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Post by blindpig » Tue Jul 10, 2018 1:13 pm

AMLO to Implement San Andres Agreements Signed With Zapatistas

Adelfo Regino Montes voting during the July 1 general elections in Alotepec, Oaxaca. | Photo: @DEELAYUUK

Published 8 July 2018

The agreements were reached between the government and the Zapatistas in 1996 but were never implemented.

The future administration of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador will promote a constitutional reform to recognize and implement Indigenous rights and finally respect the San Andres Agreements signed by the government and the National Zapatista Liberation Army (EZLN) in 1996.

The announcement was made by the lawyer and Indigenous rights defender Adelfo Regino Montes, who was appointed by AMLO as the head of the Indigenous affairs office.

The overall plan is aimed at respecting the rights of Indigenous people of Mexico and increasing their participation in public policies. It includes:

1. Development of a comprehensive regional development plan.

2. Creation of a new organism to look after Indigenous issues.

3. Transversal compliance of rights.

4. New constitutional reform.

Adelfo Regino, an Indigenous Mixe, served as Secretary of Indigenous Affairs in Oaxaca from 2010 to 2016, when he resigned in protest due to the violent reaction of the state's government towards the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE) in Nochixtlan, San Pablo Huitzo and Oaxaca City.

He was appointed by Lopez Obrador to head a new institution to look after Indigenous rights, replacing the obsolete National Commission for the Development of the Indigenous People, which the president-elect says “doesn't help the people at all.”

The new office will be part of the Social Development Ministry, to be headquartered in Oaxaca in an effort to decentralize the federal government.

The EZLN has not responded to the latest developments. However, in a statement issued on Friday and signed by the subcomanders Galeano and Moises, the Zapatistas declared they don't support AMLO.

"They might change the overseer, the butlers and the foremen, but the owner is the same... at least the current illusion soothes that history of failures to which the foreseen disappointment will be added," it says.

The San Andres Agreements are a set of commitments and proposals reached between the federal government and the EZLN in 1996, in order to restructure the relationship between the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, society in general and the state.

The joint proposals main objective was to end the asymmetrical relationship between the government and the Indigenous people, as well as ending inequality, discrimination, poverty, exploitation and political exclusion.

A new legal framework was proposed to constitutionally recognize the indigenous peoples' rights not only individually, but the collective rights of the peoples, whether they are Tzeltal, Purepecha, Nahua, Wixarika, Raramuri, Ñuu Savi, or any other.

The proposals included the national recognition of their own political traditional organizations, to their autonomy, to choose their own authorities and ways of justice, to find their own way to organize work and economy, to guarantee their right to their own culture and access to state's justice, to respect their traditional knowledge and protect Indigenous migrants.

The new relationship should be based on autonomy, participation, pluralism, integrality and sustainability. They were signed in San Andres Larrainzar after four months of negotiations and two years after the Zapatista uprising in 1994.

However, the government of Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon later proposed a different reform instead, arguing the original agreements threatened the country's integrity, failing to recognize the negotiations. The EZLN rejected the new proposal and the process was halted.

In 2000 and shortly after being sworn in, Vicente Fox also proposed a new law based on the San Andres Agreements with the important exemption that it didn't recognize the right to autonomy and self-determination of the Indigenous peoples, which was also rejected by the EZLN. ... -0010.html


Zapatistas: Capitalism Won't Allow AMLOs, Lulas, Correas or Evos
Published 19 April 2018

The Subcomandate Galeano warned about the next possible fraud in Mexican elections and the rise of right wing in Latin America

The Subcomandante Galeano, the most well-known spokesperson of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), said that the Capitalist Hydra won't allow any left-wing reformist governments in Latin America, and warned about the next possible electoral fraud in Mexico and the rise of the right in the region.

Speaking at the cycle of conferences titled “Looks, Listens, Words, Thinking Forbidden?” Galeano said in his firm, slow voice that the Zapatistas didn't want “neither reform nor revolution, but survival, resistance and rebellion,” because “capitalism is going for everything and won't allow any Lulas, nor Dilmas, Kirchners or Correas, nor Evos nor Lopez Obradors, nor whatever name is offering to take a breath.”

Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) is the candidate for the left-right wing coalition “Together We'll Make History,” and is currently the favorite by a wide margin. The last poll published by the daily Reforma gave AMLO 48 percent of the vote intention, while the right-wing Ricardo Anaya is far behind with 26 percent.

Other polls don't give such a generous margin, but most are certain that at this point, after three presidential campaigns and a general disdain for the traditional mainstream parties, AMLO is unbeatable.

But Galeano disagrees. As right-wing governments in Latin America are on the rise and the most progressive ones are under heavy international pressure or have been victims of coups, the EZLN famous spokesperson thinks Mexicans won't have it that easy.

“The institutional left is certain that Donald Trump, president of the United States, Brazil's Michel Temer and Argentina's Mauricio Macri will be followed by a Lopez Obrador south of Rio Grande. They're taking it for granted, even though Lopez Obrador is very moderate, promises everything and now is in a fight with [Carlos] Slim because of the airport...” said Galeano.

In order to achieve such a wide advantage, AMLO had to please both the general public and the economic elite of the country, promising investors that their money will be safe.

However, Lopez Obrador also promised to halt the construction of the controversial New International Airport of Mexico City (NAICM), which he claims is an unnecessary investment, to expand another already existing airport and save the country some money. This has earned him criticism from the right-wing sectors, including his former ally Carlos Slim, the richest (known) person in Mexico.

He also said that if any candidate offers to take a breath from capitalism and asks for support, the ruling class “won't allow it. And one thing is preparing for taking that breath and other preparing for a bloody, sadist, fierce persecution out of any logic we've ever seen.”

“We say that now that the hydra is running crazy, it is going for everything and everyone. Those are the reflections, what I understand out of all this, because that is what our friends, brothers and sisters from the networks are facing, and they say 'well, if they're offering us a breath we should take it,' but others say no, that we need to go all-in. And what we say is that taking that breath won't be possible,” said Galeano.

At the first day of the cycle of conferences, the EZLN spokesperson had previously warned that the institutional left in Mexico “is so drunk celebrating a victory that it still doesn't have in hand, that it doesn't realize where the fraud is coming from and doesn't have a plan B.”

En un hecho histórico, comandancia masculina del #EZLN deja la mesa de ponencia del #SemilleroMiradasEscuchasPalabras 2018 a coordinadoras interzona y comandantas de los 5 Caracoles, en mesa donde participa #Marichuy, vocera del CIG.

— nDali ri (@Dal_air) 16 de abril de 2018
“It's an historical event, the male command of the EZLN is leaving the board of the #SeedbedLooksListensWords 2018 to female interzone coordinators and commanders from the 5 Caracols, in which Marichuy, spokeswoman of the CIG, is taking part.”

