Venezuela

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blindpig
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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Tue May 07, 2024 2:05 pm

TARECK EL AISSAMI KNEW ABOUT THE MERCENARY OPERATION
BETRAYAL AS THE LAST CHAPTER OF OPERATION GIDEON
May 6, 2024 , 10:41 am .

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The objective of Operation Gedeón was to assassinate members of the Bolivarian Government, starting with President Nicolás Maduro. (Photo: Archive)

On the morning of May 3, 2020, Venezuela witnessed an invasion attempt carried out by a group of mercenaries trained in Colombia and sponsored by the administration of Donald Trump, whose objective was to enter the territory through the coasts of the Aragua and La Guaira states. Its essential purpose: assassinate members of the Bolivarian Government, starting with President Nicolás Maduro. This meant creating a situation of violence and destabilization in the country that would make foreign occupation viable in the same national space and achieve the definitive seizure of power by Juan Guaidó.

Four years after this mercenary incursion into Venezuela was thwarted, it is necessary to point out two aspects that, in the current context, acquire crucial relevance, beyond the obvious failures in the planning and execution of the operation and the unquestionable responsibilities of sectors of the Venezuelan extremist opposition and some foreign governments in its development.

Firstly, the civil-military-police union that, in just 48 hours, dismantled the incursion and that has become a fundamental piece to guarantee the political stability of the country. Secondly, we highlight Operation Gideon as a plan in which significant political and financial resources were invested, aimed at subverting the Venezuelan constitutional order, and in which international actors, extremist opposition factors and, furthermore, after the new known evidence, a power sector infiltrated in "Chavismo" that participated in the PDVSA-Cripto conspiratorial plot.

4 years ago, Joint Operation Negro Primero, in a civic-military-police union, crushed a group of mercenaries and terrorists who tried to invade Venezuela with the aim of ending my life, but the people did not let them and came out to defend themselves. of the territory in the… pic.twitter.com/BVLOp182OT

— Nicolás Maduro (@NicolasMaduro) May 3, 2024

SOCIAL INTELLIGENCE AS A KEY FACTOR
Above the resounding military and political failure of Operation Gideon, two serious strategic miscalculations on the part of its perpetrators stand out. Firstly, it was based on a mistaken perception on the part of extremist actors about the willingness of coastal populations to support the mercenary incursion; and secondly, it implied a "jump into the void" by betting on desertion and support from the forces of public order to the insurrectional movement.

Neither of the two scenarios occurred and, to the surprise of the mercenaries, Joint Operation Negro Primero had the participation of the organized community that, together with police and military forces, managed to dismantle the plans involved in Operation Gideon. Without this articulation, the possibilities of success would have been reduced, or at least compromised, since we are talking about areas, especially on the coasts of Aragua, without a significant military presence at the moment.

The outstanding participation of the organized community in an operation of such magnitude not only demonstrates its unwavering commitment to the comprehensive defense of the national territory, but also highlights the fundamental role that popular bodies play in the management of the affairs of State and of government in Venezuela.

Thus, having as a conceptual framework the Bolivarian military doctrine, specifically the necessary co-responsibility between the State and citizens in the comprehensive defense of the nation, the government in the territory has become a neuralgic pillar for the construction of an organic defense system. robust, where the people act as guarantor of the sovereignty and independence of the nation.

"WE HAD THE CORRUPT AND TRAITORS AT OUR SIDE"
Operation Gedeón highlighted the extensive international and national networks woven by the subjects behind the conspiracy against the institutions of the Venezuelan State. This plot, hatched since 2017, materialized in a political-diplomatic boycott orchestrated by the Organization of American States (OAS), followed by the creation of the Lima Group and, finally, supported by the US State Department that protected the self-proclaimed " interim" of Juan Guaidó starting in 2019.

However, it was with the failed coup attempt on April 30, 2019 and the mercenary raid of the aforementioned operation that the military dimension of this conspiracy was revealed in its full magnitude.

With the paramilitary incursion, the governments of Iván Duque of Colombia and Donald Trump of the United States were exposed, since both countries provided financial and logistical means for the development of the plan. Likewise, as subsequent investigations would demonstrate, there was a non-negligible business component in the international operation against Venezuela.

But the most striking thing four years after the failed action are the implications that government sectors, today prosecuted for treason, had in the mercenary incursion. Thus, President Nicolás Maduro commented on his television program that recent investigations into the PDVSA-Cripto plot revealed that former Minister Tareck El Aissami, along with the sector that accompanied him, were aware of the frustrated assassination of August 2018, the attempted coup of April 30, 2019 and Operation Gideon of 2020.

#InVideo Pdte. @NicolasMaduro : "we had the corrupt and the traitors on our side." #ConMaduroMásPueblo pic.twitter.com/hXXA2OrMnr

— ConMaduro+ (@ConMaduroMas_) April 30, 2024

In this way, as the president stated , what seemed like investigation hypotheses ended up being confirmed with the various evidence obtained from the PDVSA-Cripto investigation that the Public Ministry has been carrying out: "They were aware of the attack carried out on August 4, 2018 against me. And they were also informed of the coup carried out 5 years ago, known as the green bananas coup, carried out in Altamira on April 30, 2019, coordinated with Leopoldo López and the White House, with John Bolton, James Story and a last name that appears, 'Fouli'" , of whom President Maduro said that "he is the one who ruled and still rules."

