Mexico

[blindpig]

After Weeks of Political Chaos and Uncertainty, Mexico’s Judicial Coup Fizzles to Nothing
Posted on November 8, 2024 by Nick Corbishley

President Claudia Sheinbaum, her governing party, Morena, and arguably Mexico as a whole just dodged a rather large bullet.

Despite her landslide victory and her party’s super-majority in both legislative houses, allowing for constitutional changes, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum’s recent assumption of power has been all but smooth. As we reported just over a month ago, on the third day of her presidency, Mexico’s Supreme Court plunged the country into a constitutional crisis by seeking to derail, or at least delay for as long as possible, the now-former AMLO government’s judicial reform package, which had already passed both houses:

For the first time ever, Mexico’s Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN) has decided to submit a constitutional reform for review. The reform in question involves a root-and-branch restructuring of the judicial system* and it has already passed both legislative houses with the necessary two-thirds majorities. It is bitterly opposed by members of Mexico’s opposition parties, the judiciary, big business lobbies, and the US and Canadian governments.

[On October 3] the SCJN admitted an appeal against the government’s judicial reform program by a majority of eight votes to three. With this ruling, the Supreme Court hands over the dispute consideration to one of the judges that voted in favour of the resolution. The court could also issue a stay, essentially suspending the constitutional reform. The Mexican financial daily El Financiero described the ruling as “the last bullet” (interesting choice of words) against the now-former Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s “Plan-C” reforms.

That last bullet has now been spent, and it missed the target narrowly. On Tuesday [Nov 5], the Supreme Court met to rule on whether to strike down key parts of the judicial overhaul, including drastically scaling back the election of judges and magistrates by popular vote, one of the most controversial aspects of the reform.

If the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the resolution and the Sheinbaum government stuck to its guns, it would set up “a direct confrontation between two pillars of government that, legal scholars say, has little to no precedent in recent Mexican history,” wrote the New York Times last week (h/t Robin Kash).

Sheinbaum said she was unwilling to negotiate “what the people have decided and is already part of the Constitution” while the eight judges who had voted to admit the appeal were now expected to vote in favour of it. For the resolution to pass, eight out of eleven votes were needed. A full-blown constitutional crisis seemed inevitable — until one of the eight judges broke ranks and voted against the resolution, arguing that the country’s highest court does not have the power “to say what the Constitution should or should not include.”

“Wow, Wow, Wow!”

Eight versus three suddenly became seven versus four: one vote short. But then the unthinkable happened: the court’s president, Norma Piña, suggested that the minimum number of votes be reduced from eight to six. Even some of Piña’s fellow judges were struck by this desperate attempt by Mexico’s most senior judge to change the rules of the game in the middle of the game. The judge sitting next to Piña, who had voted against the resolution, summed up the moment with three words (in English): “wow, wow, wow!”

“It was blatant confirmation of the court’s political intentions, which went far beyond what you’d expect in a judicial debate,” said the veteran political commentator Denise Maerker. “It disqualified [the whole process]… It was a political ruse that ended up exposing the president of the court and the terrible job she has done presiding over the court.”

Days before the hearing, it was revealed that in December Piña had met up with the leader of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas, at the home of fellow Supreme Court judge Juan Luis González Alcántara Carrancá — and not at the Mexican Institute of Culture, as Piña had claimed. Among the issues discussed was the development of a joint plan between Piña and the main opposition parties to prevent Sheinbaum and Morena from winning the June 2 elections.

The plan clearly didn’t work: Sheinbaum ending up winning the biggest majority in modern Mexican history while Morena secured qualified majorities in both legislative houses, giving them the power to pass sweeping reforms to Mexico’s constitution.

In the end, most of the judges rejected Piña’s absurd proposal to reduce the minimum majority needed for the resolution to pass from eight to six, including even Carrancá, who presented the resolution, leaving Piña little choice but to grudgingly reject the case. In a statement, the court announced that “in absence of the… eight votes necessary to invalidate various precepts contemplated in the draft resolution, the plenary of the Highest Constitutional Court dismissed the concepts of invalidity.”

