The international community will not sit and watch the Agreement being teared apart
That the congress think to convert what is a legal duty, such as the defense of human rights, into a cause of inability is indeed shameful, but this will not go unnoticed within the international community”, says the legal adviser of the process of peace, Enrique Santiago, adding that he feels "used not to say deceived".
For the lawyer, the ruling of the Constitutional Court and the agreement reached in the Senate last week that modify essential aspects of the Peace Agreement goes against the ruling approved by the very same Congress in the legislative act for peace, where it is established that all authorities at the time of implementation have to respect the spirit of the agreement.
The jurist points out that the State institutions are leaving the Havana agreement unrecognizable. About the Congress, the jurist says that what the Senate has done is to ”criminalize human rights defenders defining them non-impartial".
On the other hand, something that should be natural in law, that is the defense of human rights, is not taken into account, "that is to say that any jurist must respect human rights, that is not an option, be it as a magistrate, academic, prosecutor, the victims must be defended."
On what was approved by the Senate regarding the Selection Committee, for Santiago, it is a disrespect to the international community, since it is a Committee operated by persons chosen by the Secretary General of the UN, the European Court of Human Rights, among other international instances.
In this sense, the lawyer expects that the Constitutional Court with leave without effect "the vast majority of legal aberrations that were incorporated by a Senate that legislated ad hoc, and only for one of the actors in the conflict.” He also states that it is important that other institutions amend what the senators did, before the text of the Statutory Law of the JEP reaches the High Court.
Enrique Santiago, states that the exclusion of civilians or third parties in the JEP, involved in the armed conflict, "is to bless the party of impunity that has been a constant in the country." What was stirred in the Court on this issue, is in line with the "cynicism" with which the Colombian establishment uses the subject of victims, "everyone is full mouth to speak about victims, but when it comes to act, they fail to take effective measures to guarantee the rights of the victims".
http://farc-epeace.org/peace-process/ne ... apart.html
ya just can't trust the bastards. A lawyer doesn't know this?
Colombia
Re: Colombia
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
Colombian Forces To Deploy 'Everything' Against FARC Rebels
Published 23 November 2017 (14 hours 40 minutes ago)
We're going to throw everything at these dissidents," President Juan Manuel Santos told journalists Thursday. "There will be no hesitation."
President Juan Manuel Santos has vowed that Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) rebels who have chosen to join drug trafficking gangs instead of demobilizing will face the full force of the military, amid worries gangs will stymie security gains.
During a meeting with foreign correspondents in Bogota for the first anniversary of the signing of the peace agreement, Santos directly threatened the rebels. "We're going to throw everything at these dissidents," Santos told journalists Thursday. "There will be no hesitation."
More than 11,000 fighters and collaborators from the FARC handed over their weapons this year as part of a peace accord with the government to end more than five decades of war, Reuters reported. The group has kept its initials in its reincarnation as a political party.
But the country's ombudsman says some 800 former guerrillas did not demobilize, a figure in keeping with estimates of security sources and think tanks, who put the number of dissident ex-FARC members as ranging between 700 and 1,000.Dug
Santos said the number of dissidents is below the 15 percent of fighters that he said usually refuse to demobilize when rebel groups lay down their arms after peace deals.
Human rights groups and analysts have expressed worries that a lack of state presence in territory formerly occupied by the FARC is allowing the smaller National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla group and criminal gangs to battle for control of lucrative coca crops and illegal mining sites.
Amnesty International said in a report on Thursday that despite a reduction in civilian deaths, the conflict rages on in several parts of the country because of the presence of the gangs and the ELN.
Earlier this week, the FARC leader Rodrigo "Timochenko" Londono, presidential candidate for the Revolutionary Alternative Forces of the Commons, complained to U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres that the Colombian government had already breached the agreement.
Londono cited undue delays in reincorporating former guerrilla fighters, as well as unmet congressional and Special Jurisdiction of Peace obligations, according to Cubadebate.
https://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/ ... -0033.html
Drug traffickers? Well yes, of course, after all, wwcd?(what would capitalists do)
Looks like divide & conquer to me, but what do I know?
Published 23 November 2017 (14 hours 40 minutes ago)
We're going to throw everything at these dissidents," President Juan Manuel Santos told journalists Thursday. "There will be no hesitation."
President Juan Manuel Santos has vowed that Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) rebels who have chosen to join drug trafficking gangs instead of demobilizing will face the full force of the military, amid worries gangs will stymie security gains.
During a meeting with foreign correspondents in Bogota for the first anniversary of the signing of the peace agreement, Santos directly threatened the rebels. "We're going to throw everything at these dissidents," Santos told journalists Thursday. "There will be no hesitation."
More than 11,000 fighters and collaborators from the FARC handed over their weapons this year as part of a peace accord with the government to end more than five decades of war, Reuters reported. The group has kept its initials in its reincarnation as a political party.
But the country's ombudsman says some 800 former guerrillas did not demobilize, a figure in keeping with estimates of security sources and think tanks, who put the number of dissident ex-FARC members as ranging between 700 and 1,000.Dug
Santos said the number of dissidents is below the 15 percent of fighters that he said usually refuse to demobilize when rebel groups lay down their arms after peace deals.
Human rights groups and analysts have expressed worries that a lack of state presence in territory formerly occupied by the FARC is allowing the smaller National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla group and criminal gangs to battle for control of lucrative coca crops and illegal mining sites.
Amnesty International said in a report on Thursday that despite a reduction in civilian deaths, the conflict rages on in several parts of the country because of the presence of the gangs and the ELN.
Earlier this week, the FARC leader Rodrigo "Timochenko" Londono, presidential candidate for the Revolutionary Alternative Forces of the Commons, complained to U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres that the Colombian government had already breached the agreement.
Londono cited undue delays in reincorporating former guerrilla fighters, as well as unmet congressional and Special Jurisdiction of Peace obligations, according to Cubadebate.
https://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/ ... -0033.html
Drug traffickers? Well yes, of course, after all, wwcd?(what would capitalists do)
Looks like divide & conquer to me, but what do I know?
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
The challenge after the Peace Agreement
Pending accounts of civilians for war
El Espectador reviewed the judicial processes in which businessmen who could have financed illegal groups have been mentioned. A topic that seems will not be developed in the JEP.