The events that took place in those 48 hours in which the mercenary operation was dismantled showed the world the unbreakable will of the Venezuelan people to guarantee peace, sovereignty and democracy in the country. However, the commitment to the destabilizing plans that sectors, supposedly loyal to the institutions of the State, maintained with the factors that have traditionally been conspiring in Venezuela cannot go unnoticed.

https://misionverdad.com/sites/default/ ... 1715012475

LEOPOLDO LÓPEZ AND THE TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF THE PDVSA-CRIPTO PLOT
May 4, 2024 , 8:15 am .

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Attorney General Tarek William Saab presented other findings on the PDVSA-Cripto plot at a press conference . This time the statements of businessman Samark López were shown in which he explains part of the modus operandi of the network associated with Leopoldo López and Julio Borges as star protagonists.

In the update on the case, the Prosecutor indicated that there were new arrests in this second phase of investigation, bringing a total of 67 detainees. He added that the Public Ministry obtained new revelations through the confessions of those involved.

The testimony of the businessman and also Tareck El Aissami's emissary was shown, who described the corrupt scheme regarding the oil shipment process and the modalities they used to engage in flawed practices on this matter.

In his confession, Samark explained the two modalities applied from 2020 to 2022:

Allocations of oil shipments to different companies in order to distribute high commissions to contractors who have ties to the far-right parties Primero Justicia and Voluntad Popular. Profits ranged from 120 to 140 million dollars, depending on the market.
Contractors were required to, instead of paying only the price of crude oil, also send diluents or oil derivatives so that they obtained double profit, that is, they absorbed the benefits of both the sale of oil and the derivatives determined in that business. . Profits could exceed 2 billion dollars.
In summary, Borges and López benefited from the illegal assignments of shipments of oil and derivatives through two contractors hiding behind Spanish companies , which provided crude oil shipments valued at more than one billion dollars.

In this sense, Samark emphasized that the contractors were long-standing as they continued shady methods inherited from the Rafael Ramírez administration.

Furthermore, it is important to mention that the participation of an actor like Leopoldo López suggests that this scheme still maintains the methods of that historical link related to the diversion of funds from PDVSA to the Primero Justicia Civil Association in 1998 .

Returning to the plot, in principle it is known that the process of assigning vessels in an oil company involves various considerations to ensure the efficient transportation of crude oil. This goes through an administrative control procedure and PDVSA contracting regulations , which is why this corrupt group simulated a bidding process with different contractors, to then decant the new assignments to the predetermined wholesalers of yesteryear, who were embedded in the bowels of PDVSA.

Faced with this, Samark adds that another of the mechanisms used to guarantee the sustainability of this illicit cohabitation was directed at large-value vessels, where service-providing companies or registered suppliers that they classified as "small" were believe that the assignment corresponded to a contract for a price they could pay.

However, the trick was that, when delivering that ship, a price was announced far above what these small suppliers could pay. In this way, Samark and his group outsourced the exchange, offering as a solution that they make payments through traditional and preferential wholesalers that were already linked to the murky network, and whose final beneficiaries were López and Borges.

In this way, small service providers benefited from the contract with a transparent and competitive process, but in the end they were absorbed by two previously determined wholesalers, who operated the business from the shadows, using bribery tactics and diversion of funds. resources to the detriment of the interests of the company and the country.

Finally, the aforementioned emissary from El Aissami narrated that one of those two wholesalers sent letters to the United States Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), in which he requested that they not sanction one of the companies that operated. in PDVSA, and they offered that office that, once there was a change of government, it could increase its operations and production in oil matters.

Future revelations are expected about the PDVSA-Cripto case which, in its second phase of investigation, has shown the insidious tactics of the sector led by Leopoldo López, who has continued to be infiltrated in the oil industry and has broken loyalties and raised the blackmail through threats with the imposition of sanctions or licenses, and those who still maintain their questionable practices for the embezzlement of funds through the oil trade.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/leop ... vsa-cripto

BRIEF PROFILES OF THE OPPOSITION PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES
May 6, 2024 , 1:00 p.m.

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The manipulation of the 2023 primaries by certain groups marginalized large sectors of the opposition spectrum. (Photo: EFE - Miguel Gutiérrez)

Venezuela is approaching its election day for the presidency of the republic on July 28, 2024 in a complex context, but with marked differences from previous processes. The country continues to face illegal international sanctions imposed by the United States, the impact of which has been significant on its economy. However, thanks to the right decisions of the Venezuelan government, the oil industry and the national economy are showing a progressive trend of recovery.

The regional panorama has also changed since the 2018 presidential elections. Venezuela no longer faces a bloc of Latin American governments subordinated to the US strategy, and the level of siege and political pressure is lower.