The cycle of conferences is being held at the Integral Education Indigenous Center (Cideci)-Earth University, located at San Cristobal de las Casas in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas. Cideci is usually the scene of the Zapatista-organized conferences and congresses, to which they invite intellectuals, social organizations, scientists and activists to speak. This time, the public has also been encouraged to participate, as Galeano, who acts as the moderator, invites them to come to the front and take the microphone.

Galeano also said the EZLN has never boycotted the elections, but instead consistently invites the people to organize in their struggle against capitalism.

“We only called once to an electoral vote... during the Other Campaign (2006) in Guanajuato against the National Action Party (PAN, right-wing) to demand the liberation of some friends that were in jail, and they were freed, but we have never called to abstain from voting. First, because we can't do that ourselves, because we're forced to abstain, because we don't even have the choice to vote or not, and why would we tell someone to vote or not? We have to say 'you need to organize'.”

Maria de Jesus Patricio Martinez, the Indigenous Government Council (CIG) spokeswoman backed by the EZLN who was barred from running in the elections, is also present at the event. “Mexico has been kidnapped by a few. We have a lot to do together, this doesn't end just because we didn't get the signatures,” Patricio Martinez said.

Marichuy, the Indigenous Government Council's Nahuatl spokeswoman, and the Wixarika counselor Patricio visit the Totonaca community of Huehuetla, in Puebla, Mexico. 17/11/2017. Photo | Raul Fernando

Patricio Martinez, also known as Marichuy, managed to get 281, 955 signatures in her support, relying on volunteers to get them, out of which more than 90 percent were validated by the electoral authorities as legitimate. However, she didn't get the almost 900,000 signatures needed to become an official independent presidential candidate. Other independent candidates, with far greater resources, managed to reach the goal and will be in the ballots, even though the electoral authorities declared most of their signatures fake.

“We need to come back and get involved in the bottom-up organization, with our own ways, manners and times, but we can't just remain seated thinking that we didn't make it... there's a lot to do for Mexico,” Marichuy said.

Along with delegates of the CIG, Marichuy traveled all across Mexico visiting communities in resistance, listening to their problems and their experience in their struggles.

“We listened and saw that the pains in Mexico are all alike among each other, and they're similar because there's a destruction strategy, of sacking, of control,” said Marichuy. ... -0004.html

Well, it's a valid assumption well supported by history. So, either ALMO support was too strong to defraud, he has made assurances that he won't go 'too far', or the fixers were asleep at the wheel, as per USA 2016. Unfortunately the middle choice is the default.


Zapatista's 'Women in Struggle' Summit Sets Historical Precedent
Published 12 March 2018

Thousands of women met in Zapatista territory against capitalist and patriarchal society.

Thousands of women from all around the world met in Zapatista territory to participate in the first Women in Struggle International Summit, hosted by Mayan Zapatista women.

The Zapatistas say over 5,000 women came to the Caracol of Morelia for the summit, which took place between March 8 and 10. Women started gathering in Caracol, located in a remote area of the Tzotz Choj zone of Chiapas, one day before the opening ceremony to begin arranging accommodation for themselves at the designated shelters or set up tents.

More than 200 political, artistic and sports proposals had been registered for workshops and showcases, including music, dance, theater, poetry, book presentations, photography, cinema, football and volleyball. Workshops about gender violence, ginecology, menstrual cycle, ecology, cyber feminism, writing, and yoga will take place, among others activities.

“I think the general feeling was being comfortable and safe,” said Berenice, a young filmmaker attending the summit, “I played soccer with a lot of different women and with a Zapatista team. We realized we share common problems everywhere and it was very interesting to see how each one of us face those problems.”

For the closing ceremony, Mayan women wearing black balaclavas read a collectively written speech thanking all women from the organizing staff and the Zapatista women that didn't attend the summit because they needed to take care of their families, animals or barracks.

Then they proceeded to reflect on the critisim and complaints they got from attending women, saying they didn't have any manual on how to organize an international summit for women, and that they would take them into account for any next meeting.

But for them, the most important thing was the participation of women from all around the world in a historical event full of rebelious spirit. “We saw and listened to you all, because if not you would've come here in vain, and what's fair is that we listen and see you all, even though we agree or not with what you say.”

Zapatista teams play a soccer match during the summit. Photo: | Berenice Fdz.

More than 2,000 Zapatista women from all the five Zapatista Caracoles, the term they use to call their regional autonomous governments, took part in the activities and organization of the event, momentarily leaving off their daily duties.

“Maybe it wasn't enough, because you're like 5,000, but some say 8,000 and others 9,000. We don't know how many women in struggle came during these days, but we can agree we're a lot,” said the woman reading the speech.

Zapatista women met for months in the different Caracoles to discuss and organize the summit, recognizing they normally take a lot of time to agree on small things and that an event as big as this took them even more time to organize.

“But anyway imagine, sisters and comrades, this what we're saying, we are saying as zapatista women, saying it while they are giving you a hug and telling you to the ear, in your language, in your way, at your time:

'Don't give up, don't sell out, don't give in'

and that way, with these words we're telling you

'Thanks sister, thanks comrade.”

They then invited all women to think collectively if the imposed capitalist and patriarchal system was the root of their pain. If so, then they could agree to fight against “capitalist patriarchy” or any patriarchy.

To close the ceremony, the masked woman called for a next summit to be celebrated on 2019, but one to be celebrated all over the world, not only in Zapatista territory. A summit organized in “each one of your worlds, according to your times and ways, meaning each of you will organize women in struggle summits or how ever you want to call them.” ... -0023.html
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Wed Jul 11, 2018 1:04 pm

July 9, 2018| Katu Arkonada

The return of plebeian Mexico: Populism and hegemony

On July 1, historic elections were held in Mexico, where a project with roots in the left and the national-popular, won the elections. Andrés Manuel López Obrador, candidate of Morena and of the coalition Juntos Haremos Historia, obtained 30 million votes, 53% of them, the highest figure obtained by any presidential candidate in the North American country.

The return of plebeian Mexico: Populism and hegemony
The largest election in history (more than 4000 elected offices, including the President, 500 deputies, 128 senators and 9 governors, including Mexico City) leaves a strong victory. It is the confidence in a leader who has grown up in the face of adversity in what was his third and last presidential candidacy, but, above all, it is a vote against a neoliberal regime that left a Mexico plunged in violence, poverty and inequality. A vote against the Pact for Mexico signed by the PRI, the PAN and the PRD.

The Mexican people voted, therefore, against a dubular and authoritarian agreement that sought to initiate a new cycle of neoliberal reforms1. Voted to give an opportunity to the only one that did not appear in the photo of the Pact for Mexico and promised to repeal the education reform and make a query about the energy reform, both negative legacies of Peña Nieto's sexennium.

