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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Thu Nov 21, 2019 1:34 pm

Bolivia: They are killing us, mates!
In Bolivia, they are not only giving a coup d'etat, but also a fascist, sexist and racist massacre against a people that does not accept discipline. They are killing us and you ...

By Claudia Korol

We are receiving audios at all times, from different parts of Bolivia: Cochabamba, El Alto, Senkata, La Paz ... They bring desperate cries of women, from communities that resist with dignity, under the murderous bullets of the military, police, and armed fascist groups for the oligarchies with the support of the Trump, the Macris and Bolsonaros. They also bring voices that denounce, voices that analyze, voices that organize, voices that are in resistance. Cries are heard that are remade in slogans. The united peoples will never be defeated!

The racist, fascist, patriarchal, colonial, capitalist coup d'etat seeks to end all those voices, silence them, erase them, make them non-audible. The communication fence aims to crush and isolate the word of the people. The conservative, capitalist restoration goes for lithium, goes for the jungle, goes for bad examples.

The voices keep coming. New communication spaces are generated. They work a thousand social and family networks, community radios, home videos made from cell phones. It is desperate to hear the bullets. See their journey through the skin, invading the bodies that rise from all humiliations. It generates anger, helplessness, indignation, anger.

It is not understood then, that in the middle of that sea of ​​rebellious voices that take the mask out of murderous racism, that they do not give up, that they do not surrender, that they are not sold, a deafening murmur begins, made of words written from some feminist, environmentalist spaces, some that claim that it is not a blow, others that say that maybe it is, but that in that case it is an action of the right that seeks to capitalize a popular uprising, taking advantage of the disaster caused by Evo and his government. Criticisms are directed and emphasized, rather than at the violent usurpers of the government, towards the overthrown president. Evo is matched with Camacho and Mesa, and the blow is banalized as if it were a cockfight.

Suddenly, yes, suddenly, all attention is distracted from the fascist groups that spurred the mobilizations called "in defense of democracy", where enthusiastic participants participated in several figures who today write these reasons. (They participated in the marches against the re-election of Evo - in defense of democracy, they said - but they are not now on the barricades against fascism). The attention is distracted by the actions carried out by the US government, by the OAS, by the fascism of the parapolicial groups of the young people from Cruñista, by the destabilizing action promoted by the Bolivian oligarchy commanded by Mesa and Camacho. The attention is distracted from the bullets that kill the people. The attention is distracted from the women of beaten, humiliated skirts. The attention is distracted from impunity to the military guaranteed by the imposter who acts as president. The problem, they say, is Evo, and the people who believe in the leader.

It is not the sense of these urgent notes to discuss the machismo of Evo and so many political leaders of Our America. But we do need to say that popular feminism knows how to distinguish between the historical difficulties of the patriarchal culture of our peoples, and the imperialist and oligarchic policies that hit us. We know how to distinguish between Salvador Allende and Pinochet, between Hugo Chávez and Guaidós, between Mel Zelaya and Micheletti, between Lula and Bolsonaro. Not to do so is to be indifferent to the feelings and struggles of women and peoples. From popular feminisms, we do not legitimize the macho gestures that sow the history of the won and lost revolutions, but we discuss those gestures in the midst of the processes of change, and not with those who are killing us.

While we listen to the desperation of those who put the body in the streets, on the laptop political sentences are written for the government that - despite all the errors and weaknesses that can be analyzed - has generated a plurinational experience, of recognition of the original peoples and of his dignity. In the face of the coup d'etat, with military and police participation in its definition, hold Evo Morales' government accountable for the crime, and even raise an approach that questions the fascist, racist, patriarchal and colonial character of those who took over government and power , is very functional to the coup interests.

When the women of Pollera stop feeling and being threatened by the streets, when young people stop being criminalized and killed, when popular movements stop being persecuted, when those responsible for these massacres are judged and the people recreate From below and collectively the popular power, we can analyze the limits of the experiences that the people have been starring in the Abya Yala.

Today our bodies, our feelings, our forces, are set to break the information blockade, to build bridges with the indigenous, peasant, feminist and popular resistance, to accord each companion and each partner injured, imprisoned, threatened / a, persecuted, hurt. To those who again and again received gas and bullets, blows and humiliations.

We are with the persecuted and persecuted. With the humiliated. With the rebel dignity that continues to occupy streets and cutting routes. And from there, we don't move. Fascism will not happen. ... ompaneras/

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Fri Nov 22, 2019 12:56 pm

November 21, 2019 , 6:16 a.m. .

Karen Longaric, Xerxes Justiniano Atalá, Arturo Murillo and Luis Fernando López illegally assume the leadership of the Bolivian State (Photo: AP)

The post-kick phase in Bolivia has already acquired a body defined enough to frame its orientation and specify the nature of its maneuvers.

On a political and procedural level, the cabinet of the self-proclaimed president of the Andean country, Jeanine Áñez, is responsible for leading a scenario marked by armed repression (but also informative and judicial) towards the political and social sectors that resist the coup. The figures that make up the new (and illegal) bureaucratic layer of the Plurinational State describe the connections and interests that led to the overthrow of Evo Morales.

On November 14, Áñez appointed the first relay of what would be presented internationally as his "transition" cabinet. The wave of resignations that generated the cycle of political and judicial persecution at the climax of the coup, facilitated that the substitutions of Áñez covered all the strategic areas of the Bolivian executive power.

At the time of the presentation the neoliberal and technocratic jargon was present. They are "knowledgeable, specialized and mostly technical profile people," argued Áñez, referring to the first batch of 11 new ministers, a figure that would rise as the days progressed.

To tighten the nuts against the anti-coup demonstrations that took place in La Paz and El Alto after the forced resignation of Evo Morales, Áñez appointed Carlos Orellana as commander of the Armed Forces, replacing Williams Kaliman. He then appointed a new General Commander of the Police.

The Bolivian military dome recognized the de facto president, Jeanine Áñez (Photo: NotiActual)

These changes allowed both structures to respond loyally to a coup government that needed an armed arm to contain the demonstrations at all costs.

The military and police have accomplished the task dictated from above, which has resulted in symptoms of internal division between the components, but also an unfortunate balance of more than 20 dead, more than 700 injured and two massacres (Sacaba, in Cochabamba, and that of Senkata, in El Alto) that the Western media seek to silence, or simply review as a result of the "clashes."

The Cabinet of Áñez has granted stature of State policy to these practices of generalized repression, becoming its "institutional" face.

After taking power unconstitutionally, Jeanine Áñez received the police chiefs who were incorporated into the coup (Photo: NotiActual)

The most important "ministers" not only set the discursive patterns of the so-called "transition", but also channel the strategic decisions of a post-kick phase that is still in the definition period.

But this ability to impose the direction of events from the superstructure is not given by the technical qualities commented on by Áñez, but by a line of interests and connections that groups them into a common goal.

A little better known than the self-proclaimed Ánez, Murillo has made a quality leap in his career after the completion of the coup.

Born in Cochabamba, Murillo represents a whole Latin American tradition: that of the up-and-coming businessman who uses politics as a tool for his business. As a hotel entrepreneur he founded and directed the Hotel Association of the Tropic of Cochabamba. Taking advantage of this position he was a deputy and senator of Cochabamba for the Democratic Unity party, of which Jeanine Áñez is a part.