Luz Carime Hurtado González / @luzcarimeHG
The Prosecutor's Office estimates that Justice and Peace has cost more than $ 100 billion. / File El Espectador
In the development of the Justice and Peace Law , created in 2005 as a transitional model for the peace process between the government of Álvaro Uribe and self-defense groups, multiple investigations were opened aimed at evaluating the alleged participation of businessmen and civilians in strengthening of this armed actor. Most of these investigations are consigned in copies of copies to the Office of the Prosecutor to open formal proceedings. An issue that has reappeared in the midst of controversy over the recent ruling of the Constitutional Court regarding the Special Peace Jurisdiction (JEP).
As is known, the high court ruled that State agents who have not belonged to the Public Force and civilians, which includes businessmen who possibly supported the war, although they may be required by law, do not have the obligation to go to the JEP. This decision sparked a controversy centered on the dilemma of establishing whether the entrepreneurs involved in the support or sponsorship of armed groups were left with a kind of immunity to be investigated or if the Court shielded them from deliberate actions of judicial persecution.
In this context, the judgments issued by the Justice and Peace Chamber of the Superior Court of Bogotá , which compile the investigations against former paramilitaries in this model of transitional justice in which businessmen and civilians came to light, take effect. In total, these rulings refer to the alleged behaviors in which 57 companies would have incurred, making it clear that it would be necessary to clarify whether their collaboration was voluntary or whether they were economic contributions as a result of the extortion.
The sentences mention the investigations against members of the Bananero and Norte blocks , which is the most well-known face of the so-called "para-economy". In general terms, the defendants' statements point out that through the Convivir Papagayo , resources contributed by the banana multinational Chiquita Brands, its subsidiary Banadex and the marketers Sunisa SA, Conserva SA, Uniban, Tropical SA, Proban, Banafrut, were channeled. Bagatella SA and Agrícola Río Verde. The evidence is consignments of money made by those companies in the accounts of the aforementioned Convivir.
The confessions of paramilitaries submitted to Justicia y Paz indicate that, between 1997 and 2007, the Convivir received the payment of three cents for each box of bananas exported. In this way, the beneficiary paramilitary groups had incentives to ensure that the fruit growers did not stop their activity. The more banana boxes were exported, the more money the Convivir received . This also explains why the paramilitary violence in Urabá was directed mainly towards the workers of Sintrainagro or union leaders in the banana plantations.
In the same field of banana production was the name of Carlos Lacouture Dangond , owner of two farms dedicated to the exploitation of fruit. Since about 50 workers from these haciendas joined Sintrainagro , he personally threatened them. In his own words, people from the self-defense groups came to his offices and asked him for a list of union members and their managers, since it was public knowledge that the paramilitaries did not like unions and that is why the threats and actions of violence against him.
In this same chapter of the Nort e block , the businessman and ex-deputy Jorge Gnecco Cerchar (assassinated in 2001), who wrote in judicial decisions organized by a private security group to prevent the guerrillas from attacking the trucks that transported the coal, is reviewed. . He was also a personal friend of Vicente Castaño , who even helped him solve a personal problem with the drug trafficker Julio César Zúñiga . The name of Gnecco Cerchar appeared associated with other acts of violence in Magdalena.
Businessmen that the Court asked to investigate
After the drug trafficking organizations in Cali were dismantled in the mid-1990s, the Norte del Valle cartel was decisive for the expansion of paramilitarism. However, some farmers, merchants and sugar cane entrepreneurs also contributed to this purpose. Towards the year 2000, in limits between Córdoba and Urabá, Carlos Castaño met with a group of businessmen of the Valley with the objective that the self-defenses opened a front in that region. Initially a contribution of $ 20 million was agreed in exchange for security.
According to confessions of paramilitaries before Justice and Peace , among the businessmen who supported the initiative was the former president of Avianca Édgar Lenis , who died in 2006. Likewise, Ingenio San Carlos would have made contributions. To ensure control of drug trafficking, the group was deployed especially in Buenaventura, where it counted with the contribution of fishing companies. In some cases voluntarily and at other times in a coercive manner, there were monies of industrialists, cattlemen and merchants. The Calima block extended its tentacles to political power.
Another critical case was represented by the Central Bolívar block , which derived as a part of its finances the collection of taxes from Ecopetrol's contractor companies . Responsible for civil works, provision of services or supply of goods had to pay percentages between 2 and 5%. According to the sentence against Rodrigo Pérez, alias Julián Bolívar, the main source of income was the illegal extraction of fuel. Its large resources allowed a social and political management in the neighborhoods located in the northeastern and southern districts of Barrancabermeja.
As for the Tolima block , according to demobilized statements, the businessman and rancher Manuel Bernate was one of the people who financed the arrival of the paramilitaries in Guamo and San Luis in 2000. In another sentence, the owner is warned of Cementos Diamante, Gustavo Giraldo , would have contributed financially and lent farms for the accommodation of members of the self-defense groups. The same is attributed to the manager of the Tolima Livestock Fund Ignacio Alvira.
In the peasant self-defense groups of Meta and Vichada, former paramilitaries such as Fredy Rendón or Elkin Casarubio , alias el Cura, said that the genesis of this paramilitary front and its financing had as its main promoter the Tsar of Emeralds, Víctor Carranza Niño , who died in 2013. Their farms were, in addition to logistics centers, axes of expansion of the self-defenses in the Eastern Plains. In the different regions of the East of the country the economic support of many farmers was decisive.
The case of the Cacique Nutibara bloc , detached from the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Córdoba and Urabá to create an urban structure in Medellin and counteract the power of the guerrilla militias, is an example of how civilians and businessmen got involved in this expansion. On April 30, 1998, the Office of the Public Prosecutor of the capital of Antioquia conducted a raid on the so-called Parking Padilla . The findings in this legal action evidenced the links of the illegal armed group with businessmen of transport or commerce.
In the accounting books, in addition to the organization chart of the self-defense groups, bank statements, invoices for medicines purchases, property registers and communications on military operations were found. The Padilla Parking process established the existence of 496 bank accounts in which multiple companies were related. The lack of a judicial investigation did not allow to clarify whether they were paramilitary financing or private firms bound to contribute to the expansion of paramilitarism in Antioquia.