But here comes the first notice. 53% of the votes obtained go far beyond the hard core of Morena (or PT or PES, allies in this election campaign). It is a vote that could not be called a loan, which expands as never before the support of a President in a presidentialist country, bordering on hegemony (political, not cultural), but an extremely demanding vote that will need to see real changes during the first months of the new government that will be established on December 1, 2018.

These elections are also the failure of the comtocracy2, the intellectuals and media legitimators of the neoliberal PRIAN regime, who could not (re) impose the idea of ​​"a danger to Mexico", nor in the final stretch of the campaign, that of the "useful" or crossed vote.

Also failed in these elections fraud, the massive purchase of votes in many delegations of Mexico City (Iztapalapa or Coyoacán, to put 2 examples) or the country (Puebla) could perhaps reduce, but not prevent, the triumph of López Obrador .

And these elections have been mainly those of the return of plebeian Mexico, those of the "first the poor", even though, paradoxically, Morena and Amlo have expanded their base of voters with middle and upper-middle strata like never before. And next to the ones from below, the youth, and especially the millennials, who have chosen, although it may also seem paradoxical, the oldest candidate to represent them. It is, in short, the victory of the popular against the cupola.

The data

The figures of López Obrador's triumph are more than conclusive.

For the first time in Mexico, the left will govern the country, Mexico City, and have a majority in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. In addition, both in the executive and legislative branches, there will be gender parity.

Amlo also won in 31 of the 32 states of the Republic (only Guanajuato continued to bet on the PAN). Especially significant is the victory in the largest electoral district in the country, the State of Mexico, cradle of the PRI, where Morena and the coalition Juntos Haremos Historia will govern in 55 municipalities (including the cradle of the Peñanietismo, Atlatomulco, in addition to Toluca and Ecatepec) 33 won by the PAN and 23 by the PRI.

The dark triumph also occurred in 5 of the 9 states where the government was at stake (CDMX, Veracruz, Chiapas, Tabasco and Morelos) and in 11 of the 16 mayorships that make up Mexico City.

And all this, without major regional gaps3 in the composition of the vote, as well as gender, class or studies.

In the section of data it is necessary to highlight not only the victory of Amlo, but the resounding defeat of the PRI (you can not understand one without the other). Not only did he not win any of the 9 elections to governor, but in the presidential election he did not get even one of the 300 electoral districts in which the country is divided, as well as not one of the 32 states. The old Party of the Institutional Revolution is left with less than 10% of the 2,464 Mexican municipalities; and just to make a comparison, in the Chamber of Deputies will have a smaller group than the PT, which until the last election had 3% of the percentage nationwide.

The 4th transformation?

Andrés Manuel López Obrador has ruled on numerous occasions that the fourth transformation of Mexico is coming, after the Independence, the Reformation and the Mexican Revolution. A peaceful and democratic transformation (according to the standards of liberal democracy).

It is clear that, if the Mexican Revolution was the first social revolution of all Latin America, and of the entire 20th century, the one produced on July 1 is an electoral revolution unprecedented in the history of Mexico. A kind of jacobinismo of the polls4.

And really, the changes have already begun to feel. Before even being declared officially elected President, Amlo has already spoken with Trump for half an hour, has arranged a meeting with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and has met at the National Palace with outgoing President Peña Nieto, as well as the economic elites grouped around the Business Coordinating Council.

But what kind of government can we expect from López Obrador?

In principle, a government that will pivot between institutional democratization and the fight against corruption in the political sphere, economic redistribution without affecting the interests of big capital in the economic sphere, and the defense of national sovereignty in the international arena.

Politically, the priorities are to combat the insecurity and violence that Mexico is experiencing, which has led to the militarization and paramilitarization of a large part of the national territory to wage a social war of extermination5. The Narco and the necropolítica will be the main problem to face.

Also, a bitter battle against corruption, fight of which Amlo has made its main flag. However, López Obrador is wrong in 2 things when facing this battle: corruption will not disappear by the mere will of the President, no matter how honest he himself is (although it is clear that persecuting it effectively, be it committed by colleagues or family members, will help); and contrary to what the next President affirms, corruption is a cultural fact, deeply rooted in society, with an origin in colonialism and the capitalist logic of modernity.

It is also expected a policy of respect for freedoms: the press, the right to dissent, respect for sexual diversity or Human Rights, as Amlo himself said in a campaign spot, citing Mexican intellectual Ignacio Ramírez " The Necromancer ": I jump where the town is hoisted.

Among the pending in the political arena that have not been much deepened during the electoral campaign, the inclusion of indigenous peoples and communities. It was a success Marichuy's presence in the pre-campaign, to give voice to the voiceless, but it is the new President who will have to design a State policy for indigenous peoples, respecting their autonomy.

If we analyze the economic area, it is urgent and necessary the redistribution of wealth in a G20 country that does not grow more than 2% per year; where the minimum wage is 88 pesos per day (less than 5 USD); where 4 Mexicans have as much as 50% of the poorest population, 10% control more than 2/3 of the national wealth, and 1% accumulate 1/3 of Mexico's wealth6.

The commitment in the economic sphere is clear, strengthen the sovereignty over natural resources, from the audit of contracts and concessions obtained from the energy reform, and a commitment to the internal market that allows a neo-Keynesian reactivation of the economy . Likewise, a plan to support and employ young people in the hands of the business community, which will have to be refined so that it does not become a scholarship program that authorizes cheap labor for economic elites. All this in the middle of a renegotiation of NAFTA with the United States and Canada, in which the incoming government is expected to take part alongside the negotiating team of the outgoing government.

And finally, foreign policy is probably where the recovery of sovereignty delivered by the PRIAN regime is best performed. In that sense, the Summit of the Pacific Alliance that will take place on July 24 in Puerto Vallarta, and where Peña Nieto has invited López Obrador to participate, will be the space where the Mexican foreign policy will begin to be outlined. It would be desirable for Mexico to leave the Lima Group at least, which only seeks to destabilize the process of regional integration.

The other fundamental issue, and where Mexico will have to balance with the United States government and a desirable cordial relationship with the Trump administration, is the question of the wall, and the defense of Mexican migrants in the United States, an issue that can not be Dissociate from the Central American migrants who cross Mexico every day looking for the border, and whose human rights are subjected to a constant violation and vexation, also by the Mexican administration.

Neoliberalism vs. Populism with Mexican characteristics

Beyond the cold figures, and the master lines contained in the draft of the nation of Morena and hopefully continue the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, it is necessary to stop to analyze and characterize what the triumph of this post-movement party implies. in March by Amlo.