Arturo Murillo hugs his party partner, Jeanine Áñez, after his illegal appointment as Minister of Government (Photo: Clarín)

The designation of Murillo narrates not only the logic of compadrazgo and business that operates among the coup plotters, but also the tonic of adjustment of accounts that is prevailing. In 2016, Murillo was charged and sentenced to two years in prison by Judge of La Paz, Nancy Bustillo, for "the crime of using a counterfeit instrument in the framework of the process initiated by the Military Service Book that he presented to qualify as a candidate to the position of deputy in 2009 ", as reported average Reason at the time.

"In 2010, the Ministry of Transparency filed a complaint against Murillo for presenting to the Electoral Body a counterfeit Military Service notebook, subsequently, the Ministry of Defense verified its files and established that the series and number of the documents were false and belonged to another person, "he said accurately.

The coup d'etat interrupted the results of this judicial process by force, emboldening Murillo in his quest to crystallize a kind of revenge.

This he saw in his first speech to the press when he warned that he would start a "hunt" against the leaders of the MAS. The speech was not the product of emotion for his appointment, but represented the beginning of an illegal intelligence operation that has resulted in the detention of Venezuelan and Cuban citizens, in an attempt to make a "foreign intervention" file that fits with the geopolitical urgencies of Washington.

Murillo has accepted that he relies on "private intelligence systems" to strengthen the persecution against the MAS, reaffirming that a symbiosis between dirty war, US agencies ( the DEA ) and private capital is the basis for the de facto regime consolidation.

That symbiosis is accurately personified by Murillo.

The IACHR denounces that there are at least 23 deaths after police and military repression against anti-coup demonstrations in Bolivia (Photo: AP)

Born in Santa Cruz, Justiniano is the son of Bolivia's former ambassador to Brazil, Xerxes Justiniano Talavera. "He owns the legal study Jerjes Justiniano Atalá & Asociados," Page Seven reported in a brief profile.

In 2016, the then Minister of Government, Carlos Romero, referred to Justiniano Atalá as "a well-known lawyer and expert in defending drug traffickers". Nothing so close to reality. The lawyer defended businessman Jacob Ostreicher , "who invested $ 25 million in rice plantations in Bolivia in association with Colombian Claudia Liliana Rodríguez, partner and wife of Maximiliano Dorado," said Brazilian magazine Veja in 2013.


Xerxes Justiniano Atalá receives the embrace of Áñez at the time of his appointment as minister (de facto) of the Bolivian presidency (Photo: Reuters)
Although the report of the Brazilian magazine sought to manufacture a link between the Bolivian government and international drug trafficking, it could not hide a central element of the exclusive responsibility of Justiniano Atalá: "Summarizing the story: The ambassador's son defended the couple of the wife of the trafficker Brazilian, who received at home the minister denounced by Pinto Molina. At least, it is a shameful coincidence for the role Justiniano played in Brazil, "the publication finished.

In 2012, Justiniano Atalá made a presentation at the United States Congress as part of his defense of Ostreicher. Speaking as if he were not a Bolivian citizen, the lawyer indicated that the country's judicial system was weak and that there was interference in the case of the US citizen, a statement that was not supported by any reliable evidence.

The connection of Justiniano Atalá with the head of the coup, Luis Fernando Camacho, is close. According to the Duty of Bolivia, "the Ministry of the Presidency, considered key for the support it provides to the president, has been assigned to lawyer Jerjes Justiniano Atalá, who accompanied Luis Fernando Camacho when he arrived in La Paz. He is his main advisor" .

The profile of Justiniano Atalá fits perfectly with the moment, hence his appointment: it represents the interests of Camacho, has a law firm with a direct line with drug trafficking (one of the bases of the cross-border economy) but also with US agencies and instances that operate in that field.

Just as Murillo represents the security and dirty war branch of the coup, Justiniano Atalá represents the branch of the drug trafficking of Cruz that bet everything in the Camacho maneuver . Seen this way, his appointment not only responds to the logic of political co-optation by the Santa Cruz, but to the unit of criteria conferred by business.

A native of La Paz, Longaric has a degree in UMSA Law, a doctorate in international law from the University of Havana, according to the newspaper Los Tiempos de Bolivia.

His low profile in Bolivian politics, as well as his academic background , corresponds to what the coup leaders need: a manageable figure, of a legalistic and technical nature, who manages to "professionally" move the dynamics of the coup outside borders.

A few months ago, Longaric asked that Bolivia break relations with Venezuela to benefit Juan Guaidó's coup attempt in the diplomatic field (Photo:

While the media highlights, in an orchestrated manner, that it is the first woman assumed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in addition to highlighting her profile as "intellectual," Longaric heads a maneuver undermining the international relations map of the Bolivian State.

This maneuver aims to force a geopolitical turn that positions Bolivia, again, as a subaltern country of American influence. It could be said that Longaric's job is to formalize, through diplomatic channels, what Murillo and Justiniano Atalá advance with the axes of Washington's hard power.

When the coup crystallized, Longaric said "Bolivia did not experience any coup d'etat," while announcing a "reunion of the Bolivians." He accompanied this rhetoric by arguing, paradoxically, that "any judgment issued by any authority and by other nations is to disregard events and incur interference in the internal politics of the Bolivian State."

This discursive line has already had concrete results . The coup leaders have broken relations with Venezuela, formalized the withdrawal of the country from ALBA-TCP and ceased diplomatic representation in Cuba.

These decisions, while aligned with the urgent geopolitical interests of the United States, also carry Longaric's personal touch.

In a July article of this year published on Page Seven, he expressed that "it is urgent to materialize in every sense the international recognition of Juan Guaidó as the interim constitutional president of Venezuela, anointed on January 23, 2019. To do this, the unfinished process must be redirected and almost failed to recognize it, adopting the corresponding measures, including ignoring and expelling diplomatic representatives from Maduro. "

Longaric's fundamentalism with respect to Venezuela very surely added several points for his designation.

In terms of foreign policy, Longaric always questioned Evo Morales projecting the country's relations scheme towards the ALBA-CELAC axis. Coinciding with the geostrategic thinking of the ruling class, he states that the country must be folded to the neoliberal scheme of the Pacific Alliance, where Bolivia would be in an asymmetrical situation vis-à-vis Peru, Colombia and Chile.

"Following the instructions of Hugo Chávez, Bolivia with its lackluster efforts in the General Secretariat of the CAN attended indifferently to the slowdown of the Andean integration project. In that international drift poured harsh criticism against the member countries of the Pacific Alliance and against the project as such, thus cutting off the possibility of building, in the future, an optimal relationship with said Alliance, " said Longaric.

However, this position against the sovereignty of Bolivia does not end here. In an interview for El Comercio de Perú, he dismissed the Bolivian national claim to obtain an exit to the sea. "We have to forget about The Hague, not show revanchist or confrontational attitudes and take the floor to Piñera, who has invited to discuss the issue. In the imaginary of the Chilean people and their political class there must be the undeniable moral need to solve this matter with Bolivia. "

According to the media, "Luis Fernando López Julio is an ex-military, social communicator and entrepreneur, was born in the city of La Paz, on October 15, 1964".