In this context, different factions of the Venezuelan opposition, following the guidelines of the National Electoral Council (CNE), have presented their nominations and they have been accepted by the competent body. Below, we present a brief profile of each of them:

*Edmundo González Urrutia: Candidate of the Democratic Unitary Platform (PUD), he has academic training in International Relations obtained in the United States. He began his diplomatic career as first secretary of the Venezuelan embassy in that country. Subsequently, he worked in the General Directorate of International Policy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served as international liaison of the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) between 2013 and 2015. During this last role, González Urrutia was in charge of projecting strategies of ignorance against President Nicolás Maduro internationally. He reflects a strong interest in realigning Venezuela towards the US sphere of influence , leaning towards a position of relationship of tutelage and subordination.

*Antonio Ecarri: He is a dissident Venezuelan lawyer and politician from the ranks of Primero Justicia (PJ) with experience as a councilor in the Chacao municipality. He has expressed differences with the traditional opposition and has been building the image of being an alternative to it. He presents his candidacy as a " center option " to overcome the polarization between Chavismo and the opposition. Founder of the organization Alianza del Lápiz, Ecarri stands out for his sectoral work in the educational area, which has allowed him to position himself in Caracas and Miranda. He has added the support of Fuerza Vecinal, after the resignation of Manuel Rosales from the candidacy.

*Luis Eduardo Martínez: He is the presidential candidate of Democratic Action (AD), a party led by Bernabé Gutiérrez. He represents a new leadership within the traditional Venezuelan organizations grouped in the G4 that changed their political direction because they disagreed with the abstentionist strategy. In an interview, Martínez stated that some radical elements of the opposition are not motivated by national interests, which is why he distances himself from them. He has added support from Copei and the Popular Democratic Right party.

*José Brito: Venezuelan politician who serves as a deputy in the National Assembly, elected in 2020. He stands out for his critical expression towards the majority opposition grouped in the Democratic Unitary Platform (PUD) and considers that international sanctions are a threat to the economy. from Venezuela. Like Martínez, he is part of the leadership that was formed in the opposition parties abandoned by the abstentionist leaders. In April 2024, the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ) appointed Brito as leader of an ad hoc board of directors of PJ , allowing him to present candidates to the CNE.

*Daniel Ceballos: Serves as presidential candidate for the Arepa party. His political career includes his tenure as mayor of San Cristóbal in 2013, interrupted by an arrest warrant from the TSJ for having supported the 2014 guarimbas and calling for violence. Thanks to the dialogue table promoted by the Venezuelan government, he received a pardon and resumed his political path. Ceballos was part of Voluntad Popular during his political rise, but distanced himself from the party due to differences with its violent and radical strategy. He considers that the guarimbas were a mistake that weakened the opposition.

*Javier Bertucci: He is an evangelical pastor, businessman and Venezuelan politician who has run for president twice for the El Cambio party. He is currently a deputy of the National Assembly. Although he identifies himself as an opponent of the government of Nicolás Maduro, his approach is distinguished from that of the traditional opposition by his openness to dialogue. Bertucci managed to obtain 11% of the vote in 2018 , making him one of the few political actors capable of attracting voters beyond the typical division between Chavismo and opposition.

*Benjamín Rausseo: He is running as a candidate outside of traditional political parties, seeking to attract voters disenchanted with polarization and existing party structures. He has spoken out against the international sanctions imposed on Venezuela. The Redes party has withdrawn its support due to ideological differences and the perception that Rausseo is carrying out an "empty" campaign without connection with the people.

*Claudio Fermín: The political career of Claudio Fermín, former mayor of Caracas, is characterized by his experience in public management and his moderate stance within the panorama of the Venezuelan political opposition. He began his public career in Democratic Action, but his dissent from the party line led him to separate from it. He founded the Solutions for Venezuela party, which he currently leads. He has participated in dialogue initiatives with the national government, seeking agreements in favor of the country and rejecting sanctions.

*Enrique Márquez: Former rector of the CNE, he defends that participation in elections is the only legitimate and effective way to achieve political change in Venezuela. He joined the Un Nuevo Tiempo party in 2007, and was expelled in 2018 for supporting Henri Falcón's candidacy in 2018, which contradicted the abstention strategy promoted by the MUD. He believes that international sanctions have failed to weaken the national government; on the contrary, they have harmed the Venezuelan population.+
When analyzing the profiles of this spectrum, the lack of unity and underlying strength between the oppositions can be clearly observed. Although all the candidates are facing the Maduro government, they represent a wide range of political places that seem to be irreconcilable with each other.

This current fragmentation has its roots in a series of strategic errors over the years, such as the excessive influence of María Corina Machado in the problematic 2023 primaries, in which she imposed her candidacy despite being politically disqualified, which marginalized to dissident voices.

Machado's refusal to name a replacement exacerbated the divisions, the result of which was the unilateral imposition of Corina Yoris as a candidate and, finally, the last-minute acceptance of support for Edmundo González, a candidate who at times seemed to be a cover option for María Corina, at other times one that responds to the sectors represented in the PUD, but never a postulate agreed upon by all the opposition factions, much less when there has been an electoral offer full of candidates with their own particular agendas.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/brev ... -oposicion

Google Translator
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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