We remember Mariátegui when he spoke of neither tracing nor copying, if not heroic creation. And while the ruling applies perfectly to the current time, in the face of erroneous interpretations, ignorance or, above all, ill will, we must say that López Obrador is more like Bernie Sanders than Trump, and that his political project is more close to that of Perón than to that of Hugo Chávez.

Really Lopez Obrador has become an empty significant that brings together all the unmet demands of society, which simplifies in corruption all the evils that plague the country, which reconciles different fractions and ideologies, with different pacts at both territorial and union level. Bottom, but also above.

It is, in short, a visceral reaction to the neoliberal shock doctrine. It is a project whose roots sink into the national-popular, from where it faces the dispossession to which neoliberalism subjects us.

And now that?

The question is what comes from December 1.

On July 1, the party system imploded. It is clear that a replacement of elites begins and the question is whether Amlo is going to take advantage of the situation and end up disintegrating the PRI and the PRD, to consolidate a kind of bipartisanship in which he polarizes, as he only knows how, with the PAN. There are several possible scenarios7, which are already beginning to be analyzed by some Mexican intellectuals.

The Latin American experiences leave us several lessons. One of the main ones is that reaching the government does not mean having (all) power. From the first day begins a struggle with economic and media power for the conduct of the process.

In that sense, it is important to know what the new game board will be, once the political map has been redrawn completely in this election.

On the horizon, the year 2021 and the midterm elections (while the mandate for President, Senators, or Head of Mexico City is for 6 years, that of local and federal deputies, or mayors, is for 3 years ). In a very intelligent way, López Obrador has proposed a mandate revocation via plebiscite, mid-term. That would allow him to be on a ballot in the midterm elections, which could help consolidate the results obtained this election, from that ratification, start as he has already announced, structural reforms in the second half of his six-year term.

To this end, López Obrador, who has been campaigning for the most pragmatic Amlo of the last 12 years, and at the same time wants to go down in history as the best President of Mexico, must adopt another profile as ruler. He has already made it clear that his intention is to govern with the people, the people, and the people. But the election of July 1 is a political moment of exceptionality. The people will go little by little withdrawing to their daily jobs, hoping that the rulers will fulfill the task for which they have been elected. And that's where the figure of the party comes into play, which can not be replaced by the State. The new regime can not co-opt the social struggles, it must not only allow them, but, above all, not try to replace them. It is necessary to break with the neoliberal and technocratic kidnapping of politics.

In this new stage, the left-wing political parties that initiated this transformation, especially Morena and PT, must continue to promote it, without leaving everything in the hands of the government or state institutions.

In short, from July 1, and if you want to build a hegemony that goes beyond a simple political majority, less Peace Amlove and more Machiavelli. ... -0001.html

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Wed Jul 18, 2018 1:13 pm

The Zapatista Army Rejects Possible Meeting With AMLO
Published 17 July 2018

Priest Alejandro Solalinde suggested a meeting between the EZLN and the future government of Mexico on Tuesday.

The Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) has denied any possible encounter with Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, the center-left candidate elected as the future president of Mexico, as priest Alejandro Solalinde had suggested.

“If we're 'sectarian,' 'marginal' and 'radical;' if we're 'isolated' and 'alone;' if we´re not 'in vogue;' if we don't represent anything nor anyone; then, why don't you leave us alone and keep celebrating your 'victory'? Why don't you prepare yourselves, without lies, for the five years and ten months you will be at the federal government?” says a statement by the EZLN answering to multiple accusations from Solalinde and sectors of the left supportive of Lopez Obrador.

After AMLO's landslide victory on July 1 presidential elections, many have called the EZLN for a possible dialogue with the future government. On Monday, Solalinde said the Zapatistas had agreed to a meeting with him and that he would deliver a letter Lopez Obrador wrote for them.

But according to the EZLN itself, there's no way such thing will happen.

“The EZLN has not received anything but lies, insults, slanders and racist, sexist comments from Mr. Solalinde who -as it was said during the times of Salinas and Zedillo- thinks that we're poor, ignorant indigenous people manipulated by 'Caxlanes [white people] managing Zapatismo,' using his own words, and that prevents us from putting our heads down and bow before the one that Mr. Solalinde considers the new savior,” the EZLN said in a statement.

“I call on the ideological advisors of the Zapatista brothers and sisters to allow the encounter, dialogue and construction of the Mexico we want. We can walk together and united.”

Solalinde is close to Lopez Obrador and has called the EZLN multiple times for a dialogue. He recently turned out his offer to head the national human rights commission.

“We already have an appointment with the EZLN to hand over the letter,” said Solalinde, whose words were quickly picked up by national and international media. He was supposed to deliver the letter on Tuesday morning, but the EZLN published an open letter instead, denying any possible encounter.

“It's of public knowledge that for the last 16 years, after the indigenous counter-reform, the EZLN has not dialogued with the federal governments, either with Fox after 2001, nor with Calderon or Peña Nieto. Our willingness to dialogue has always been answered with lies, slanders and treason. If you're so kind, please give Mr. Solalinde newspaper cutouts and books detailing this, because he's doing the same thing,” they said.

The open letter is signed by the EZLN's spokesperson Subcomandante Moises, who describes himself as “100 percent Mexican, 100 percent original people of the Tzeltal language and 100 percent Zapatista,” in response to Solalinde's remarks that the indigenous army is manipulated by “mestizos.”

The Mexican priest Alejandro Solalinde is a human rights defender close to the future president of Mexico, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. New York, May 23, 2013. Photo | EFE

The Zapatista army has dialogued with Mexico's federal government in the past, resulting in a set of failures that have made them wary of any deal or encounter. After their uprising on January 1, 1994, the army agreed to a dialogue with Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon, who later officially became president-elect, who the Zapatistas blame of betraying them.

At that time, one of Zedillo's chief negotiators was Esteban Moctezuma Barragan, regarded by the Zapatistas as the mastermind behind the assassination attempts against the leadership of the EZLN.

Now, Moctezuma Barragan has been appointed by AMLO as the education minister, and the EZLN is not willing to forgive him or give a chance to Solalinde.

“We are unaware if now Mr. Solalinde aspires to replace Mr. Moctezuma Barragan in the role he had with Zedillo,” says the statement.

Recently, Lopez Obrador's future head of indigenous affairs Adelfo Regino Montes declared the future government will promote a constitutional reform to implement and respect the long-delayed San Andres Agreements


AMLO to Implement San Andres Agreements Signed With Zapatistas

The agreements are a set of commitments and proposals reached between the federal government and the EZLN in 1996, in order to restructure the relationship between the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, society in general and the state.

The joint proposals main objective was to end the asymmetrical relationship between the government and Indigenous people, as well as ending inequality, discrimination, poverty, exploitation and political exclusion.