"In addition to his career as Deputy Arms and Cavalry, and military paratrooper, he also has a degree in Social Communication from the Catholic University of La Paz. He comes from a family of military and political tradition, his father Luis Fernando López Bacigalupo is the General of the Army Passive Service Division, and his grandfather, Rubén Julio Castro, vice president of the Republic of Bolivia, " expands the environment .

The new "minister" of defense of Áñez is also an entrepreneur with multiple business areas (Photo: Explicit)
This abolengo officer is also "executive president of Lola Group SRL, an agency specialized in strategy, marketing and integral communication". In addition, "he was the manager for Bolivia of the renowned multinational Lowe and Mcann Erickson, working for global brands such as Coca-Cola, BMW, Unilever, Huawei, Cinemark and Copa Airlines, among others."

But to his position as an entrepreneur an aspect is added that largely describes his leading role in the post-kick phase. Luis Fernando López was "officer and instructor of the School of Satin Condors in Sanandita, between 1986 and 1989". This body was created in 1981 during the dictatorship of Luis García Meza. Since 1987, he has carried out joint exercises with US Special Forces, also receiving training in training under the "anti-terrorism" approach.

Being an entrepreneur and a military man with a career (currently retiring), he was immediately recognized by the Armed Forces when Áñez appointed him his Minister of Defense.

In an interview for CNN, Luis Fernando López said that "we are dealing with terrorists" to refer to protesters in La Paz and El Alto protesting against the coup.

He defended Supreme Decree 4078 passed on November 14, where the Armed Forces are granted total impunity to contain the demonstrations by applying a disproportionate use of force. Two massacres have precipitated the practical application of this legal instrument. Avoiding questions about the deaths in Senkata, the official said "the army did not fire a single projectile."

Police and military repression continues to take lives in Bolivia (Photo: Free Info)

The selection of Luis Fernando López for the position of defense minister not only adapts precisely to the extermination operations initiated by Murillo, but also takes them to the limit. The variant of the "counterterrorism struggle", a model of a militarized state of exception that the United States transformed into a model when it was applied in Central America, confirms that the erosion of the official repression apparatus will accentuate the participation of extralegal factors.

And it seems that the Minister of Defense is the intermediary between local and transnational private capital and mercenary contractors that most likely articulate the paramilitary stage of widespread repression.

The newspaper La Nación de Argentina reports that Lizárraga "is a lawyer and radio and television journalist born in the city of La Paz. She went through well-known television channels and in recent years worked with the journalist Amalia Pando, in the Cabildeo program ( …) He studied Communication at the Universidad Católica Boliviana San Pablo (…) In 2002, the journalist received the National Journalism Prize with the Huáscar Cajías medal. "

His appointment at the hands of Áñez generated controversy over his statements against journalists who cover the coup in Bolivia. To the "journalists or pseudo-journalists who are doing sedition (...) The foreign journalists who are causing sedition have already been identified and the Minister of Government is going to take the relevant actions in all this," he said in clear synchrony with the "hunt" headed by Murillo.

Lizárraga led one of the key information operations after the coup crystallized. It consisted of morally lynching Evo Morales allowing the media to record his residence at the Casa Grande del Pueblo, a maneuver with the obvious objective of isolating the focus of repression against protests.

Roxana Lizárraga has been questioned for her aggressive and threatening statements against journalists covering the coup in Bolivia (Photo: NotiAmerica)

"It looks like a room of an Arab sheikh, the waste of money that has been made for the construction of this palace really is an insult to all Bolivians," he remarked in front of the cameras.

Lizárraga's role has been instrumental in the execution of a large-scale informative blackout to restrict the coverage of military and police repression. Precisely, persecution of journalists and threats of prosecution are incorporated as a method of pressure with the aim of inhibiting the registration of military violence in the streets.

And it was named, precisely, so that the version of the coup is imposed at your convenience on the battlefield.

Page Seven highlights that "José Luis Parada Rivero from Santa Cruz graduated as a bachelor from the American Institute of La Paz and received the title of Economist from the National Autonomous University of Honduras. In the private sector, he served as director at the Santa Cruz Spinning Mill , in the Livestock Fund and in the Sugar Mill Guabirá. At the national level he was Administrative and Financial Director of the Vice Presidency of the Republic of Bolivia and, since 2005, he served as Secretary of Economy and Finance of the Autonomous Departmental Government of Santa Cruz. "

Parada's profile is that of a fundamentalist technocrat. And he has not wasted time to expose the privatization plans that motivated the coup. "In 14 years we have had obstacles to private investment. We are going to lay the foundations for an opening of the national economy to attract investments and the next government to continue with this."

A businessman from Santa Cruz assumes the reins of the Bolivian economy with a neoliberal approach (Photo: Page Seven)

Extending this, Page 12 of Argentina reviews the following about Parada: "He always questioned the central government of La Paz for the payment of royalties, he was even the coordinator of the claim of that department, the richest in Bolivia and the hard core of the coup opposition Among his business background, it can be mentioned that he directed the Santa Cruz spinning mill and the Guabirá sugar mill. "

Last year, Parada showed in an interview that his development approach has Santa Cruz as the nerve axis, a trend that will surely continue to detract from Bolivia as a whole to consolidate the coup:

"Therefore, why does Santa Cruz become attractive? Because it manages the three strategic development sectors: first, the issue of agriculture, the agricultural sector, which is where 70% of the country's food security is generated. On the other hand, we also have the agroindustrial part, with products such as soy, meat and cane, which in Santa Cruz generates an economic expansion, production, and above all, with regard to population growth, they are also accompanying drinking water, electrification and telephony services The Santa Cruz development pattern is almost similar to the growth levels that occur in Asian countries, because it has always been above the average growth of the country, of all the economic growth of Bolivia. "

Stop represents the business, neoliberal and technocratic face of the coup, but also a guarantee for businessmen and landowners from Santa Cruz, who now have a Minister of Economy that will privilege their interests (redirecting resources, eliminating taxes, etc.) over the whole of the country.

These ministers were selected for their preponderance both in this post-coup stage and in what corresponds to the strategic power levers of the Bolivian State.

However, by way of closure, it is necessary to refer to a general pattern that brings together the other senior officials of the executive branch illegally appointed by Áñez.

Of all the 20 ministerial portfolios, seven correspond to figures from Santa Cruz, mostly businessmen. Two others have representatives from Beni (Álvaro Coimbra, Minister of Justice and Institutional Transparency; and Álvaro Guzmán, Minister of Energy). One is represented by Tarija (Víctor Hugo Zamora, Minister of Hydrocarbons). The rest of the portfolios are distributed among natives of Cochabamba, Potosí and La Paz, in a situation of frank minority.
These departments congregate in the demonized "Media Luna", a socio-geographic construction that spatially represents the Bolivian lowlands. As coup d'etat was commanded from this political and economic pole, dominated by oligarchic sectors, the assignment of positions in the executive branch implies an act of correspondence.
This composition of the executive train of Áñez is an open challenge to the concept of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, given that the figures leading a de facto government in the midst of a scenario of widespread repression are not representative of the social and ethnic group of the country.
It is a de facto government of pro-business and neoliberal court, which acts jointly on different fronts of judicialization, terrorism and repression, with the objective of consolidating a state of exception that facilitates the delivery of the country's natural resources to western corporations. Military and police violence is the reflection in the streets of the institutional destruction of a State that, until the consummate coup, had gigantic energy resources under its ownership.
The drug trafficking factor encompasses several of the aforementioned figures, becoming one of the least visible but most important plots within the coup. And it is that there not only converges the metabolism of the cross-border economy, along with Áñez, Murillo and Justiniano Atalá, but the geostrategic interests of the United States in what is known as the business of the century.