Among the companies that appeared registered are Granahorrar, Comfenalco, Conavi, Cadenalco, Lander and Compañía, Leonisa, Coltejer, Codensa, Empresarias Varias of Medellín, Miro Seguridad, Pinturas El Cóndor, Almacén Tennis and Botero Botero Transportation. In the bus terminals of several neighborhoods of Medellín, it was always known that for each bus the businessmen had to pay monthly contributions. The pretext was that they were contributions in exchange for surveillance and security. Brickyard firms also contributed.
Although much research was missing in this particular chapter of the paramilitary violence, the sentences derived from the paramilitary blocks in Antioquia made it possible to establish important names of close collaborators of paramilitarism or fundamental links for its expansion. This is the case of Sor Teresa Gómez , sister of the Castaño breeding and director of Funpazcor , who developed a systematic action of dispossession of lands, especially in Córdoba and Urabá. As it happened in Tulapas with support from the Livestock Fund of Córdoba.
In this same context, it is necessary to relate to the so-called Envigado Collection Office , dedicated to the control of the criminal world in Medellin, in such a way that anyone who wanted to commit a crime had to pay for it. One of the main financiers of this structure was the drug trafficker Juan Carlos "Tuso" Sierra . With the passing of time it has been possible to clarify that the Envigado Office always had the support of congressmen, prosecutors, generals of the Army and Police , political leaders and football entrepreneurs.
Finally, derived from the investigations of the Superior Court of Cúcuta to the activities of the Héroes de Montes de María block , there is the registration of the company Cementos Argos . Although it is not proven that the company had any direct or indirect relationship with the illegal groups that exacerbated the armed conflict, its mention is due to the purchase of lands in areas where forced displacement and dispossession took place. His defense argument is that the company acquired the land in good faith exempt from fault, that is, bought without taking advantage.
However, in some cases, the courts determined that the cement firm was failing in some businesses. First, because it omitted that there were areas where a massive displacement of peasants had been generated, a proper analysis of the history of the buildings was not made and in one or another property there was no mechanism to investigate if there were protective actions. The Land Restitution Unit took the case of Argos before judges. In a process it was already determined that there was no dispossession. There is another one in rural area of San Onofre with still pending failure.
The extortions
The 120 judgments of the Justice and Peace Chamber of the Superior Court of Bogotá also details the way in which the Catatumbo block, in the border area with Venezuela, benefited from monies from various companies. In the 2011 ruling against the paramilitary Aramis Machado, it was reported that, in order to fulfill their purpose of military expansion in the region, the self-defense groups were financed by the extortion they charged to the merchants, the guild of the transporters and people who were dedicated to them. different links in the cocaine business.
By decision of Carlos Castaño , towards mid-1999, the Front Fronteras joined the activities of the Catatumbo block , led by Jorge Iván Laverde , aka the Iguano. The violence extended to the metropolitan area of Cúcuta and several surrounding towns. Some shopping malls, popular markets, formal transport and surveillance companies, among others, had to contribute. In exchange for safety they had to do Termotasagen, Cootranscúcuta, La Frontera Soft Drinks, La Mirla Carbones, Inducarga and Arroz Galvez , among others.
The monthly expenses of the Front Fronteras amounted to $ 480 million, which included the payment of payroll of the members of the group, collaborators, Public Force and medical expenses. In addition to the financial contributions, this front counted with the support of civil and political authorities and public servants. The best known case was that of the sectional director of the Prosecutor's Office of Cúcuta, Ana María Flórez , known as the "Batgirl". Similarly, there was clear help from the DAS in Norte de Santander. There was also no lack of support from drug money.
In the sentence against Salvatore Mancuso , commander of the Catatumbo bloc , it is also warned that, in exchange for security, companies such as Ecopetrol, Centrales Eléctricas de Norte de Santander and Termotasajero were forced to give financial contributions, as well as merchants, exchange houses , small farmers, private security companies and individuals. However, the judicial decision evidenced that, literally, some people from Ecopetrol were "organic" members of the financial structure of the aforementioned block
As for the block Élmer Cárdenas , which was commanded by Freddy Rendón Herrera, alias el Alemán , the copies of copies of Justice and Peace indicate that there were taxes to farmers or landowners with properties greater than 100 hectares and that, under the leadership of Carlos Castaño , meetings were arranged with executives from the banana sector to negotiate safety mechanisms or "labor pacification". In particular, there was a record of a meeting between the general director of Banadex SA and paramilitaries to agree amounts of the economic contributions.
Likewise, the main gas companies in the north of Antioquia and the Urabá region were forced to pay a tariff of between $ 5 and $ 25 per gallon of gas, similar to the one imposed on the company Maderera. In this regard, contributions from Cartagas, Intergas, Corona, Gas de Urabá and Batigas were reported. The largest contributor to the second sector noted was Maderas del Darién . The smugglers also had to contribute.
In other judgments of Justice and Peace in development of the activities of the block Élmer Cárdenas was testimony that companies such as Cootrasur-Occidente, Transportes Gómez Hernández, Transportes Sierra and the Port of Cartagena had to make economic contributions in exchange for security. Economic records were especially concentrated between 1999 and 2001, and according to the findings of the judiciary ranged between $ 6 million and $ 400 million. This front of war was one of those that appealed more to the businessmen, for extortion or voluntary contribution.
Another block involved in these practices was the Libertadores del Sur , led by Guillermo Pérez Alzate , alias "Pablo Sevillano". According to well-known financial reports in Justicia y Paz, to sustain its actions in the south of the country, the aforementioned bloc accepted voluntary contributions or imposed war tributes. In exchange for security, palm growers and agro-industrialists contributed. In particular, the Sociedad de Agricultores y Ganaderos de Nariño , as well as several civilians of the commerce or betting businesses, did it.
As for the so-called war tax, Justice and Peace left the trace of the tax that was imposed on transporters, public service providers, hotel owners, owners of agricultural stores or restaurants and, of course, anyone who was dedicated to drug trafficking business. In particular, there was the name of the company Lácteos Andinos de Nariño , whose owner materialized his economic support in at least two political meetings with paramilitaries. The Office of the Prosecutor urged to identify relationships with other economic associations.
Entrepreneurs respond
The armed conflict in the territories of Colombia has produced everything. Many employers claim that they were extorted to pay for vaccines. Several of those mentioned in this text maintain that their only commitment has been to contribute to the country's growth.