However, the government of Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon later proposed a different reform instead, arguing the original agreements threatened the country's integrity, failing to recognize the negotiations. The EZLN rejected the new proposal and the process was halted.

In 2000 and shortly after being sworn in, Vicente Fox also proposed a new law based on the San Andres Agreements with the important exemption that it didn't recognize the right to autonomy and self-determination of Indigenous peoples, which was also rejected by the EZLN.

At the end of their statement, the EZLN pledged to keep doing what they have been doing for almost 25 years, because “freedom is not granted as charity, neither as a human or divine favor, it's conquered in struggle.” ... -0017.html
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Wed Aug 08, 2018 3:37 pm

EZLN: Did They Listen?
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on AUGUST 6, 2018
Raúl Romero ... 734_20.jpg
It was 1995 and Ernesto Zedillo was president of Mexico. Violence and the economic crisis created a difficult atmosphere for his mandate. In order to gain legitimacy, Zedillo proposed resolving the conflict that had exploded one year before in the country’s southeast, where the Zapatista National Liberation Army (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) rose up in arms as a response to the genocide against the indigenous peoples and in demand of jobs, land, housing, food, health care, education, independence, liberty, democracy, justice and peace for all Mexicans; demands to which they would later add autonomy and information. The causes of the uprising remain in effect.

Zedillo’s strategy consisted in publicly simulating peace and dialogue, at the same time that he prepared the military operation with which it sought to arrest the Zapatista comandancia. Esteban Moctezuma Barragán, then Secretary of Governance, was a key piece in the operation: while he simulated dialogue, Zedillo ordered the revelation of the alleged identity of Zapatista leaders and unleashed orders of capture against them.

On February 9, 1995, the Mexican Army took several Chiapas villages. There were illegal arrests, searches, bombings, young children murdered and women raped. “The February betrayal,” as this event was known, failed in its final objective: arresting the Zapatista commanders.

Recently, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) ratified that Esteban Moctezuma will be the Secretary of Public Education in his administration. He also named Alfonso Romo as one of those currently responsible for the transition in economic matters and his future cabinet chief. Romo has been an impresario spoiled by the system. AMLO himself denounced Romo several times.

Romo, just like Víctor Villalobos –proposed by AMLO to head the Secretariat of de Agriculture and who Víctor M. Toledo in these same pages classified as a “soldier of the transnationals” (– openly promotes the use of genetically modified organisms and improved seeds, a measure that is rejected by campesinos in Mexico.

Likewise, to the express question of whether they will support the Special Economic Zones (SEZ), Romo stated last July 1 that they would make them bigger and that all of Mexico would have to be an “investment paradise.” The SEZs are true colonial enclaves, “new links to dispossession,” as Magdalena Gómez pointed out ( ). [1]

We could mention other names that represent the system of privileges, impunity and corruption and that will occupy key charges in the next cabinet. These examples are enough to point out that the doubts about a 180 degree change of the next government are legitimate, doubts that are fed by the rambling speeches typical of Salinismo, but now enunciated by mediators of the future government, like Alejandro Solalinde, who referred to the EZLN as “extremists,” “indigenous people influenced by mestizos” and a “radical minority.”

But the doubts about what will happen above do not underestimate what moved in those below last July 1. Of the more than 30 million people that voted for AMLO, many also or above all, voted against the war, against the impunity and against the femicides. They voted for the presentation of disappeared persons, for memory, for truth and for justice. They voted against the hikes in gas prices (gasolinazos), against the education reform and for dignified employment. The discontent accumulated over many years decided to manifest that day. The organizational experience of the victims movement, of the teaching profession, of youth, of the social-environmental resistances, of women, of sexual diversity, of journalists and of many others conquered fraud.

All those voices must be heard. And for that to be the case, social, critical and independent movements are necessary. Movements that will break the neoliberal consensus that the ruling classes seek to expand. The worst thing that could happen to us now is that we derive into a neoliberalism legitimized with the false argument of unity from the 30 million voters. You must listen well: many people voted against neoliberalism, voted against the system of death, dispossession and corruption that is called capitalism. A non-corrupt capitalism does not exist, nor does dispossession equal the wellbeing of the peoples.

In Mexico we know what happens when organizations of our peoples become an extension of the State. We don’t want to relive that history. Even worse, if democratic organizations of the left do not occupy that place soon, right-wingers from the hand of Claudio X. González will fill the vacuum.

They have to listen carefully to what those below said and will say these days. Now that the tsunami is over, the islands of the new world will continue being the horizon that guides the walking.


[1] For more on the Special Economic Zones, see: ... rn-mexico/

English Translation by the Chiapas Support Committee ... ey-listen/
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Thu Jan 17, 2019 11:33 pm

The consistency of the EZLN
COLUMN D FEATURED OPINION WEEK ZERO ZONEJanuary 15, 2019 at 7:03 pm • 0


In this space we had pointed out that the real confrontation of the new government and its so-called "Fourth Transformation" would not be with the big businessmen. Nor would it be between powers (Executive, Legislative and Judicial). Not even between matches. Yes, there will be important issues of contention, such as that of canonries to which ministers and other officials of the golden caste cling ; the resources with which electoral clients were kept, or the choice of places where there will be no business for big capital. And of course, the struggle for power.


There will even be scandals and accusations among these actors. But their differences, however profound, are systemic. They can step into the jail some characters and be dismissed and subjected to process others, but hegemonic blocks will be able to agree because they agree on the fundamental.

The real confrontation will be, we said then, with the antisystemic actors, specifically, the social left that is not represented in the party system.

The military parade of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) last December 31 in La Realidad, Chiapas, came to confirm that we are facing the highest probability that hostilities between the Mexican Army and the EZLN will resume from that betrayal and the attack against the Zapatistas ordered by Ernesto Zedillo in 1995. We would also be facing the biggest political crisis from then to date.

Zapatismo has been able to interpret the messages of the new government and has decided to show its military face. On this occasion he left aside the communiqués, the analyzes, the cultural festivals, the stories-metaphors and the music. Peacefully and without weapons, the EZLN deployed its 21st Infantry Division, which filled the plaza of the Caracol Madre de los Caracoles Sea of ​​Our Dreams. Those thousands of militiamen marching at the pace of maneuver were more eloquent than the speeches that came later.

The Zapatistas left speechless those who insisted -and insist- on saying that they are a finished movement, without support and without any capacity for response. Those of us who have followed -from close, far away, attentive- to the indigenous movement, we know that what the Zapatista communities have built can hardly be pushed back. What he showed that day was a strong organization, of decent and healthy people who do not ask for alms.