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Sat Nov 23, 2019 4:17 pm

Tension in the country and the Government reduce dialogue with social sectors for pacification
The Minister of Public Works, Yerko Nuñez, informed that work will be done for "time and matter" with the leadership of the COB and social sectors that were part of the official Unity Pact. Several blocking points were raised, even in Senkata

President Jeanine Áñez is preparing to sign the agreement, observed by her government minister, Arturo Murillo. Photo: Presidency

The Digital Reason / Paulo Cuiza / La Paz

23:43 / November 22, 2019

After more than 30 days of conflict, this Friday the tension began to decrease not only because of the lifting of several blocking points but also because of the agreement reached between the Government of Jeanine Áñez and leaders of the COB and of different social sectors, including those of El Alto, to install this Saturday a dialogue table, which until days was unthinkable.

Palacio Quemado was the scene of the approaches led by Áñez herself, and that gave her first concrete results on the afternoon of this Friday, when it was confirmed that leaders of the social base of former president Evo Morales as Segundina Flores, Rodolfo Machaca, Fidel Surco, and Juan Carlos Huarachi (COB) agreed to attend a dialogue after 4:00 pm on Saturday to consolidate their demobilization.

The Minister of Public Works, Yerko Nuñez, reported that delegates from the coca growers of Chapare, Cochabamba, Morales political bastion, and District 8 of El Alto, areas with greater conflict in defense of Morales and against Morales Áñez

"They have practically guaranteed us that all social sectors will be there and once agreements can be reached because the country is going to be pacified; I think that is what the Bolivian people are waiting for," said Nuñez, at the gates of Palacio de Government, this Friday night.

For the Government there are the conditions to reach an agreement. "It will be time and matter for the dialogue, we will work to obtain the results that the Bolivian people seek ... we hope God can help us and we can reach important agreements," he insisted.


While this meeting was taking place at the highest level, in several parts of the country they raised the blockades such as in Río Abajo, in the South zone of La Paz, in Río Seco, on the way to the Desaguadero border, and in different points of the department of Santa Cruz .

Another agreement made it possible to restore traffic on the Turkish - Cosapa section, a route that connects with the border town of Tambo Quemado, and the port of Arica, Chile. On Thursday the Police along with the military managed to unlock the route in Yapacaní, Santa Cruz.

In Chuquisaca and northern Potosí there were also agreements that made it possible to lift blockades. The road to Senkata, where on Tuesday a police-military operation to evacuate fuel and LPG ended with eight deaths, returned Friday night to a relative normal, as there was still only one block after an approach with the Executive.

Sectors in the rural area of ​​Oruro also suspended the blockade, as in Beni. "There are no reasons to remain mobilized and I believe that there is a willingness of both parties to reach agreements. Tomorrow (Saturday) at four in the afternoon we sit down to talk," said Nuñez.

Representatives of the Catholic Church, of the European Union (EU), of the Organization of American States (OAS) and of the United Nations (UN) are actively involved in generating conditions to move towards an agreement in the political sphere in order to call elections, after denouncing fraud and having unleashed a crisis encouraged by civics, which was added to a police riot and the suggestion of the then commander of the FFAA Williams Kaliman to Morales to resign.

Morales resigned and is isolated in Mexico. Several sectors mobilized in their defense for more than a month and now they are betting on a dialogue in view of a political agreement that will call for elections with the participation of all political actors and a healthy registry.


At least 31 people lost their lives in a month of protests, which began shortly after the October 20 elections. There were allegations of fraud and a preliminary report by the OAS corroborated irregularities, which ended up sharpening the conflict until Morales resigned despite his previous announcement to annul the elections and renew the national electoral vowels.

Álvaro García resigned, as the presidents of the Senate Adriana Salvatierra and Deputies Víctor Borda, which generated a power vacuum. In the absence of agreements for a legislative session to read the resignation of Morales, Áñez assumed the Presidency protected in the absence of the presidents and a constitutional ruling.

From his exile in Mexico, Morales wrote in his Twitter account about the situation in Bolivia: "For the social movements that fight for life and democracy, the Prosecutor's Office initiates ex officio investigations with assemblies, seeded tests and manipulated recordings, but for 30 brothers killed in #Bolivia with bullet, there is no investigation, responsible or detained. "

This Friday's situation was already different from that of the last days and a pacification was beginning to consolidate. ... 73772.html

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Again, this is not good news: dialogue and demobilization. It might be for the sake of peace and quiet, but the only winner here is the coup government.
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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Sat Nov 23, 2019 4:25 pm

Morales argues before Correa that he was a victim of the 'class struggle'
“It's class struggle, I'm convinced of that. I had confidence in the Armed Forces, I realized that there were patriotic and anti-imperialist military, but some commanders play who puts more, ”said Morales in the program Conversing with Correa, of the Russia Today (RT) chain.

Evo Morales in a conversation with the former president of Ecuador Rafael Correa. Photo: Capture

The Digital Reason / Rubén Atahuichi / La Paz

01:50 / November 23, 2019

In a conversation on Thursday with his former Ecuadorian friend Rafael Correa, Evo Morales considered that his departure from the government - in his opinion, through a civic-police-military coup - had its origin in the "class struggle."

“It's class struggle, I'm convinced of that. I had confidence in the Armed Forces, I realized that there were patriotic and anti-imperialist military, but some commanders play who puts more, ”said Morales in the program Conversing with Correa, of the Russia Today (RT) chain.

Another day before the media from Mexico, where he has been isolated from last week, Morales shared with Correa a series of reflections on the situation of their countries, the brand of their governments and the Latin American political reality.

In the conversation, both agreed on the criteria of having been victims of the political and economic castes of their countries.

"Some groups that hold economic power do not forgive that social movements, especially indigenous ones, have given Bolivia another face," Morales claimed.

"We are not forgiven for the nationalization of strategic companies that changed the economic matrix" of the country, he added.

And Correa explained: “There is a common denominator: We challenge the system, with our governments they did not manage power. For the first time in history, they didn't have the power and they can't forgive it. ”

Correa was president of Ecuador between January 15, 2007 and May 24, 2017. Before finishing his term, he promoted the candidacy of his vice president, Lenin Moreno, who won the elections and assumed his mandate became an enemy politician of his predecessor. Instead, Morales came to power on January 22, 2006, the date from which he did not leave power by winning successive elections until he resigned due to civic and political pressures on November 10.

From the conversation, both ex-president concluded on the need to form a “truth commission” to establish whether or not there was fraud in Bolivia, despite the opinion without final report issued by the Organization of American States (OAS), which pointed out preliminary there were irregularities in the elections of October 20 in Bolivia that do not allow validating the results.

Correa and Morales agreed that this commission should be made up of the Vatican, the United Nations Organization (UN) and the Carter Foundation, of the United States.

