow him to do business calmly, as at the end of the zero"). General Shoigu does not impress them.
In general, specialist clerks are potentially only a situational electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which is inclined to vote for the party only in case of absolutely indecent pressure from the authorities. Otherwise, they tend to "pull the rubber while bearable."
Summarizing the attitude to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as the most massive left-wing party in modern Russian society , it can be noted on the basis of sociological data that the working class is inclined to perceive it in many respects in the mainstream of established myths: “the party of the Soviet past” and “the party of Zyuganov”. Moreover, it is among the working class that the highest proportion of those who are aware of the constructive and the meanings of the Communist Party program, understanding the need for nationalization and the return of public property. Such a look at the image of the Communist Party of the workers and employed workers in the service sector is 1.5-2.5 times higher than average. There is this request, and it has not yet been implemented by the Communist Party.
By the way, an analysis of the protest activity of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation during the action on December 14, 2019 showed that 16 regional branches expressed the most radical demands. But it is precisely in these regions that the average Russian share of the working class is higher. And in these regions every fourth Russian worker is concentrated.
And the key question is the readiness to vote for the Communist Party , which positions itself as a party of the working class and working classes.
So, firmly for the Communist Party only 5% of industrial workers. At the same time, 21% of employees in the service and repair sector constantly vote for the party. Whereas among pensioners only 14% are solid supporters of the Communist Party. It is clear that there are more pensioners, this is the largest electoral group, including in the core of the Communist Party’s electorate. The second here is the employees of the service and repair sector.
But potentially ready to vote for the Communist Party - 35% of workers, 39% of engineers, 46% of employees in the service sector, more than 45% of representatives of the social and humanitarian intelligentsia ...
How to activate these huge layers of the working class and workers is a big task for the Communist Party and the left forces.
The electoral behavior of various social groups is evidence of both the level of their spontaneous consciousness and the results of the work of the revolutionary party in introducing class consciousness into them. As you can see, the potential for electoral support of the Communist Party and the left is quite high. But this is only potential. The hardest agitation and propaganda, organizational and political work is needed to build communication channels with the working classes, its advanced and traditional detachments, semi-proletarian, working strata, and the entire social melt of modern Russian society.
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Until the Communist Party and scientists collaborating with the party have completely determined that link, that detachment of the working class and workers, by pulling and pulling which to itself, can pull out the whole chain of problems and achieve a cardinal shift in party support and achieve a left turn. But a certain understanding is already crystallizing here.
https://msk.kprf.ru/2020/01/01/131357/
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