The fierce campaign against the EZLN in the media and social networks-including slanders-is really insubstantial: if they had not criticized the previous governments (when anyone can join where is the record of each statement and activity by date ); that if they are a creation of Salinas; that if they criticize López Obrador for envy ... Yes, that level is the massive interpellation to the Zapatistas. Paradoxically, some of the fiercest critics of Zapatismo are those who applauded Peña Nieto for his "democratic vocation" demonstrated by allowing Lopez Obrador to assume the Presidency of the Republic.

The truth is that the EZLN and, with it, the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) oppose what they have always opposed: the dispossession of the indigenous peoples and the contempt for indigenous rights and culture.

Shortly because now López Obrador proposes it, the Zapatistas have to accept megaprojects like the Mayan Train, the transisthmic corridor or the (their) plantation of timber and fruit trees on communal lands, which open to the great capital regions where the big businessmen have not yet been able to establish mechanisms of espolio? Is it valid to oppose if proposed by Porfirio Díaz, Fox, Calderón or Peña Nieto, but must be accepted if the person proposing it is the "Fourth Transformation"?

For the big capital, López Obrador's term will have been worth it only to deliver what could not do Porfirio Díaz, or Salinas, or Zedillo, or Fox, or Peña Nieto. They are the same projects. The last governments did not have the legitimacy nor the moral authority to achieve a dispossession of such magnitudes before the organized indigenous movement. Andrés Manuel believes he does and, wielding his 30 million votes and the discourse of being a "left" government, will use all the power of the State to impose these projects. Hence the warning given by the Zapatistas.

In one of the conferences of López Obrador with the press, I had the opportunity to ask him if his government intended to comply with the San Andrés Accords and to reform Article 27 of the Constitution to reverse the reform made by Carlos Salinas de Gortari. Raising constitutional respect for indigenous rights and culture and stopping the privatization of ejidos and communal lands have been demands of peasants, communities and the social left for decades. The president avoided answering. He turned the question around with the promise that in the afternoon, in Oaxaca, he would publicize all the policy that his government will apply to "support" the indigenous peoples.

That afternoon he announced, from the region where ikoots, binni záa and o'depüt have resisted for more than 1 century the implementation of a transisthmic corridor, that the indigenous people will have to accept this project, as well as the Mayan Train and the planting of fruit trees and timber. In return, they will have "support" and "work". Not a word of the San Andres Accords or of amending Article 27 of the Constitution. Your "indigenous" agenda is very different.

What became clear with the military deployment of the EZLN on December 31 last is that López Obrador will not find the indigenous who kneels in the Zapatistas and the members of the CNI. You will find the one who looks at you from the front, standing, and in Tsotsil, Yoreme, Nahua, Peninsular Maya, Na'Saavi and 60 other languages ​​will say: No.

Zósimo Camacho ... -del-ezln/

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Tue Jan 22, 2019 1:48 pm

Two Mexicos, Two Universal Alternatives: Tlahuelilpan VS Matamoros


Two news from Mexico these days appear in the press around the world: a new historical record in the number of homicides and the explosion of a PEMEX pipeline in Tlahuelilpan, which has left almost a hundred corpses already . Everything in Mexico sends us to despair. But there is something important going on that is not getting international media out.


The victims of Tlahuelilpan have been immediately instrumentalized as an illustration of the human costs of the "huachicoleo", the theft of gasoline for resale in gas stations by mafias organized with connivance of the direction of Pemex. Of course, AMLO, who had been attacking the huachicoleo head on, changed the script of the usual reaction of the Mexican bourgeoisie ("they die for thieves"). But there is no illusions, it is not that AMLO suddenly represents "the presidency of the people." What happens is that it is in an open struggle for control of Pemex without which it can not successfully undertake the disciplining of the state apparatus and the state bourgeoisie that is the basis of its project.


But while the first news of the disaster was reported in all the media of Mexico, 70,000 workers went on strike in more than half of the maquiladoras in Matamoros , facing not only the bosses but, above all, overcoming and beating the union control , overcoming employer and police repression and extending in time and the number of companies a massive mobilization. The latest news that we hear speak of appeals to the formation of factory committees and strike to take the fight directly and group together the maquilas.
The "wild strike" of Matamoros, led by the most precarious workers is the most powerful mass strike we have seen in all the Americas in decades.


Tlahuelilpan and Matamoros show the two paths we can follow. In Mexico, in the Americas and in the world. In one, we are cannon fodder from the internal battles of bourgeois interests. Cannon meat consumable and dispensable. On the other hand, Matamoros shows a working class capable of overcoming the union-police control, self-organizing and imposing their interests, interests that are not particular privileges or local demands, but universal affirmation of human needs, seed of a new society .

Tlahuelilpan and Matamoros show the two paths we can follow. In Mexico, in the Americas and in the world. In one, we are cannon fodder, in another we impose universal human needs ... matamoros/

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Thu Feb 14, 2019 6:27 pm

Zapatistas Say 'No' to International Meeting of Women Who Fight

“They don’t want our lands to be ours but for tourists to come and have their big hotels and their great restaurants.” | Photo: Facebook / @Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN)

The EZLN women are boycotting the second annual event to protest the 'new, bad government (that is) doing the capitalist's megaprojects'.

Zapatista women in southern Mexico say they will not hold the II International Meeting of Women Who Fight that was set to take place in March in Chiapas.

The women collective of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) say they are “saddened” by the decision, but say it’s a necessary protest to the “new, bad government (that is) doing the capitalist's megaprojects.”

Though the women never explicitly mention any state leader, they say: “From his Mayan Train, from his plan for the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, (Oaxaca) from planting trees for wood and fruit merchandise,” as the main reasons why the EZLN women members will not hold the event this year.

The Zapatistas and other Indigenous groups in southern and eastern Mexico have previously come out against President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) administration for not holding comprehensive community consultations regarding the construction of the ‘Mayan Train’, a large-scale 1,500km infrastructure and rail project proposed by AMLO and already underway, set to run across the entire Yucatan Peninsula for tourism, transportation and economic purposes.

“They don’t want our lands to be ours but for tourists to come and have their big hotels and their great restaurants,” state the women.

The EZLN women say they are also against “mining companies and large food companies” that are entering Mexico. “And (the government) also has an agrarian plan that … looks to destroy us as original peoples, in the way of converting our lands into merchandise,” say the women leaders.

The women state that “these projects are destruction. It does not matter how much they want to cover it with their lies. ... The truth is that they go for everything of the original peoples. … They want our lands to become farms that produce precious woods (and) fruits.”

Since his campaign, Lopez Obrador has promised to create a project to plant some one million fruit and lumber trees in southern Mexico for farming and logging.