"You are the current and elected president of Bolivia, and (Luis) Almagro is a scoundrel," Correa told Morales regarding subsequent statements by the OAS secretary general, when he said that the Bolivian former president committed a coup through data manipulation of the election count.

The Ecuadorian ex-president considered that when Almagro endorsed the repostulation of Morales, in May, he was setting a trap. "I was planning the trap," he speculated.

Morales eluded the adverse results of the referendum on his repostulation on February 21, 2016. He then went to the Constitutional Court that considered his political claims to be a human right.

About this, Correa said he is in favor of an indefinite reelection. "I believe in indefinite reelection, Latin America cannot afford to dispense with leaders who have managed to bring our countries forward," he argued.

Morales won the controversial elections of October 20 with 47.08% of the vote, according to the official calculation of the TSE now evicted by an OAS audit report. ... 73663.html

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Mon Nov 25, 2019 4:10 pm

How the OAS, and the media’s lack of scrutiny, caused a violent coup in Bolivia

In a world of post truth politics, a false media narrative based on the OAS’s flawed statistics was instrumental in overthrowing a democratically elected government. Now Bolivia faces the consequences. Español

Guillaume Long
25 November 2019

Protest at the US embassy in Mexico City on 15 November 2019, against the coup d'etat in Bolivia, denouncing the interference of the US government in the countries of Latin America and supporting former president Evo Morales | Cristian Leyva/NurPhoto/PA Images. All rights reserved

As often happens when an elite-driven coup leads to US-endorsed regime change, there are powerful attempts to disguise its real character. A recurrent method is to blame the coup on its victim. Of this, the November 10, 2019 coup in Bolivia is a textbook example. The narrative went as follows. Bolivian president Evo Morales, eager to perpetuate himself in power, orchestrated a fraudulent election. His people saw this as deceitful and authoritarian. A popular uprising ensued, eventually leading to Morales’s resignation and exile.

How such a storyline could have prospered, despite the absence of any solid evidence regarding election rigging, raises questions about the media and its role. It also sounds the alarm as to the part played by the institution that generated this narrative in the first place: The Organization of American States (OAS).

On October 21, the day after Bolivia’s presidential elections, the OAS Mission of Electoral Observers in Bolivia issued a press release expressing “its deep concern and surprise at the drastic and hard-to-explain change in the trend of the preliminary results revealed after the closing of the polls”. Two days later, the Mission’s preliminary report reiterated this claim and expressed its concern that the quick count “had been interrupted”. The OAS report called for a second round of voting, in contrast to the official results that put Morales on 47.07 percent and afforded him the ten-point lead he needed over his closest contender Carlos Mesa, on 36.51 percent, to avoid a runoff.

The OAS recommendation was startling. The electoral results were in line with what many polls had predicted. And they coincided with the parliamentary elections, held on the same day, in which the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), Morales’s political party, had secured a majority in both houses of the assembly.

The OAS’s attack on the validity of the results relied almost exclusively on its focus on the “interruption”, on election night, of the quick count: the non-official count carried out by a private firm to give the media and the general public some preliminary information on the electoral results.

Incidentally, Bolivia’s electoral authorities had previously announced that the quick count would only include 80 percent of tally sheets. Given that it was halted at 83.85 percent, there were in fact no legal grounds on which to question this decision. But more importantly, the binding, official count, was never stopped. Yet, all around the world, newsrooms claimed, falsely, that the “vote-count” had been interrupted.

As for the OAS’s argument on the “change of trend”, this too was a serious mistake. A paper I have coauthored on the Bolivian elections clearly demonstrates that “the overall trends in the results (…) are easily explainable and consistent with the fact that later-reporting rural areas heavily favour the MAS”. There was, contrary to the OAS’s assertion, no “change of trend”, merely a steady, continuous increase in Morales’s lead throughout the vote-counting process; an easily projectable result for any statistician, which relied on the simple fact that later-reporting areas were more pro-Morales than earlier-reporting ones.

Despite the weakness of the OAS’s position, these suspicions of electoral wrongdoing had a decisive effect on the escalation and radicalization of the protests against Morales in Bolivia

If the OAS’s argument seemed absurd, it nevertheless served the interests of a broad anti-Morales offensive. On October 24, the US ambassador to the OAS led the charge: “Before the TREP [quick count] was suspended the results indicated the need for a second round of elections. After the TREP was reactivated, almost 24 hours later, lo and behold no second round is needed and Evo Morales is firmly ahead in the vote count!”, he exclaimed. And thus, with the active support of the US, the flawed narrative was given more impetus.

Despite the weakness of the OAS’s position, these suspicions of electoral wrongdoing had a decisive effect on the escalation and radicalization of the protests against Morales in Bolivia. Seeking to appease, Morales called for an international audit of the elections. So the OAS returned to Bolivia with a new team of experts and on November 10, issued a preliminary audit report.

The audit was a foregone conclusion. Much of it focused again on the quick count and repeated some of the statistical blunders of the Mission’s preliminary report. A second part shifted the line of fire to new terrain. The audit spoke of “irregularities”, even if it remained vague as to their exact nature and provided no evidence or the tally sheets with problems.

The audit report essentially became a long list of denunciations; its sole purpose being to justify the Mission’s earlier report with as many irregularities as possible, regardless of scale and impact. The fraud narrative had become so prevalent that it was too late for the OAS to contradict its earlier conclusions. This, in turn, would have drawn some scrutiny on its practices and possibly awoken ghosts from the past – the OAS’s problematic role in the 2011 Haitian elections comes to mind.

US pressures were also on. Washington had waited for the right moment to settle its accounts with Morales for his expulsion of the US ambassador in 2008 amongst many other grievances during 13 years of frosty relations. And OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro, who has not always enjoyed unwavering support in the State Department, desperately needs US backing for his 2020 reelection bid. From his point of view, there was no turning back on the OAS’s position.

How a global narrative of fraud should have emerged from the OAS’s bizarre attack on a quick vote-count that is not legally binding and on late-reporting votes naturally favouring a candidate over another, is quite incredible. Yet that is exactly what happened. In this world of post truth politics, a false media narrative based on the OAS’s flawed statistics was instrumental in overthrowing a democratically elected government. Now Bolivia faces the consequences. ... n-bolivia/
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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Mon Nov 25, 2019 6:08 pm


Two Independent Studies Contradict OAS and Rule Out Fraud in Evo Morales’s Electoral Victory

November 24, 2019 orinocotribune Almagro, Bolivia, coup d’etat, elections, Evo Morales, fraud, oas, US Imperialism
Two international studies, done by independent investigators, have contradicted the reports published by the Organization of American States (OAS) on alleged irregularities in the elections of October 20 and have shown that Evo Morales won in the first round without committing fraud.

One of the research papers is entitled ‘What happened in the vote count of the 2019 elections in Bolivia? The role of the OAS Electoral Observation Mission’ and was carried out by the Center for Research in Economics and Politics ( CEPR ).

This 18 page document summarizes the statistical analysis of the electoral results and the minutes of the general elections of last October 20 in Bolivia, which “does not show evidence of irregularities or fraud that has affected the official result that gave a first round victory to President Evo Morales».