One of those who supports this idea is Hernando Díaz, president of Termotasajero , who told this newspaper that the statements of former paramilitaries can not be believed. "They are criminals who are accustomed to defame. We review the financial statements of the company and there is no evidence of any payment to illegal groups. At the time, we are not facing any judicial process that has to do with this issue. "
For their part, spokespersons of the multinational Drummond have stated that, although the entity has been presented in legal proceedings, so far the accusations have been closed. "The Prosecutor's Office has twice filed investigations against the company. Some of the cases came to international instances in the United States, in which, ultimately, four decisions were decided in favor. "
Finally, Camilo Abello, vice president of the Argos Group, argues that the company does not face any judicial process that relates them to the alleged support to paramilitary groups or to account for copies of copies in Justicia y Paz. "There is no mention by any paramilitary against the company and neither is there a single open process."
He affirms that there is a civil process for a judgment of the Court of Cúcuta , but it is not related to the processes of justice for the paramilitaries. "The Court made it clear that Argos is not directly or indirectly related to acts of violence, forced displacement, dispossession, armed groups outside the law; and that the facts that give rise to the restitution originated in purchase and sale prior to the acquisition of the property by Argos . The Court considered that the actions of Argos were in good faith ".
All these decisions of the justice, in which it is requested that the presumed financing of the war on the part of industralists be asked, were lame after the recent decision of the Constitutional Cut , because the ordinary justice has not given the stature to clarify the " paraeconomics ". Nor is much known of civilians who have supported the FARC. And the JEP , it seems, will not be the scenario in which these truths come to light.
https://colombia2020.elespectador.com/j ... -la-guerra
Did I mention that ya just can't trust the bastards?
Mebbe they shudda got Trump to negotiate for them...........
Pending accounts of civilians for war
El Espectador reviewed the judicial processes in which businessmen who could have financed illegal groups have been mentioned. A topic that seems will not be developed in the JEP.
Luz Carime Hurtado González / @luzcarimeHG
The Prosecutor's Office estimates that Justice and Peace has cost more than $ 100 billion. / File El Espectador
In the development of the Justice and Peace Law , created in 2005 as a transitional model for the peace process between the government of Álvaro Uribe and self-defense groups, multiple investigations were opened aimed at evaluating the alleged participation of businessmen and civilians in strengthening of this armed actor. Most of these investigations are consigned in copies of copies to the Office of the Prosecutor to open formal proceedings. An issue that has reappeared in the midst of controversy over the recent ruling of the Constitutional Court regarding the Special Peace Jurisdiction (JEP).
As is known, the high court ruled that State agents who have not belonged to the Public Force and civilians, which includes businessmen who possibly supported the war, although they may be required by law, do not have the obligation to go to the JEP. This decision sparked a controversy centered on the dilemma of establishing whether the entrepreneurs involved in the support or sponsorship of armed groups were left with a kind of immunity to be investigated or if the Court shielded them from deliberate actions of judicial persecution.
In this context, the judgments issued by the Justice and Peace Chamber of the Superior Court of Bogotá , which compile the investigations against former paramilitaries in this model of transitional justice in which businessmen and civilians came to light, take effect. In total, these rulings refer to the alleged behaviors in which 57 companies would have incurred, making it clear that it would be necessary to clarify whether their collaboration was voluntary or whether they were economic contributions as a result of the extortion.
The sentences mention the investigations against members of the Bananero and Norte blocks , which is the most well-known face of the so-called "para-economy". In general terms, the defendants' statements point out that through the Convivir Papagayo , resources contributed by the banana multinational Chiquita Brands, its subsidiary Banadex and the marketers Sunisa SA, Conserva SA, Uniban, Tropical SA, Proban, Banafrut, were channeled. Bagatella SA and Agrícola Río Verde. The evidence is consignments of money made by those companies in the accounts of the aforementioned Convivir.
The confessions of paramilitaries submitted to Justicia y Paz indicate that, between 1997 and 2007, the Convivir received the payment of three cents for each box of bananas exported. In this way, the beneficiary paramilitary groups had incentives to ensure that the fruit growers did not stop their activity. The more banana boxes were exported, the more money the Convivir received . This also explains why the paramilitary violence in Urabá was directed mainly towards the workers of Sintrainagro or union leaders in the banana plantations.
In the same field of banana production was the name of Carlos Lacouture Dangond , owner of two farms dedicated to the exploitation of fruit. Since about 50 workers from these haciendas joined Sintrainagro , he personally threatened them. In his own words, people from the self-defense groups came to his offices and asked him for a list of union members and their managers, since it was public knowledge that the paramilitaries did not like unions and that is why the threats and actions of violence against him.
In this same chapter of the Nort e block , the businessman and ex-deputy Jorge Gnecco Cerchar (assassinated in 2001), who wrote in judicial decisions organized by a private security group to prevent the guerrillas from attacking the trucks that transported the coal, is reviewed. . He was also a personal friend of Vicente Castaño , who even helped him solve a personal problem with the drug trafficker Julio César Zúñiga . The name of Gnecco Cerchar appeared associated with other acts of violence in Magdalena.
Businessmen that the Court asked to investigate
After the drug trafficking organizations in Cali were dismantled in the mid-1990s, the Norte del Valle cartel was decisive for the expansion of paramilitarism. However, some farmers, merchants and sugar cane entrepreneurs also contributed to this purpose. Towards the year 2000, in limits between Córdoba and Urabá, Carlos Castaño met with a group of businessmen of the Valley with the objective that the self-defenses opened a front in that region. Initially a contribution of $ 20 million was agreed in exchange for security.
According to confessions of paramilitaries before Justice and Peace , among the businessmen who supported the initiative was the former president of Avianca Édgar Lenis , who died in 2006. Likewise, Ingenio San Carlos would have made contributions. To ensure control of drug trafficking, the group was deployed especially in Buenaventura, where it counted with the contribution of fishing companies. In some cases voluntarily and at other times in a coercive manner, there were monies of industrialists, cattlemen and merchants. The Calima block extended its tentacles to political power.