The Zapatista women’s letter, addressed to other women, says that if they decide to hold the event in a different region then tell the attendees “the truth,” that the Zapatista women aren’t coming because they are “fighting ... for their freedom.” ... -0012.html
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Thu Mar 28, 2019 12:47 pm

Nothing we expect from Lopez Obrador: CNI

The National Indigenous Congress accused the president-elect of representing the continuity of the neoliberal economic model and, therefore, the dispossession of poor communities
August 23, 2018

AYUTLA, Guerrero.- The National Indigenous Congress (CNI) distanced President-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador, whom they considered the continuity of the neoliberal economic model.

We do not expect anything from the next López Obrador government, because our proposal is to organize ourselves from below, among the peoples and communities grouped in the CNI, which is currently made up of 46 languages ​​and dialects from all over the country, said María de Jesús Patricio Martínez , spokesperson of that organization.

Our people are disappearing, they are stealing the waters, they are stealing natural resources, they are opening the land and they are stealing the riches they have, they are murdering them, reproached the indigenous leader and, in that sense, considered urgent "Do something to make the indigenous problematic visible".


"That's why we went to tour the country, most of the indigenous peoples, to listen to the pains of each community, which in the end are all the same: wherever there is dispossession, there is repression of organizational attempts, so that only the organization that emerges from our peoples and communities is what will allow us to move forward, "the spokeswoman added.

And he added: "That is why our struggle is against capitalism, because that is responsible for everything that is happening in our towns, they are those who are thinking about how they are going to take money out of the water, into the land, into the forests, they are seeing the sign of pesos to the land that we consider our mother because it is sacred; It is what gives us food, it is what you saw us and it is what keeps us warm when we die. "

For Marichuy , "capitalism is a giant monster, we take care of everyone to be able to destroy it; men and women are occupied, the struggle of women is important because they are the ones who suffer together with the earth, together with the forests, together with their communities. We have to walk this fight together: neither the man anymore nor the woman less. "

The presidential exaspirante informed that to date they have visited 29 states of the country to know up close the pain of the marginal towns and communities, that have been victims of the depredation and looting of resources on the part of the capitalism, economic model that identifies as the the main enemy of the indigenous peoples, in addition to the political parties.

In this sense, the 54-year-old indigenous Nahuatl, who serves as spokesperson for the CNI, made it clear that there is an undoubted distance between the government project of López Obrador -who will take power on the first of December next- and the interest of the people poor, indigenous and non-indigenous, who in their opinion are totally outside the presidential agenda.

Marichuy , as his followers call him, held a meeting with hundreds of guerrilla militants from the National Front for the Liberation of Peoples (FNLP), where he learned first-hand about the spoils, abuses and sufferings of Me'Phaa and Naa Savi peoples , who met in this municipal seat to receive it.


Here is an excerpt from the interview with the indigenous leader:

In Guerrero we are seeing an onslaught of the transnationals, especially the extractive industry, what response will the indigenous peoples, the indigenous peoples in general, give to curb this process of depredation?

Well, gathered together in the CNI, we must look for how we all get together, because there are some towns that are more advanced than others, as in the case of Ayutla where a community government is being built. Each place has its own form of struggle, but the organization does not depend on people, it depends on the community: it has to emerge from below, from the way in which each town, each community, designs it.

What expectation do we have before the new government of López Obrador?

Well, we follow what we said. We do not expect anything, we do not have expectations for the moment in the new government. We remain firm, we believe that this fight goes for long, the change does not depend on a person. The change has to be from below and from everyone.

How many languages ​​are agglutinated around the CNI?

Well, there are 46 languages ​​and more are being added over the course of the days. To launch these projects, we launched a collective proposal based on the community assembly to ensure that those responsible respond to the interests of the people. To strengthen this process we build an Indigenous Government Council that gives the collective form that the people can take into account, so that the assembly will monitor the fulfillment of the objectives and, if the elected ones fail, then change them.

The objective is to strengthen the community assembly?

Rather, strengthen collective processes, because we believe that only among all we will achieve the defense of popular interests and, particularly, the defense of the territory.

In the hypothetical case that AMLO can not meet expectations , what is going to happen?

I think it is not up to us to decide, we are going to continue working on what we set out to do because we believe that this is going to happen, and it is a task that will be growing down, in the communities, in the neighborhoods, in the colonies, in the cities. Because now that we have seen this journey, we realize that there are not only problems in the indigenous peoples, but also in the cities, in the neighborhoods, in the colonies. What we saw is that the colonies do not even fit to propose a candidate. The only thing we expect is for the people below to be organized.

Will there be a pronouncement on the issue of indigenous peoples in the near future?

We have 150 councilors of the CNI that are shaping the Indigenous Council of Government and we are going to have a workshop this end of the month where we are going to define where we are going to walk, where, when, how we are walking. We are not going to decide two or three people, but among all of us. That's why I say we're going slow, because you have to go listen to everyone.

How do you see Guerrero? The same problems?

Yes, it is what (the political parties) have created in the communities: the division, the gifts, the fights for a quota of power. What we want is to remove that. If that has divided us, then we must see how to remove that. We must find a way to unite without political parties, then.

Would a route be the strengthening of community forms of government?

Well, depending on how the communities decide, because that implies strengthening their own structures, their forms of government according to how they (the communities) consider it.

On the other hand, Oscar Espino Vázquez, coordinator of the Commission of Government of the CNI, exemplified the neoliberal vocation of the next government with the case of Corredor del Istmo, recently announced as one of the 25 priority projects of the López Obrador government.

What we see is that of the 25 priority projects, several are meant as a strengthening of the neoliberal economic model, such as the Corredor del Istmo, which updates the Puebla-Panama Plan project, said Espino Vázquez.

According to his words, many of the other projects of AMLO involve private investment, militarization and processes of inclusion of industrial corridors in mega-diverse areas, which translates into subjugation of the right of peoples.

Espino Vázquez explained that in López Obrador's priority projects there are other cases that allow us to discern that his government will only be the continuity of the neoliberal process, "for example, the extraction of hydrocarbons, because we do not see that there is a regression to the energy reform, nor a regression in the hydrocarbons law. "

Now, he continued, what is said is that there will be a revision of the contracts, but we did not want a comptroller, what we want is that our territories are not destroyed.

Other cases cited by the leader are the promotion of extractive megaprojects, such as mining, hydroelectric, wind, hydrocarbons and gas pipelines that will be maintained in the next government and, in that sense, "we do not see a substantial change in neoliberal policy, on the contrary: there is a de facto strengthening of those projects ".

In this context, according to the vision of the indigenous leader, it has been found that where extractive projects exist, such as mining, there have been depopulation phenomena for which they have used organized crime, in an unequivocal formula composed of company-narco- government, which has caused death and desolation in the territories that possess mineral wealth.