“Plan D”

Even if the court had voted in favour, Sheinbaum apparently had a plan B — or as she calls it, “plan D” — up her sleeve, which would have essentially involved choosing a new Supreme Court judge who would take the oath of office in December, after the scheduled departure of Minister Luis María Aguilar. That way the ruling party would have four judges in its favour and thus leave the Supreme Court’s plenary unable to approve actions of unconstitutionality on future occasions until the election was held in 2025.

But by December Mexico’s three legislative branches would be locked in an unprecedented constitutional showdown. The crisis would no doubt have extended beyond Mexico’s borders.

As I reported in my previous post, the Washington-based Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) has agreed to hold a session on November 12 to hear the complaints of the Mexico’s National Association of Circuit Magistrates and District Judges (JUFED) regarding the judicial reform. At the hearing, the delegation representing JUFED will be able to present its arguments for why the judicial reform represents a breach by the Mexican State of the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights.

If the Supreme Court had voted in favour of Carrancá’s proposal to amend the judicial reform and the Mexican government had chosen to ignore or dismiss that verdict, it would have signified the country’s “rupture” with the inter-American system as well as with international conventions on justice and human rights, notes Argentine constitutional theory professor Roberto Gargarellait.

Several international organisations are already following events in Mexico closely, including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the United Nations Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, the UN Human Rights Council and the Venice Commission, a consultative body of the European Council on constitutional law, of which Mexico is a member.

Dodging a Very Large Bullet

In other words, President Sheinbaum, her governing party, Morena, and arguably the Mexican people at large just dodged a rather large bullet. The judicial reform’s last legal obstacles are finally out of the way — thanks to the vote of one judge. The protests and strikes of judges and court employees are also fizzling out. Even the US government appears to be holding its tongue after AMLO took the largely symbolic step of putting his government’s relations with the US and Canadian Embassy’s on ice following their recent attempts to derail the judicial reform.

Now that the reform has finally overcome the myriad legal impediments in its way, the Sheinbaum government can begin focusing on the rest of its sweeping reform agenda. That agenda includes over a dozen proposed reforms that the government intends to enact in the areas of energy, mining, fracking, GM foods, labour laws, housing, indigenous rights, women’s rights, universal health care and water management.

The mining reforms include a proposed ban on open-pit mining while a package of agricultural reforms proposes to enshrine in the constitution the AMLO government’s 2023 decree banning the use of genetically modified corn for human use — an issue that is already the subject of an investor state dispute between Mexico and its North American trade partners, the United States and Canada. The government is also seeking to authorise a constitutional ban on fracking.

Earlier this week, Mexico’s Senate passed a reform that will allow the Institute of the National Housing Fund for Workers (Infonavit) to build and lease homes for workers — for the first time since the ’90s, according to El Imparcial de Oaxaca. The reform proposes modifications to Article 123 of the Constitution aimed at establishing Infonavit as a social housing system. This will allow workers to access sufficient credit to acquire, build or improve a home — or at least that is the intention.

Some of those reforms, if effectively implemented, will affect the ability of corporations, both domestic and foreign, to stuff their pockets. For decades they have been able to count on the support of a pliant judiciary that has faithfully served and protected the interests of the rich and powerful. They include Mexico’s third richest man, Ricardo Salinas Pliego, whose conglomerate, Grupo Salinas, the Supreme Court insulated from having to pay hundreds of millions of dollars it owes in unpaid taxes as well as to US investment funds. Said funds are now trying to recoup their investment by suing the Mexican government at the World Trade’s arbitration court.

While Sheinbaum has insisted that the judicial reform is strictly a pro-democracy measure that will have little to no impact on Mexico’s business landscape in an attempt to assuage investor fears, AMLO, who devised the plan, said in one of his last press conferences that some of the sweeping changes are aimed squarely at foreign companies.