According to the study prepared by Guillaume Long, David Rosnick, Cavan Kharrazian and Kevin Cashman, the OAS Electoral Observation Mission (MOE) supported a “post-election narrative without evidence” that referred to alleged inconsistencies in the process.

The Washington-based CEPR was founded by economists Dean Baker and Mark Weisbrot and includes as consultants the Nobel Prize in Economics winners Robert Solow and Joseph Stiglitz, among other specialists.

Understanding the TREP
In the Bolivian electoral system there are two mechanisms for scrutiny that work in parallel: one of rapid counting or Transmission of Preliminary Electoral Results (TREP), which both Bolivia and other countries have used following the recommendations of the OAS, and the Official Counting of the Votes or official calculation, legally binding according to Bolivian law.

As explained, the TREP is managed jointly by a private company and by the Civic Registry Service (SERECÍ). Its function is to deliver fast, non-binding and partial results on the night of the elections, unlike the official calculation.

Voting of candidate Evo Morales in Villa September 14, in the Chapare region, Bolivia, on October 20, 2019.Ueslei Marcelino / Reuters

The pause that took place between Sunday and Monday occurred because the quick count reached 83.85%. The remaining percentage corresponded to the rural vote, whose data could not be transmitted immediately due to the lack of nearby internet access.

Experts state that this pause was planned by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, which had announced a week before the elections that it would announce the results of the rapid count after having verified at least 80% of the preliminary counts.

Objections to the OAS report
The MOE said one day after the elections, in a press release, “its deep concern and surprise at the drastic and difficult to justify change in the trend of preliminary results [of the quick count] known after the polls close”.

Until the transmission of 83.85% of the minutes, Morales had 45.71% of the votes, while Carlos Mesa, 37.84%, which meant a difference of 7.87 percentage points between both candidates. That is, until that moment avoiding the second round was not assured. However, this result was modified as the results were scrutinized.

People around polling stations found near a building in La Paz, Bolivia, on October 21, 2019. David Mercado / Reuters

Three days after the elections, the director of the MOE, Gerardo de Icaza, read his preliminary report before the Permanent Council of the OAS in which he stated that “the changes in the TREP trend were difficult to explain and did not coincide with the others available measures».

Analysts believe that “the mission did not provide evidence supporting these statements that suggest that the quick count could be incorrect or ‘difficult to explain’, so they conclude that:

The results of the quick count for 83.85% of votes transmitted are consistent with a projection of the final result that points Morales as winner with a victory of more than 10 percentage points.
Neither the OAS mission nor any other party has demonstrated that there were widespread or systematic irregularities.
Neither the quick count nor the official show significant changes in voting trends with respect to the final results.
The official count did not stop for any significant period or undergo a significant modification following the TREP pause.
It is not clear how the objections of the OAS mission regarding the quick count would affect the official one.

Did the break alter the results?

The OAS has affirmed that after the pause, Morales’s difference over Mesa increased in such a way that the resigned president approached the ten percentage points necessary to avoid voting, so he expressed “his deep concern and surprise at the change drastic and difficult to justify in the trend of known preliminary results after the closing of the polls “.

At this point, the authors of the report wonder if “this ‘change in trend’ is truly ‘difficult to justify'”, to which they respond:

Rural areas that have voted for Morales in the last thirteen years are slower in transmitting the data and sending the counting sheets to the electoral courts because they do not have access to the internet and are far from the cities. Therefore, their votes are counted in the final stage of the count.
The results of the official count have a tendency similar to those of the rapid count .
The gap between Morales and Mesa widened constantly as the count progressed . “It was a predictable and not surprising phenomenon.”

Two independent studies contradict the OAS and deny fraud in the victory of Evo Morales

OAS politicization.

In the report, which concludes that the OAS accusations have had a significant influence on public opinion, reference is made to the government of Donald Trump and his allies, such as Republican Senator Marco Rubio, who has made statements “suggesting that the election was stolen “.

RELATED CONTENT: A Week After the Coup in Bolivia, There’s Still no Proof of Electoral Fraud

The researchers believe that the politicization of an independent electoral monitoring process “becomes tangible” when the OAS “makes unsubstantiated statements that call into question the validity of an electoral count”, which is “dangerous” in the context of “political polarization and the post-election political violence that has taken place in Bolivia”.

OAS observers at the Bolivian elections in La Paz, Bolivia, on October 23, 2019. David Mercado / Reuters

As a recommendation, it is urged the “unfounded accusations” be withdrawn and to take measures “to ensure the neutrality of the electoral observation by the OAS in the future.”

The result did not change
Another of the analyses entitled ‘Evidence against fraudulent votes has been decisive in the election of Bolivia in 2019′ was presented by Walter Mebane, professor of the departments of Political and Statistical Sciences of the University of Michigan and one of the world’s experts in electoral fraud.

In the text, Mebane explains that “there is evidence that fraudulent votes in the elections were not decisive to the result”, after the use of the Eforensics model, which is the application of scientific methodology to computer media to establish factual information or provide expert opinions for legal proceedings.

This statistical model utilizes the idea that “frauds” occur when a party wins votes for a combination of votes obtained from “fabricating” abstentions and “stealing” votes from opposing parties.

A woman works at a polling station during the presidential elections in Chapare, Cochabamba, Bolivia, October 20, 2019.Ueslei Marcelino / Reuters
This work showed that there were presumably “fraudulent” counts in 274 of the 34,551 tables set up by the elections in Bolivia.

The letter clarifies that the Eforensics model is new and “with capabilities that have not yet been fully understood”, so, although it resembles the counting of the electoral system, it can classify some votes as fraudulent without necessarily being so.

Mebane compares the statistical irregularities that could have indicated fraud, without having changed the final results, in elections in Honduras, Turkey, Russia, Austria and Wisconsin (USA) by analyzing them with the Eforensics model.

According to the final results, Morales, of the Movement To Socialism (MAS), obtained 47.08% of the votes, while Mesa, of the conservative Community Community party, achieved 36.51%. Given the margin of more than 10 percentage points, which represent 648,439 votes, the president achieved the victory without needing a second round.

In the 342 municipalities in Bolivia, the MAS won in 289, which is equivalent to more than 85% of the total.

In the Plurinational Legislative Assembly, the MAS obtained 21 representatives before the Senators Chamber, which is composed of 36 seats, so it obtained an absolute majority.

As for the Chamber of Deputies, composed of 130 legislators, the official movement obtained 68 seats, so it also has an absolute majority.

Featured image: OAS observers at the Bolivian elections in La Paz, Bolivia, on October 23, 2019. David Mercado / Reuters ... al-victory
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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Tue Dec 03, 2019 2:56 pm

De facto government in Bolivia has committed crimes against humanity
A multidisciplinary team of the Argentine delegation of solidarity with the Bolivian people denounced, based on evidence and testimonies gathered in recent days, that the de facto government is committing "crimes against humanity" since the assumption of Jeanine Áñez

Author: Granma |

December 1, 2019 21:12:45

The delegation spoke of "systematic violations of human rights" after having corroborated crimes such as the forced disappearance of people, situations of torture in public spaces, among other crimes. Photo: Reuters

A multidisciplinary team of the Argentine delegation of solidarity with the Bolivian people denounced, based on evidence and testimonies gathered in recent days, that the de facto government is committing "crimes against humanity" since the assumption of Jeanine Áñez.