In the vision of Espino Vázquez, the CNI is proposing to unmask the neoliberal economic project, whoever leads it. Now it is López Obrador, in the future they will be others and in the past they were others, "but that is our objective, for which we will have to walk together all the below to build a work agenda that allows us to take the destiny in our hands. "

Published by José A. Rivera ... rador-cni/

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Thu Mar 28, 2019 12:54 pm

Statement of the CNI-CIG-EZLN before the murder of comrade Samir Flores Soberanes

February 20, 2019

To the people of Mexico and the peoples of the world

To networks supporting the IGC

To the networks of resistance and rebellion

To the Sixth National and International

To the media

We denounce with pain and anger the cowardly murder of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes, leader in the community of Amilcingo, Morelos; one of the main opponents of the Integral Morelos Project and delegate for many years of the National Indigenous Congress

At approximately 5:40 am today, February 20, armed people arrived aboard two vehicles that knocked on the door and when Samir left, they gave him four bullets, two of them in the head that a few minutes later they ripped off the lifetime.

Yesterday, Samir explained the reasons that Morelos people have to oppose the Morelos Integral Plan, in an event organized by the delegate of the bad federal government Hugo Erick Flores, who presented himself in the municipality of Jonacatepec to organize the forum related to the supposed "consultation" with which they intend to impose the thermoelectric of Huexca, Morelos and the complementary works that deprive the territory and threaten the life of the entire region.

We blame for this crime the bad government and its bosses, which are the companies and their legal and illegal armed groups, which try to steal us, take us to death and put out the lights that give us hope, like that of Comrade Samir.

February 2019

For the Integral Reconstitution of Our Peoples
Never Again A Mexico Without Us

National Indigenous Congress Indigenous
Council of Government
Zapatista Army of National Liberation ... soberanes/

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Two questions

Gloria Muñoz Ramírez
rogreso for whom? "asked Samir Flores, the defender of Nahua territory and community communicator killed in Amilcingo, in the context of his opposition to the Huexca thermoelectric plant. Progress for what? He insisted on the assemblies. What does progress mean for our communities? , he snapped at the President on February 10 in Cuautla, just ten days before two bullets ended his life.

The apparent simplicity of their questions is in response to the reasons for the megaprojects that are imposed on the territories of indigenous peoples, for whom literally implies their disappearance, as in the case of the community of Huexca, Morelos, which opposes to the energetic project because life goes on in it.

Mines, roads, hydroelectric power plants, aqueducts, trains, gas pipelines, tourist centers, airports and a long etcetera run over the community fabric, flora and fauna, crops, rivers, springs and seas, archaeological zones and forests. It is about the continuity of a neoliberal plan that was installed in Mexico three decades ago, and that today has one of its most critical moments.

It will be bad if the voice of the people who reject its annihilation is despised. The heirs of Zapata announce mobilizations that begin on April 7 in Morelos. Acts are foreseen in Amilcingo and in the former Hacienda of Chinameca, where 100 years ago they assassinated the revolutionary general and where an official commemoration is planned which, the Nahuas residents warn, will not allow.

Two days before the consultation to impose the thermoelectric they killed Samir Flores. For a moment it was thought in these lands that there would be institutional sensitivity not to carry out the questioned procedure. It was not so. Everything seems to indicate that unreason will again be imposed on April 10, a date that belongs to the indigenous and peasant communities, who are still being sent adverse messages,

The President has been declared persona non grata in communities in which they voted for him. They are not PRI or PAN. They trusted in their word committed in 2014 and today they say they are betrayed. You have to listen to them.

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Fri May 31, 2019 8:18 pm

Mexico: Indigenous Demand Demilitarization of Zapatista's Lands

Meeting of the National Indigenous Congress in San Cristobal de las Casas, Mexico, May 28, 2017. | Photo: EFE

Published 31 May 2019 (3 hours 15 minutes ago)

A "Global Action" is being carried out in defense of Mexican indigenous peoples' right to land, territory and autonomy.

International networks supporting the Indigenous Council of Government (CIG) and the National Indigenous Congress (CNI), organizations that emerged from the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), are protesting Friday in a "Global Action" in defense of land, territory and autonomy of Indigenous peoples and communities of Mexico.

In San Cristobal de las Casas, hundreds of people protested in the main square changting: "Chiapas is not a barrack, get out military," and "we want schools and not military."

Citizens there are of protesting the oncoming presence of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador's National Guard that is setting up to establish at least three bases in EZLN territory and in Chiapas state. According to Contralinea media, this amounts to more bases within any other same-sized region in the country even though the Chiapas autonomous territories have some of the lowest crime and violence rates in the country.

Human rights defenders in Mexico are demanding that Mexico's federal army and new National Guard leave the state of Chiapas and the EZLN-controlled territory. The Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba) denounced on May 2 that the National Defense Secretariat (Sedena) had already conducted 14 military incursions around the Caracol de la Realidad, one of the EZLN headquarters in the Lacandon Jungle of southern Chiapas.

"Military incursions are intimidation and harassment acts against the Zapatista Indigenous peoples. They mean an aggression against their right to autonomy and they represent a risk to the life, integrity and security of the entire population," Mexico's Global Action organization said in a statement May 31.

Other Indigenous communities throughout the country are also dennouncing the murder of popular leaders such as Modesto Verales, Bartolo Morales and Isaias Xanteco, who resided in the state of Guerrero, and demanding justice for their deaths. In February, they also dennounced the murder Samir Flores, a well-known activist from Morelos who long-protested against a federal thermoenergy infrastructure project that will likely affect the states of Morelos and Puebla, at least.

Si el Gob actual se precia de democrático, debe retirar al ejército de territorios zapatistas. ¡NO A LA GUERRA, SI A LA VIDA!#NosotrxsConElEZLN @cancerbero_mx @Alberto_AvalosH @alexmelon @AlbaniaOC @ncv_Violeta @saboteamos @RadioZapotep @TejiendOrgRev @oskar2687 @lydicar

— Miguel (@Mboe55) May 31, 2019
"If the current [Mexican] government prides itself on being democratic, then it must withdraw its army from Zapatista territories. !No to war, Yes to life!"

Zapatista organizations and other social movements are also demonstrating Friday against infrastructure megaprojects proposed by President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) as part of his new National Development Plan.

Among them are the “Transisthmus Corridor,” a project that will connect the Gulf of Mexico with the Pacific for commercial purposes. It includes a million hectares fruit and wood trees plantation to replace native "unproductive" forests. Also being protested is the already-initiated “Maya Train,” which has been called “a humiliation and a provocation” because of its potential effects on Mayan Indigenous lands.

"We reject the country's militarization through the creation of the National Guard, we reject complicity with paramilitarism and organized crime, we reject the continuation of war against peoples who oppose the neoliberal capitalist system," organizers in San Cristobal de las Casas said.

In Mexico city, ​​​​​Indigenous and Campesino organizations protested Friday in front of the presidential National Palace.​ ... -0008.html
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