“Corrupt judges, magistrates, ministers, it is not possible for them to defend that… Are they going to continue defending foreign companies that come to loot, to steal, to affect the economy of Mexicans?… Are they going to continue to represent these companies?”

Time will soon tell. Now that the way is clear, the first batch of elections of judges and magistrates is scheduled to take place on June 1, 2025 when a total of 850 judges will be chosen by popular vote. In the meantime, the Sheinbaum government will be shifting its focus from a barely averted constitutional crisis at home to a challenge of arguably even greater proportions on its northern border: the election of Donald J Trump, and what that could mean for Mexico. And that will be the topic of a future article.



* As I’ve written before, the reform includes a provision that judges and magistrates at all levels of the system will no longer be appointed but instead be elected by local citizens in elections scheduled to take place in 2025 and 2027. Sitting judges, including Supreme Court judges, will have to win the people’s vote if they want to continue working. New institutions will be created to regulate procedures as well as combat the widespread corruption that has plagued Mexican justice for many decades.

This, insisted the AMLO government, is necessary because two of the main structural causes of corruption, impunity and lack of justice in Mexico are: a) the absence of true judicial independence of the institutions charged with delivering justice; and b) the ever widening gap between Mexican society and the judicial authorities that oversee the legal processes at all levels of the system, from the local and district courts to Mexico’s Supreme Court.

There is some truth to this. And making judges electorally accountable may go some way to remedying these problems, but it also poses a threat to judicial independence and impartiality, of which there is already scant supply. As some critics have argued, with AMLO’s Morena party already dominating both the executive and the legislative, there is a danger that it will end up taking control of all three branches of government — just like the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, that held uninterrupted power in the country for 71 years (1929-2000).

That said, as I wrote in my previous piece on this issue, the AMLO government has the constitutional right to pursue these reforms, enjoys the support of roughly two-thirds of the Mexican public in doing so, and is following established legal procedures.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2024/11 ... thing.html

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The economic power that will accompany Claudia Sheinbaum in her cabinet
Marco Vinicio Dávila, member of the BP of the CC of the PCM 15.Sep.24 Fight against social democracy

Both President Andrés Manuel López Obrador and President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum maintain the narrative of the separation of political power from economic power. In reality, in the next cabinet, the Secretaries of State and high-level officials represent and have ample ties to monopolies and big capitalists. The path of the next government will correspond to its captains.



The economic power that will accompany Claudia Sheinbaum in her cabinet



After the president-elect announced the two military officers who will occupy the positions of Secretary of the Navy and Secretary of Defense on Friday, September 6, the cabinet that will accompany her in her six-year term has been completed. It is, therefore, time to analyze the composition of the cabinet, to see how economic power fits behind political power in the next six-year term.



We already stated, when we analyzed the composition of AMLO's cabinet, that the new social democracy distorts reality with demagogic discourse and phraseology to cover up the true interests it represents. López Obrador achieved this by hammering home throughout his campaign and a good part of his six-year term that the cause of all the ills that we workers in Mexico suffer is corruption, and that he focused his speech on combating this scourge. Today, Claudia Sheinbaum has not focused her campaign speech on combating corruption – because that, according to AMLO, is over – but on the fact that she represents the continuity of the Fourth Transformation with the so-called Plan C, which aims to continue “democratizing” the country through the 20 reforms proposed by the current president last February. Now, how can we convince workers that this democratization is advancing and consolidating? By distorting reality with more demagoguery.



That is why when Claudia Sheinbaum launched her presidential campaign, in her initial speech she declared: “ I will govern with a clear division between political power and economic power. I will never submit to any power, neither economic nor foreign, I will always work for the supreme interest of the people of Mexico and the nation .”



However, even before the presidential campaigns began, both Sheinbaum and Gálvez showed the interests they were going to defend in that contest, since both met in February with Larry Fink, CEO of Black Rock, one of the main financial monopolies in the world; that is why we affirm that in this electoral process they were both representing the same interests, the interests of big capital.