The information, published by Telesur, also warns that it was impossible for this mission to continue seeking evidence on these illegal acts, as they were threatened by those same authorities.

In particular, the group of professionals and social leaders pointed out Arturo Murillo, Government Minister of the self-proclaimed President
Jeanine Áñez, as the author of explicit threats against her search for information.

At the Santa Cruz airport they were delayed and interrogated by the Police, and also insulted and assaulted by a group of ultra-right protesters who follow Luis Fernando Camacho.

However, the team presented the preliminary findings of an investigation that included interviews with victims of police and military repression, residents of the city of El Alto, social leaders, peasants and natives.

The delegation spoke of "systematic violations of human rights" after having corroborated crimes such as the forced disappearance of persons, situations of torture in public spaces, rapes and sexual crimes and lack of procedural guarantees for detainees, among other crimes
that account of the terror situation they encountered there.

The Argentine mission said it had evidence of the "explicit support" of foreign countries in the coup d'etat that overthrew Evo Morales. ... 9-21-12-45

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Wed Dec 04, 2019 2:17 pm

Groups take Bolivia's embassy in Argentina, they don't recognize Julio Alvarado
At least 200 are the people who are on vigil outside the diplomatic compound. Seven compatriots who are followers of former President Evo Morales are inside on hunger strike.

Tuesday, December 3, 2019, 5:15 pm


December 3 ( .- A group of Bolivian compatriots, some related to the Socialism Movement (MAS) and others supported by activists led by the social leader Juan Grabois, took the Bolivian embassy in Argentina, because he does not recognize Julio Alvarado as ambassador of the Plurinational State.

Iván Terán Titirico, president of the Organizational Commission for Alternative Work in Clothing (COTAI) and part of the Bolivian Community in the neighboring country, reported that at least 200 people are on vigil outside the diplomatic compound. Seven compatriots who are followers of former President Evo Morales are inside on hunger strike.

"It is not recognized (Alvarado) why ?, because he does not have the credentials that enable him as an ambassador of the Plurinational State (...) we are waiting since yesterday and there is no statement," Terán told the Urgent news portal . bo.


For the designation of Alvarado, the government of Bolivia was based on Law 465, which in its art. 22 in subsection I) says: “The President or the President of the Plurinational State of Bolivia has the power to delegate the Plenipotentiary Representation and with the rank of Extraordinary Ambassador to any Minister of State, authority or public servant, national or departmental assembly, representative of social movements, organized civil society or prominent personality, for special public or confidential missions of a temporary nature, in order to execute specific presidential mandates, in a rented or honorary manner ”.

For the president of COTAI, although this is valid, it must be the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Karen Longaric, who must send a statement to announce that Alvarado is the new ambassador of Bolivia in Argentina.

“We come from a fraudulent election, with deaths and violence. Things are not also in Argentina and there is an institutional crisis (...). We cannot allow changes outside the protocol, ”Terán insisted.


Inside the embassy, ​​there are seven people who are similar to MAS. In a video that circulates on social networks it is observed that they installed a hunger strike picket peacefully.

On the outskirts there is another group where Evo's followers, compatriots and Argentine activists are. Among them are the groups led by Grabois. In the Consulate that was left encephalous, there is another group. ... o-alvarado

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Camacho's strong man leaves the cabinet for three reasons
President Jeanine Añez dismissed Xerxes Justiniano, the Spaniard until a few hours ago was the Minister of the Presidency. Now Yerko Nuñez replaces it.

Tuesday, December 3, 2019, 8:00 pm

December 3 ( .- “I have decided to designate Yerko Núñez as the new Minister of the Presidency”, this is how the President of the State, Jenine Añez, announced on Tuesday her decision to remove Justinian Xerxes from her cabinet of ministers. There are three reasons.

The former government authority was a lawyer for the defendant in the "La Manada" case, controversial because a group of young people raped an 18-year-old girl in Santa Cruz this year. Nancy Carrasco, one of the prosecutors who follows the case, did not attend this morning the cessation hearing for the preventive detention of Junior Rosales, one of those involved. The victim's defense reported that the prosecutor was not because she was threatened by the then Minister of the Presidency.

Attorney Jessica Echeverría described this as "improper use of influences" and said that "it is shameful" that a transitional government acts in this way, especially when a woman takes the reins of the country.

Justiniano was suggested by Luis Fernando Camacho, the former president of the Civic Committee of Santa Cruz. Añez took the floor and placed him as the second man in his cabinet.

On November 4, the second time the excivor was held at the airport in the city of El Alto, the lawyer accompanied him. Before the media, he denounced that it was the staff of the same airport terminal, which put the life of the Santa Cruz at risk; because he alerted organizations related to the MAS of his presence.

On that occasion Camacho intended to arrive at the Government headquarters to deliver the letter of resignation to former president Evo Morales. Days later and under pressure he succeeded.

Yesterday, Danilo Romano, who until a few hours ago was Deputy Minister of Communication Policy, accused Justiniano of having committed interference in his portfolio and of requesting the removal of personnel from said distribution of the Ministry of Communication. Romano decided to resign because he refused to proceed to “a white massacre”, dismissal of officials.

"I see it necessary to clarify that as Deputy Minister of Communication Policies I refused to make 'International communication consultancies' feasible, as well as the inhuman mass dismissal of my staff. Coerced under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs @jerjesja requested my resignation," Romano wrote in his account On twitter.

After the possession of Yerko Nuñez, learned that the third reason is because he agreed in the negotiation process for the pacification that former ministers Juan Ramón Quintana and Carlos Romero can access political asylum in Mexico. "In that fact, the minister overreached," said a source consulted by this means. ... es-razones

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Thu Dec 05, 2019 2:42 pm

This is the map of power that "built" the change of the Government in Bolivia
06:13 04.12.2019(updated at 06:37 04.12.2019)
By Eliana Gilet

Latin American and European researchers built a map that reflects how a network of US government agencies, private corporations, foundations, non-governmental organizations and the media were 'essential' to get Evo Morales out of power. Sputnik spoke with one of its creators, Silviana Romano.

Romano has a degree in history and also in communication, is a doctor in political science and has dedicated her last years of study to US relations with Latin America, "with special emphasis on issues of psychological warfare," he said in dialogue with Sputnik.

The researcher created the map with Tamara Lajtman, a Brazilian based at the University of Buenos Aires (Argentina), Aníbal García Fernández, a Mexican trained at the National University of Mexico (UNAM), and Arantxa Tirado, formed in Barcelona, ​​who have in common have taken, at some point, classes at the UNAM.
"The team started being about the relationship between the United States and Latin America, but a year ago it was reformulated to include other powers such as Russia and China, which dispute the interests of the US," Romano explained.

Before the change of power suffered by the Government of the Movement To Socialism (MAS) in Bolivia, headed by Evo Morales, and that caused his exile in Mexico - and that of other members of his Government - the team presented its geopolitical analysis of this event in the form of a map of power that was published by the Latin American Strategic Center for Geopolitics (CELAG) in a report entitled "United States and the construction of the coup in Bolivia".

Silvina Romero shared with Sputnik some clues to read that map.