Another critical case was represented by the Central Bolívar block , which derived as a part of its finances the collection of taxes from Ecopetrol's contractor companies . Responsible for civil works, provision of services or supply of goods had to pay percentages between 2 and 5%. According to the sentence against Rodrigo Pérez, alias Julián Bolívar, the main source of income was the illegal extraction of fuel. Its large resources allowed a social and political management in the neighborhoods located in the northeastern and southern districts of Barrancabermeja.
As for the Tolima block , according to demobilized statements, the businessman and rancher Manuel Bernate was one of the people who financed the arrival of the paramilitaries in Guamo and San Luis in 2000. In another sentence, the owner is warned of Cementos Diamante, Gustavo Giraldo , would have contributed financially and lent farms for the accommodation of members of the self-defense groups. The same is attributed to the manager of the Tolima Livestock Fund Ignacio Alvira.
In the peasant self-defense groups of Meta and Vichada, former paramilitaries such as Fredy Rendón or Elkin Casarubio , alias el Cura, said that the genesis of this paramilitary front and its financing had as its main promoter the Tsar of Emeralds, Víctor Carranza Niño , who died in 2013. Their farms were, in addition to logistics centers, axes of expansion of the self-defenses in the Eastern Plains. In the different regions of the East of the country the economic support of many farmers was decisive.
The case of the Cacique Nutibara bloc , detached from the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Córdoba and Urabá to create an urban structure in Medellin and counteract the power of the guerrilla militias, is an example of how civilians and businessmen got involved in this expansion. On April 30, 1998, the Office of the Public Prosecutor of the capital of Antioquia conducted a raid on the so-called Parking Padilla . The findings in this legal action evidenced the links of the illegal armed group with businessmen of transport or commerce.
In the accounting books, in addition to the organization chart of the self-defense groups, bank statements, invoices for medicines purchases, property registers and communications on military operations were found. The Padilla Parking process established the existence of 496 bank accounts in which multiple companies were related. The lack of a judicial investigation did not allow to clarify whether they were paramilitary financing or private firms bound to contribute to the expansion of paramilitarism in Antioquia.
Among the companies that appeared registered are Granahorrar, Comfenalco, Conavi, Cadenalco, Lander and Compañía, Leonisa, Coltejer, Codensa, Empresarias Varias of Medellín, Miro Seguridad, Pinturas El Cóndor, Almacén Tennis and Botero Botero Transportation. In the bus terminals of several neighborhoods of Medellín, it was always known that for each bus the businessmen had to pay monthly contributions. The pretext was that they were contributions in exchange for surveillance and security. Brickyard firms also contributed.
Although much research was missing in this particular chapter of the paramilitary violence, the sentences derived from the paramilitary blocks in Antioquia made it possible to establish important names of close collaborators of paramilitarism or fundamental links for its expansion. This is the case of Sor Teresa Gómez , sister of the Castaño breeding and director of Funpazcor , who developed a systematic action of dispossession of lands, especially in Córdoba and Urabá. As it happened in Tulapas with support from the Livestock Fund of Córdoba.
In this same context, it is necessary to relate to the so-called Envigado Collection Office , dedicated to the control of the criminal world in Medellin, in such a way that anyone who wanted to commit a crime had to pay for it. One of the main financiers of this structure was the drug trafficker Juan Carlos "Tuso" Sierra . With the passing of time it has been possible to clarify that the Envigado Office always had the support of congressmen, prosecutors, generals of the Army and Police , political leaders and football entrepreneurs.
Finally, derived from the investigations of the Superior Court of Cúcuta to the activities of the Héroes de Montes de María block , there is the registration of the company Cementos Argos . Although it is not proven that the company had any direct or indirect relationship with the illegal groups that exacerbated the armed conflict, its mention is due to the purchase of lands in areas where forced displacement and dispossession took place. His defense argument is that the company acquired the land in good faith exempt from fault, that is, bought without taking advantage.
However, in some cases, the courts determined that the cement firm was failing in some businesses. First, because it omitted that there were areas where a massive displacement of peasants had been generated, a proper analysis of the history of the buildings was not made and in one or another property there was no mechanism to investigate if there were protective actions. The Land Restitution Unit took the case of Argos before judges. In a process it was already determined that there was no dispossession. There is another one in rural area of San Onofre with still pending failure.
The extortions
The 120 judgments of the Justice and Peace Chamber of the Superior Court of Bogotá also details the way in which the Catatumbo block, in the border area with Venezuela, benefited from monies from various companies. In the 2011 ruling against the paramilitary Aramis Machado, it was reported that, in order to fulfill their purpose of military expansion in the region, the self-defense groups were financed by the extortion they charged to the merchants, the guild of the transporters and people who were dedicated to them. different links in the cocaine business.
By decision of Carlos Castaño , towards mid-1999, the Front Fronteras joined the activities of the Catatumbo block , led by Jorge Iván Laverde , aka the Iguano. The violence extended to the metropolitan area of Cúcuta and several surrounding towns. Some shopping malls, popular markets, formal transport and surveillance companies, among others, had to contribute. In exchange for safety they had to do Termotasagen, Cootranscúcuta, La Frontera Soft Drinks, La Mirla Carbones, Inducarga and Arroz Galvez , among others.
The monthly expenses of the Front Fronteras amounted to $ 480 million, which included the payment of payroll of the members of the group, collaborators, Public Force and medical expenses. In addition to the financial contributions, this front counted with the support of civil and political authorities and public servants. The best known case was that of the sectional director of the Prosecutor's Office of Cúcuta, Ana María Flórez , known as the "Batgirl". Similarly, there was clear help from the DAS in Norte de Santander. There was also no lack of support from drug money.
In the sentence against Salvatore Mancuso , commander of the Catatumbo bloc , it is also warned that, in exchange for security, companies such as Ecopetrol, Centrales Eléctricas de Norte de Santander and Termotasajero were forced to give financial contributions, as well as merchants, exchange houses , small farmers, private security companies and individuals. However, the judicial decision evidenced that, literally, some people from Ecopetrol were "organic" members of the financial structure of the aforementioned block
As for the block Élmer Cárdenas , which was commanded by Freddy Rendón Herrera, alias el Alemán , the copies of copies of Justice and Peace indicate that there were taxes to farmers or landowners with properties greater than 100 hectares and that, under the leadership of Carlos Castaño , meetings were arranged with executives from the banana sector to negotiate safety mechanisms or "labor pacification". In particular, there was a record of a meeting between the general director of Banadex SA and paramilitaries to agree amounts of the economic contributions.