For this very reason, at different times throughout the electoral campaign, both women met almost simultaneously with different sectors of the business world, with representatives of the economic power that both aspired to represent politically at that time. The candidates at that time were not competing for the vote of the masses, but for the favor of the large national and international economic consortiums, of the monopolies.



The candidate of the Let's Keep Making History Coalition met at the end of February with members of the Industrial Club; in March with businessmen from the construction sector; in April with bankers, at the National Banking Convention, as well as with businessmen from various industrial chambers of Mexico and the world, among which the presence of CONCAMIN, the Business Coordinating Council (CCE), the Mexican Association of Chambers of Commerce and Industry of European Countries (EUROCAM) and the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico, (USA) stood out, and with whom she promised not to increase taxes or to carry out a fiscal reform; in May she met with the Mexican Business Council. She also had meetings with businessmen from Jalisco and with CANACO-Servytur of Monterrey.



For her closing campaign, the MORENA-PT-Green Party candidate invited several dozen businessmen from the main monopolies that benefited during President Obrador's six-year term, including Mota-Engil and Grupo Vidanta.



Once Sheinbaum's victory as virtual president-elect was known, one of her first actions was to announce, for the month of October, the creation of a Business Council that will be coordinated by businesswoman Altagracia Gómez, head of the Grupo Promotora Empresarial de Occidente (PEO) and which is a monopoly that benefited from the privatization process initiated during the Salinas de Gortari period and with a presence in the automotive, transportation, real estate, food and warehouse sectors. To demonstrate Altagracia's efficiency, both women met last June with the general director in Mexico and member of the Regional Executive Committee for Latin America of Black Rock, Sergio Méndez.



So, although the president-elect has stated at the beginning of her campaign that in her government there will be a clear division between economic power and political power, we can clearly see that in reality there is not, nor will there be, such a separation, but on the contrary: those who hold economic power today will be those who continue to hold it; although the same president-elect affirms, as she did at the end of her campaign, that neoliberalism will never return. It seems that this affirmation does not frighten the great national and foreign capitalists who know they are well represented by the current president and her cabinet.



By stating that the monopolies feel well represented by the current government, we are not ignoring the fact that even within the monopoly groups there are contradictions and that there is a permanent commercial struggle between the different imperialist blocks of the world, which turn national politics into a coliseum.



All individuals in society represent economic interests according to the place they occupy in production. Below we will see how the members of the cabinet proposed by President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum, due to the place they have occupied in production as entrepreneurs, shareholders, business consultants, members of boards of directors or managers, are representatives of economic groups that hope to continue benefiting from political power in the next six-year term.



Here we must not lose sight of the fact that even though some of the proposed characters are presented as eminent academics with lengthy CVs (Julio Berdegué's CV alone covers 21 pages), the truth is that these academics - even as consultants or officials of international organisations such as the UN, FAO or UNESCO, given that it is well known what these international organisations represent in the world today - have made their careers receiving funding from NGOs or foundations linked to various monopolies, applying a business vision in their proposals for solutions to social problems. Such is the case of Alicia Bárcena, David Kershenobich, Rosaura Ruiz Gutiérrez, Juan Ramón de la Fuente and Julio Berdegué himself .



In other cases, although the proposed characters do not appear to be directly linked to business groups, we can locate close relatives who become managers or front men for these officials, such is the case of Marcelo Ebrard ; or that of Barath Bolaños , who everything indicates owes his position in the government to the friendship that unites him with the sons of the president, Gonzalo and Andrés López Beltrán. In the case of Omar García Harfuch and Mario Delgado , both with links between organized crime groups and business groups. We will now look at some of the most representative cases of all that has been argued above.