Infographic showing the power network behind the coup in Bolivia (click to expand)

What is a power map?
"There is always talk of imperialism and domination, but people disregard this position because they say they lack evidence. The network or the map of power is a way to materialize and synthetically put how power operates," explained the doctor. .
Romano pointed out how in the case of Bolivia , the pairing of interests between US government agencies and transnational corporations is confirmed , which are shared by officials through mechanisms such as the revolving door , which allow the passage from the public to the private sphere; and the political institutionalization of market techniques such as the lobby .

The doctor in political science added in her analysis a mechanism described in the 1980s by communication theorists that includes the media in this scheme.
"The concept 'manufacturing consent' comes from the work of Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky called The Guardians of Freedom , a 1988 book and the ideas about 'the network' were contributed by Armand Mattelart with his studies on the political economy of critical communication, but since they are not postmodern authors, they have been forgotten, "said Romero, who pointed out the relevance of these theoretical frameworks to understand the current reality of Latin America.

"When there are those asymmetric relationships, where there are places that do have tools to generate a discourse that has real strength for the number of times it is repeated, for how it is crushed on social networks and leaves no room for contrary opinion," He explained, we can see this mechanism of creating consensus in operation, which, according to this study, is financed and exogenously directed to the countries and can be applied to the current Bolivian crisis.

"This map of the power of the coup in Bolivia shows the link between local, regional, transnational institutions and personal trajectories. It is a work of the sociological type and helps in this case to understand a minimum percentage, a little part of how these institutions linked to the local and transnational rights when they disagree on the political, economic drift of a government, "said the co-author.

A coup story: the Bolivian case and its main actors
Romano is a specialist in this type of coup. The first in history was the one who overthrew Jacobo Árbenz of the Presidency of Guatemala in 1954.

"When we talk about power, we talk about decision-making to convince on the ideological level and favor its reproduction, by financing it in material terms," ​​he explained.
The map was constructed following the financing schemes from two governmental instances of the United States such as the Agency for International Development, which, in turn, finances the National Foundation for Democracy, an organ "linked since its creation in the decade from 1980 to counterinsurgency financing "and that now appears behind key agencies in the promotion of the coup against Evo Morales , according to the investigation.

"The NED did not contribute so much with money, but with the approval of its lines of work and its international projection," Romano said. "This network includes foundations and NGOs, as well as links with US thought tanks that generated an 'expert opinion' on Evo Morales during the past two or three years, which said that while the economy was going well, Bolivia had a problem with democracy, "Romano said.
This problem that the United States thought tanks identified said that "Bolivian democracy was authoritarian, that it was not normal as it should be and that it was most likely that in the 2019 elections there would be a scenario of destabilization and violence if it were not I was going to the second round, "Romano said.

That is, they anticipated the scenario that we now see materialized before . "They had already written it then. Now, was that a probable or desirable scenario? As it was a desirable one, they sought to generate it with those projections," he explained.

According to the researchers, the NED directly finances the National Press Agency of Bolivia and the Nueva Democracia Foundation, founded by the senator of the Democratic Unit by the Department of Santa Cruz, Oscar Ortiz Antelo, an opponent of the MAS.
In turn, Nueva Democracia is a member of the Atlas Network, identified by Romano as an organization created in the 1980s by American conservatives to "promote free markets and liberal values, according to their own website," he said.

The Atlas Network is linked to other recent destabilizing processes in Latin America through other members such as Students for Liberty in Brazil and in Honduras with Eleutera.

"They do not arrive saying that they are going to overthrow the Government, but to start training courses for young leaders, in democracy and human rights. Then, a speech is reproduced that is the center of the reproduction of the hegemonic ideology," said the researcher Silvina Romano to Sputnik.
The third element is the media, which choose the sources that replicate that discourse.

"A key actor in Bolivia is Raúl Peñaranda, who was linked to the affair Zapata, who falsely denounced an unrecognized son to Evo Morales. That had an impact on the outcome of the referendum because he questioned Evo's moral quality and they knew he was going to be like that, "Romano said.
The researcher explained that Peñaranda founded the Fides press agency - linked to the Church - as well as giving talks to the Interamerican Dialogue, "one of the most important thought tanks on Latin America," directed by Michael Shifter, a participant in the NED since its inception

"That is, they are people with a trajectory that goes between the Government and the private sector in a revolving door that makes them share certain interests and practices and ways of doing things," he explained.
Of the NGOs financed or guided by this foreign scheme, they only put one: Ríos de Pie or Standing Rivers led by Jhanisse Vaca Daza, an NGO that gained visibility by denouncing that Evo Morales had a responsibility for not having accepted foreign aid before the burning of the Amazon.

"Standing Rivers is an NGO linked to the Human Rights Foundation of Norway, which includes ultra-right-wing characters and has Islamophobic programs, but with great impact on the big media such as CNN, Forbes or Fox," Romano said.
"In addition, Jhanisse Vaca Daza was present in a repudiation of Evo Morales when he spoke publicly at UNAM days ago," he added. "What is not understood is that the NGOs came to fill the gap left by the State in everything related to socio-economic welfare and social justice," said the source.

The worrying thing, according to Romano, is that these organizations and trusts that have previously been linked to USAID and the NED "later proved to be spaces of political formation of opposition to the governments of the day," he said.

"That anywhere in the world is considered an intervention and it is a case that must be judicial. You cannot go to another country to harangue against the government of the day because you want it. But this happens all the time," he concluded. ... ssion=true

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Sat Dec 07, 2019 4:56 pm

Evo Morales leaves Mexico for Cuba; intends to move to Argentina, according to El País
bulletEvo Morales traveled to the Island for a medical consultation, sources told El Financiero.
Updated 06/12/2019 - 20:38

Evo Morales, former president of Bolivia. Nicolás Tavira

The former president of Bolivia, Evo Morales, left Mexico on Friday morning for Cuba , confirmed Roberto Velasco Álvarez, spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE).

According to Velasco Álvarez, Evo Morales left Mexico as part of a temporary trip . Sources close to the ex-president told El Financiero that he traveled to the Island for a medical consultation .

The afternoon of this Friday, the Spanish newspaper El País published that Morales later intends to move to Argentina , once Alberto Fernández takes protest as president next Tuesday.

The politician's main reason for moving to Argentina is to be closer to Bolivia, and to meet with leaders of the Movement for Socialism towards the candidacy they will present in the next presidential elections, which do not yet have a definite date, explained the sources of the Spanish newspaper .

Morales would wait until after Fernandez's protest was taken so that the new Argentine government can guarantee his safety, they added.

Mexico offered asylum to Morales on November 11 and arrived in the country a day later . The Government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador has defended the measure of criticism from opponents arguing that the Bolivian politician was the victim of a coup d'etat.

In this country, Morales has had several public events, as well as few meetings with the media, where he defended his position that he was the victim of a coup and that in the last presidential election he won cleanly.

The Bolivian opposition and multilateral organizations such as the Organization of American States (OAS) have indicated that there were irregularities in the election with which Morales had extended his Government that had been almost 14 years. ... un-el-pais

Google Translator

It should be noted that Angela Merkel got elected 2 months before Evo & doesn't seem to be going anywhere fast...Whadda ya expect from a 'finance' rag?
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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