Likewise, the main gas companies in the north of Antioquia and the Urabá region were forced to pay a tariff of between $ 5 and $ 25 per gallon of gas, similar to the one imposed on the company Maderera. In this regard, contributions from Cartagas, Intergas, Corona, Gas de Urabá and Batigas were reported. The largest contributor to the second sector noted was Maderas del Darién . The smugglers also had to contribute.
In other judgments of Justice and Peace in development of the activities of the block Élmer Cárdenas was testimony that companies such as Cootrasur-Occidente, Transportes Gómez Hernández, Transportes Sierra and the Port of Cartagena had to make economic contributions in exchange for security. Economic records were especially concentrated between 1999 and 2001, and according to the findings of the judiciary ranged between $ 6 million and $ 400 million. This front of war was one of those that appealed more to the businessmen, for extortion or voluntary contribution.
Another block involved in these practices was the Libertadores del Sur , led by Guillermo Pérez Alzate , alias "Pablo Sevillano". According to well-known financial reports in Justicia y Paz, to sustain its actions in the south of the country, the aforementioned bloc accepted voluntary contributions or imposed war tributes. In exchange for security, palm growers and agro-industrialists contributed. In particular, the Sociedad de Agricultores y Ganaderos de Nariño , as well as several civilians of the commerce or betting businesses, did it.
As for the so-called war tax, Justice and Peace left the trace of the tax that was imposed on transporters, public service providers, hotel owners, owners of agricultural stores or restaurants and, of course, anyone who was dedicated to drug trafficking business. In particular, there was the name of the company Lácteos Andinos de Nariño , whose owner materialized his economic support in at least two political meetings with paramilitaries. The Office of the Prosecutor urged to identify relationships with other economic associations.
Entrepreneurs respond
The armed conflict in the territories of Colombia has produced everything. Many employers claim that they were extorted to pay for vaccines. Several of those mentioned in this text maintain that their only commitment has been to contribute to the country's growth.
One of those who supports this idea is Hernando Díaz, president of Termotasajero , who told this newspaper that the statements of former paramilitaries can not be believed. "They are criminals who are accustomed to defame. We review the financial statements of the company and there is no evidence of any payment to illegal groups. At the time, we are not facing any judicial process that has to do with this issue. "
For their part, spokespersons of the multinational Drummond have stated that, although the entity has been presented in legal proceedings, so far the accusations have been closed. "The Prosecutor's Office has twice filed investigations against the company. Some of the cases came to international instances in the United States, in which, ultimately, four decisions were decided in favor. "
Finally, Camilo Abello, vice president of the Argos Group, argues that the company does not face any judicial process that relates them to the alleged support to paramilitary groups or to account for copies of copies in Justicia y Paz. "There is no mention by any paramilitary against the company and neither is there a single open process."
He affirms that there is a civil process for a judgment of the Court of Cúcuta , but it is not related to the processes of justice for the paramilitaries. "The Court made it clear that Argos is not directly or indirectly related to acts of violence, forced displacement, dispossession, armed groups outside the law; and that the facts that give rise to the restitution originated in purchase and sale prior to the acquisition of the property by Argos . The Court considered that the actions of Argos were in good faith ".
All these decisions of the justice, in which it is requested that the presumed financing of the war on the part of industralists be asked, were lame after the recent decision of the Constitutional Cut , because the ordinary justice has not given the stature to clarify the " paraeconomics ". Nor is much known of civilians who have supported the FARC. And the JEP , it seems, will not be the scenario in which these truths come to light.
https://colombia2020.elespectador.com/j ... -la-guerra
Did I mention that ya just can't trust the bastards?
Mebbe they shudda got Trump to negotiate for them...........
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
On the murder of Mario Castaño
On the evening of Sunday 26 November, Mario Castaño, leader of the Madre Union Community and one of the reclaimers of land, was murdered in his farm, in La Florida village, in the Chocó.
According to a press released by Construyendo Paz en los Territorios net (Building Peace in Territories), Mario “had been denouncing to police forces, institutions and NGOs the presence of members of Gaitanistas Autodefence Force - Clan del Golfo, in the area. Last week the group even called people to a meeting, something exposed by Mario”
Mario Castaño had been removed from his land in 1996 because of paramilitary violence. He had got back to the Madre Union community three years ago to lead together with other peasants the process of reclaiming their lands.
In another statement released by the Territorial Space for Training and Education Silver Vidal Mora, the former FARC guerrillas underlined that “it is under everybody’s eyes the alarming pattern with which the armies against land restitution are working in this areas”. The ETCR denounce the “negligence of the State, that is doing nothing to make land restitution effective and operative”.
http://farc-epeace.org/background/item/ ... 3%B1o.html
A pattern, ya think?
On the evening of Sunday 26 November, Mario Castaño, leader of the Madre Union Community and one of the reclaimers of land, was murdered in his farm, in La Florida village, in the Chocó.
According to a press released by Construyendo Paz en los Territorios net (Building Peace in Territories), Mario “had been denouncing to police forces, institutions and NGOs the presence of members of Gaitanistas Autodefence Force - Clan del Golfo, in the area. Last week the group even called people to a meeting, something exposed by Mario”
Mario Castaño had been removed from his land in 1996 because of paramilitary violence. He had got back to the Madre Union community three years ago to lead together with other peasants the process of reclaiming their lands.
In another statement released by the Territorial Space for Training and Education Silver Vidal Mora, the former FARC guerrillas underlined that “it is under everybody’s eyes the alarming pattern with which the armies against land restitution are working in this areas”. The ETCR denounce the “negligence of the State, that is doing nothing to make land restitution effective and operative”.
http://farc-epeace.org/background/item/ ... 3%B1o.html
A pattern, ya think?
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
It’s not a social class, it’s a class of people
Written by Gabriel Ángel
The country and abroad the letters of Timochenko to the UN Secretary General, President Santos and the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court were published. They reveal the alarm of his party for the pressing issues of the implementation of the Havana Agreements. The legal incorporation of the agreed texts became a real ordeal.
From the beginning we pointed out the government's negligence in relation to the constitutional and legal reform projects that were required for the Agreements to become legal norms. The weeks and months passed without them being discussed in the Chambers, as if the time to do so was eternal.