Jesús Antonio Esteva Medina, Secretary of Infrastructure, Communications and Transport. One of the main representatives of some monopoly groups, especially in construction, transport and railways. Although when his appointment was announced his resume as an academic and public servant was highlighted, it should be noted that this UNAM graduate is a businessman in the construction industry: majority partner of Desarrollo en Ingeniería SA de CV; founding partner and shareholder of Industrias Indalt SA de CV; and, founding partner and director of Sinergia Biomédica Hospitalaria SA de CV During his time in the Mexico City Government, during the Sheinbaum period, he favored the interests of companies such as González Soto y Asociados, ICA, Jaguar Ingenieros Constructores and GAMI Ingeniería e Instalaciones, responsible for the construction of the last section of the Mexico-Toluca Interurban Train to the detriment of the popular sectors that inhabit the west of the city, around the Observatorio area in the Álvaro Obregón mayor's office, and who as a consequence suffer effects such as lack of water, flooding, and fractures in the walls and roofs of their homes due to the heavy machinery that operates 24 hours a day in an area that is full of mines and sinkholes. The popular mobilization grouped in the assembly of Vecinos Unidos Zona Poniente, which includes neighborhoods like El Capulín, is made up of working class people who suffer from these serious problems and know very well about the indolence and apathy of the future Secretary of Infrastructure, Communications and Transportation.



On the other hand, those who showed their approval for this appointment were the Transport Commission of the Confederation of Industrial Chambers and the businessmen of the construction sector. The Mexican Chamber of the Construction Industry (CMIC) recognizes in the secretary an ally, whose companies belong to the CMIC, because they hope that through Esteva Medina works and resources will now flow for this sector because they feel displaced by the SEDENA in the main works of this six-year term, in addition to the fact that they are counting on the campaign commitments of Claudia Sheinbaum since the Business Coordinating Council (CCE) hopes to participate in the projects of the Development Poles of Welfare and in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, where the construction of at least one hundred industrial parks is planned, as well as in the participation schemes of the strategic works of the next government. Another sector that also congratulates itself and rubs its hands with this appointment is the railway sector. Monopolies such as Ferromex, Ferrosur and Kansas City Southern (CPKC), or Grupo México and Union Pacific, are awaiting the decisions of the new government regarding the completion and/or expansion of the Maya Train and Interoceanic Train projects, among other railway projects in the country, in order to be able to participate in their completion, construction and operation. [i , [ii] , [iii] , [iv] , [v] , [vi] , [vii] , [viii] , [ix] , [x] , [xi]



Luz Elena González Escobar , Secretary of Energy, is another character with shady business ties in the energy sector. The next secretary has ties to the pharmaceutical monopoly called Fármacos DAROVI, SA de CV, where she served as an advisor until before the then Head of Government elected in CDMX called her to join her team in 2018. If we were to start from González Escobar's business link with Fármacos Darovi, there would be enough material to show how much it benefits Grupo Kosmos of Jack Landsmanas Stern, the monopoly to which the pharmaceutical company belongs, to have a representative of its interests in the next government. Already in the current federal administration, Grupo Kosmos placed a representative of its interests in SEGALMEX, Bernardo Fernández Sánchez, and where they have obtained more than a billion pesos in various contracts, without bidding, among many other irregularities.



But what is truly interesting is that Grupo Kosmos, as a monopoly, has a variety of activities through numerous companies in many other sectors. RX Health, in the health and social services sector; Productos Serel, La Cosmopolitana, in the food sector; Fármacos Darovi SA de CV in the pharmaceutical sector; and the following consortia in the energy sector: Energía Kan, Forsu Bioenergía and WTE Land, which includes the following companies: Termoenergía CDMX Holding SA de CV, of which Jack Landsmanas himself is CEO; Termo WTE SA de CV; WTE Land SA de CV; Industrias Energrim SA de CV; Construcciones ALDESEM SA de CV; and Proactiva Medio Ambiente México SA de CV As we can see, Luz Elena González is actually directly linked to the interests of a monopoly in the energy sector, which has also distinguished itself by obtaining maximum benefits without worrying about legal formalities, being one of the most favored monopolies during the management of Miguel Ángel Mancera at the head of Mexico City and the federal government of Enrique Peña Nieto. [xii] , [xiii] , [xiv] , [xv] , [xvi] , [xvii]



Julio Antonio Berdegué Sacristán , in the Secretariat of Agriculture and Rural Development. One of the first positions announced by Sheinbaum was that of this agroindustrial businessman and consultant for both the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank since 1991. Supporter of green capitalism. Doctor in Social Sciences from Wageningen University, Holland, and whose main research center is Wageningen Research, which in addition to working for the government of the Netherlands also carries out research work for companies and NGOs on the condition of not revealing who the funders of its research are, and where around 50% of its income comes from the business sector through "large corporations and the other half through medium and small companies."



The interesting thing about this appointment is that it coincided with the acts of repression and murder of peasants in the Perote region of Veracruz, on June 20. The peasants were protesting against the harmful effects caused in the countryside by the operation of the Granjas Carroll pork monopoly, a company that has generated countless health and environmental problems for almost two decades, such as the H1N1 swine flu pandemic and the contamination of groundwater, as well as serious desertification and drought caused by the hoarding of water concessions. And while the Morena government of Veracruz was carrying out a bloody hunt for peasants, that same day the so-called Mexican Pork congratulated Julio Berdegué on his appointment as Secretary of Agriculture and Rural Development. Among the main members of the Mexican Pork, Granjas Carroll de México, S. de RL de CV appears first. To get a better idea of ​​the scope of the large monopolies that make up this National Association of Pork Exporters, its president is currently Luis Alberto Monarres Miranda, Export Manager of Keken. This is a monopoly that, like Granjas Carroll in Veracruz, has caused serious effects on health and the environment in the state of Yucatan.



The following contrast is significant, and a bad omen for the rural people: while the monopolies are congratulating themselves on the appointment of Julio Berdegué, the peasants are persecuted and massacred for protesting against the abuses of those same monopolies. In fact, the next secretary of the SAGARPA did not make a single mention of the bloody events in Veracruz. He has met with small producers, but not to resolve their real problems, which are, in the first place, those generated by the agro-industrial monopolies. [xviii] , [xix] , [xx] , [xxi] , [xxii]



Josefina Rodríguez Zamora , at the Ministry of Tourism. Just as the big meat businessmen congratulated Julio Berdegué, the businessmen grouped in the National Tourism Business Council expressed their congratulations for the federal designation of the restaurant entrepreneur. They have been quick to offer their good offices to collaborate with her and propose a coordinated work plan. What is the National Tourism Business Council and who are its members? According to its website, the CNET “is made up of businessmen, Chambers and Associations at a national level, committed to promoting sustainable tourism growth, through investments based on profitability and trust.” Among the chambers that comprise it, the National Chamber of Air Transport stands out, with more than 60 national and international airlines; the National Chamber of Passenger and Tourism Transportation; the National Chamber of the Restaurant and Seasoned Food Industry (CANIRAC); the National Association of Hotel Chains, Hotels for Mexico. That is to say, the main tourist monopolies established in Mexico are grouped here.



Unlike CNET, the Mexican Federation of Tourism Associations (FEMATUR) is made up of more modest members , such as artisan associations among other sectors, and hopes to get some of their share of tourism during the next six-year term, which is why they also expressed their congratulations on the appointment. [xxiii] , [xxiv] , [xxv]



Rogelio Ramírez de la O. , the next Secretary of the Treasury. International consultant. Founder of the consulting firm Economic Analysis, Ecanal, where he worked until 2021, before joining the AMLO government. He has also been an independent advisor, that is, he has been part of the Boards of Directors of large banks and international companies, among which stand out Grupo Modelo, owned by María Asunción Aramburuzabala, and Grupo Peña Verde, a monopoly dedicated to comprehensive risk management, an insurance company with a presence in Mexico, the United States, Chile and England. [xxvi]