As agreed in Havana, the texts to be submitted would be prepared by the Monitoring, Impulse, Implementation and Verification Commission, CSIVI, with the purpose that both parties agreed that the proposal fully corresponded to the agreements signed. Despite this, the Government began to move away more and more from what had been agreed.
Our protests became more and more frequent. In the Cartagena conclave, in March of this year, the government insisted that although it was true that the Agreement on the Integral System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-repetition was a fact, it was necessary to have the acquiescence of the Attorney General to avoid later clashes.
The reforms to the Constitution and the laws would be more agile and effective with his approval. The issue of guarantees for the life and integrity of former combatants and social and popular leaders was also pending, for which purpose the special investigative unit for the crimes of paramilitarism had to be created, something it was better to harmonise with the Prosecutor Office.
From that moment on everything became more complex, indeed a sort of renegotiation. The stubbornness of the Prosecutor began to play a nefarious role in order to prevent the good course of projects in Congress. Until today, the aforementioned special unit has not been established yet. And both the country and the international community are witnessing the problems with the JEP.
With the passing of days another great difficulty became evident, or the Prosecutor had enormous political influence in the parliament, or in the shadow of his close opposition bordering on sabotage, voices began to emerge with more freedom in Senate and House, whose declared objective was not other than to prevent the implementation of what was agreed in Havana.
So it was not only the lords of Uribismo, bitter enemies of peace in the country, opposed from the beginning to the political solution, and obsessed with returning to the days of war, but congressmen from other political currents, even from their own U, actually got into new suits when it came to implementation. Talks strongly begun about the jam.
Apparently the votes in the two chambers began to have a price on prebends by the government. And the passing of time, which brought the political campaigns closer to the Congress and the Presidency, was undermining legislative support for the executive's projects. To all that we have had to face the defenders of the political solution and peace.
So far we could talk about the negligence of the Government, the Mr. Attorney's bad temper and electoral interests and personal ambitions in Congress. A dangerous cocktail, but in the end nothing new in the country that we had to live in. The novelty that comes to join the attack against the Agreements is the position of the Constitutional Court, which decides to mutilate them on its own.
Passing even over its own ruling a few weeks ago, according to which the three branches of public power had the obligation to respect what was agreed in Havana. So being things, the new political party born of the peace talks, even though it is small and just about loaded with hope, is compelled to confront the whole Establishment united in order to annihilate it.
And it start doing so with surprising vitality. The letters sent last week by the President of the party show that the FARC is not going to surrender as its opponents think. There will be no instance to which we will not go to in order to guarantee compliance with the agreement. The Security Council of the UN, the ICC, the Inter-American Court, Switzerland, guarantor countries, etc.
And it will seek to mobilise the country that dreams of peace. In a process of rising, without violence, resorting only to the word.
What leads Colombia is not a social class, but a class of false, deceitful, ambitious, cynical people.
We deserve a different people, sincere, honest, oblivious to the compromise, ordinary people.
We are willing to find it.
http://farc-epeace.org/blogs/gabriel-an ... eople.html
'What we got here is a failure to apply class analysis.'
Written by Gabriel Ángel
The country and abroad the letters of Timochenko to the UN Secretary General, President Santos and the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court were published. They reveal the alarm of his party for the pressing issues of the implementation of the Havana Agreements. The legal incorporation of the agreed texts became a real ordeal.
From the beginning we pointed out the government's negligence in relation to the constitutional and legal reform projects that were required for the Agreements to become legal norms. The weeks and months passed without them being discussed in the Chambers, as if the time to do so was eternal.
As agreed in Havana, the texts to be submitted would be prepared by the Monitoring, Impulse, Implementation and Verification Commission, CSIVI, with the purpose that both parties agreed that the proposal fully corresponded to the agreements signed. Despite this, the Government began to move away more and more from what had been agreed.
Our protests became more and more frequent. In the Cartagena conclave, in March of this year, the government insisted that although it was true that the Agreement on the Integral System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-repetition was a fact, it was necessary to have the acquiescence of the Attorney General to avoid later clashes.
The reforms to the Constitution and the laws would be more agile and effective with his approval. The issue of guarantees for the life and integrity of former combatants and social and popular leaders was also pending, for which purpose the special investigative unit for the crimes of paramilitarism had to be created, something it was better to harmonise with the Prosecutor Office.
From that moment on everything became more complex, indeed a sort of renegotiation. The stubbornness of the Prosecutor began to play a nefarious role in order to prevent the good course of projects in Congress. Until today, the aforementioned special unit has not been established yet. And both the country and the international community are witnessing the problems with the JEP.
With the passing of days another great difficulty became evident, or the Prosecutor had enormous political influence in the parliament, or in the shadow of his close opposition bordering on sabotage, voices began to emerge with more freedom in Senate and House, whose declared objective was not other than to prevent the implementation of what was agreed in Havana.
So it was not only the lords of Uribismo, bitter enemies of peace in the country, opposed from the beginning to the political solution, and obsessed with returning to the days of war, but congressmen from other political currents, even from their own U, actually got into new suits when it came to implementation. Talks strongly begun about the jam.
Apparently the votes in the two chambers began to have a price on prebends by the government. And the passing of time, which brought the political campaigns closer to the Congress and the Presidency, was undermining legislative support for the executive's projects. To all that we have had to face the defenders of the political solution and peace.
So far we could talk about the negligence of the Government, the Mr. Attorney's bad temper and electoral interests and personal ambitions in Congress. A dangerous cocktail, but in the end nothing new in the country that we had to live in. The novelty that comes to join the attack against the Agreements is the position of the Constitutional Court, which decides to mutilate them on its own.
Passing even over its own ruling a few weeks ago, according to which the three branches of public power had the obligation to respect what was agreed in Havana. So being things, the new political party born of the peace talks, even though it is small and just about loaded with hope, is compelled to confront the whole Establishment united in order to annihilate it.
And it start doing so with surprising vitality. The letters sent last week by the President of the party show that the FARC is not going to surrender as its opponents think. There will be no instance to which we will not go to in order to guarantee compliance with the agreement. The Security Council of the UN, the ICC, the Inter-American Court, Switzerland, guarantor countries, etc.
And it will seek to mobilise the country that dreams of peace. In a process of rising, without violence, resorting only to the word.