Claudia Curiel de Icaza , in the Ministry of Culture. As head of the Ministry of Culture of Mexico City, she developed culture as a big business. She was responsible for the main mass events that took place in the capital's main square, among which the one by Los Fabulosos Cadillacs stands out, with a record attendance of more than 300 thousand people. The success of these massive concerts is defined not only by the large attendance, but by the economic spillover that they leave for the established commerce of the city and what earned her being recognized as the executive of the month by Billboard magazine in Spanish. And although one of her main achievements is highlighted as the establishment of almost 300 Points of Innovation, Freedom, Art, Education and Knowledge (PILARES), which aim to be recovered public spaces in vulnerable areas of Mexico City and offer "educational services, workshops and free activities that combine academic and community knowledge, strengthening neighborhood identity, promoting social cohesion and improving the quality of life of the community." The truth is that the entire concept of these PILARES encompasses the precariousness of teaching and workshop workers, who are not recognized as workers but as interns, which deprives them of basic labor rights such as social security, vacations and retirement contributions. On the other hand, it also implies the utilitarian use of PILARES workers, who are brought in for the political promotion activities of the city government.



Thus, the private and corporate philanthropic sector, through curators and people from the world of culture for the elites, will try to promote a Law of Patronage; in such a way that even if the next secretary of culture affirms that among her priorities will be “those at the bottom,” the experience of her administration in Mexico City makes us think that the working conditions of the unionized workers of INAH and INBAL will not improve, who practically during the entire six-year term that is about to end worked under protest due to countless violations of their labor rights as a result of “republican austerity” since the budget for the cultural sector was reduced, including museums and archaeological sites in the country. Another risk is that with Claudia Curiel’s business vision, and her success in mass concerts, they will try again to take these to archaeological sites – as has happened in the past, in other six-year terms, with the mass concerts in Teotihuacán and Chichén Itzá – to the detriment of the cultural heritage that these archaeological sites represent. [xxvii] , [xxviii] , [xxix] , [xxx] , [xxxi]



Edna Elena Vega , at the Secretariat of Agrarian, Territorial and Urban Development (Sedatu), is close to the Mexican Chamber of the Construction Industry, of which the Mexican Association of Real Estate Professionals of Mexico City AC is a part and which groups together individuals dedicated to real estate activities such as: Administrators, Marketers, Mediators, Appraisers, Promoters, Financing Advisors and Consultants; as well as the Mexican Real Estate Bank (BIM); among others, such as the College of Architects of Mexico City. [xxxii] , [xxxiii] , [xxxiv]



In conclusion , if in capitalism democracy is the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie over the proletariat, in its highest phase, imperialism, this dictatorship is increasingly losing its democratic façade because the omnipotence of the monopolies in social life, and therefore in politics, is increasingly suffocating, less democratic. That is why it is more necessary to mask the economic power of the monopolies. We therefore foresee that the government of Sheinbaum Pardo will be deeply demagogic, just like its predecessor.



The continuity of the Obradorist project, the program of social democracy, is in reality the continuity of the strengthening of class oppression, which allows that while the capitalists accumulate wealth more quickly, in the same way the working masses become rapidly impoverished by losing the purchasing power of their wages and seeing their labor and social rights increasingly reduced; but with the safeguard of control and social stability that social democracy still guarantees, whether through demagogy, charity or through the ever greater and more diversified militarization.



In the next six-year term we will see not only the continuity of the political project of the 4T, but also the continuity and expansion of an economic policy that has only favored one social class, the big monopolistic bourgeoisie; which continues to be legally equipped with constitutional reforms and secondary laws to the detriment of the country's working class, including migrant workers, proletarian women and youth, indigenous peoples and communities. For the working class and popular field, there is no other option than organization and struggle to achieve true social transformations, for the construction of a superior society led by workers.


Texto completo en: https://elcomunista.nuevaradio.org/el-p ... mpanara-a/

Google Translator

So-called 'corruption' is part and parcel of capitalism but it is an effect that will never be eliminated while capitalism and perhaps money itself are eliminated.