What leads Colombia is not a social class, but a class of false, deceitful, ambitious, cynical people.
We deserve a different people, sincere, honest, oblivious to the compromise, ordinary people.
We are willing to find it.
http://farc-epeace.org/blogs/gabriel-an ... eople.html
'What we got here is a failure to apply class analysis.'
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
We will not be returning to war, Timochenko
Rodrigo Londoño came from Cuba to commemorate the first anniversary of the signing of the Peace Agreement at the Teatro Colon and to meet with President Santos and put on the table the difficulties that the Agreement between the government and the FARC is going through.
We publish extensive excerpts from the interview with Timochenko by Carlos Salgado R. y José Fernando Millán C. of the free daily ADN Colombia.
How is your health?
Well, it's okay. I am condemned to exercise every day and it is a good condemnation, I believe, in every sense. Because it not only helps from a physical point of view but also from a mental one.
Get up in the morning, do half an hour, forty minutes of exercise and then in the afternoon, find that time to do some more exercise.
With whom did you meet again after signing the Final Agreement?
Not with many people. Not with everyone I would like to meet again. A relative had come to Havana when he was five or six years old when I joined the guerrilla war. Now he is a surgeon, a surgeon and a cardiologist. He was the first to give me news of my country. He had brought me a video he had shot to show me the whole country.
And then a very emotional meeting, with my sister and two grandchildren, that is the family that remains to me. Over forty years without seeing them. This was during the trip I made to La Tebaida. Very fast because it was in full congress.
Speaking of politics. How are you preparing for the presidential candidacy?
At the beginning I was very worried, because it was a task of the party. And as I have already said on several occasions, however difficult or complicated a mission in the guerrillas was, I never said no.
And now, in this situation, one knows that it is a collective work. We must work hard and we are doing it. We have to build a project that attracts the majority of Colombians and lets them choose to support our candidacy. I believe we are working well. We are collecting people's opinions. I believe this is the form of doing projects, to the Colombian, with the ideas of the Colombians.
Beyond the political implications, as a human being, what do you feel when they tell you that the people of the country hate it?
If I had the certainty that it was really so, I would not have accepted the candidacy of the party. This argument had already been used in the so-called secret phase of the negotiations, when government representatives said: "Look - and they said so to make us accept what they proposed - here President Santos is playing all his political credibility. When this becomes public, he's going to fall down half the world, because the fact is that nobody loves you in Colombian society ".
The facts showed that it was a lie. When did the peace process come to light, how did they look at us? With joy, hope, support that is what I feel when the common people say to me "Timo, do not give up, Timo must go on". What I feel? There is no hate. Of course, there is a very biased sector of society. But this is part of the comparison. Of the methods used: show the opponent as a monster to justify his destruction. To justify this intense war against us. But the moment will come when you can tell what happened, and that's why so many people are afraid of the commission on the truth.
What will the FARC differentiate from the other parties?
We have to make a completely different policy. Leave clientelism on one hand as a way of doing politics. Stop trying to support people by offering them personal benefits or small groups. We must give ourselves a common goal in which we will stay at the forefront. The decision we have made is to put ourselves at the forefront of the Colombian people as a whole to build this new Colombia that we so much dream of.
How do you plan to accomplish this renewal of which you speak, when there are so many forces so powerful that they try to de-legitimize this process by signaling the political project as entering into a Venezuela-style crisis?
Through dialogue. We must start a political campaign that starts from approaching people and listening to them. And when I say we will take the lead,
http://farc-epeace.org/processo-di-pace ... henko.html
There are no class politics here, this is mealy-mouthed idealism.
Rodrigo Londoño came from Cuba to commemorate the first anniversary of the signing of the Peace Agreement at the Teatro Colon and to meet with President Santos and put on the table the difficulties that the Agreement between the government and the FARC is going through.
We publish extensive excerpts from the interview with Timochenko by Carlos Salgado R. y José Fernando Millán C. of the free daily ADN Colombia.
How is your health?
Well, it's okay. I am condemned to exercise every day and it is a good condemnation, I believe, in every sense. Because it not only helps from a physical point of view but also from a mental one.
Get up in the morning, do half an hour, forty minutes of exercise and then in the afternoon, find that time to do some more exercise.
With whom did you meet again after signing the Final Agreement?
Not with many people. Not with everyone I would like to meet again. A relative had come to Havana when he was five or six years old when I joined the guerrilla war. Now he is a surgeon, a surgeon and a cardiologist. He was the first to give me news of my country. He had brought me a video he had shot to show me the whole country.
And then a very emotional meeting, with my sister and two grandchildren, that is the family that remains to me. Over forty years without seeing them. This was during the trip I made to La Tebaida. Very fast because it was in full congress.
Speaking of politics. How are you preparing for the presidential candidacy?
At the beginning I was very worried, because it was a task of the party. And as I have already said on several occasions, however difficult or complicated a mission in the guerrillas was, I never said no.
And now, in this situation, one knows that it is a collective work. We must work hard and we are doing it. We have to build a project that attracts the majority of Colombians and lets them choose to support our candidacy. I believe we are working well. We are collecting people's opinions. I believe this is the form of doing projects, to the Colombian, with the ideas of the Colombians.
Beyond the political implications, as a human being, what do you feel when they tell you that the people of the country hate it?
If I had the certainty that it was really so, I would not have accepted the candidacy of the party. This argument had already been used in the so-called secret phase of the negotiations, when government representatives said: "Look - and they said so to make us accept what they proposed - here President Santos is playing all his political credibility. When this becomes public, he's going to fall down half the world, because the fact is that nobody loves you in Colombian society ".
The facts showed that it was a lie. When did the peace process come to light, how did they look at us? With joy, hope, support that is what I feel when the common people say to me "Timo, do not give up, Timo must go on". What I feel? There is no hate. Of course, there is a very biased sector of society. But this is part of the comparison. Of the methods used: show the opponent as a monster to justify his destruction. To justify this intense war against us. But the moment will come when you can tell what happened, and that's why so many people are afraid of the commission on the truth.
What will the FARC differentiate from the other parties?
We have to make a completely different policy. Leave clientelism on one hand as a way of doing politics. Stop trying to support people by offering them personal benefits or small groups. We must give ourselves a common goal in which we will stay at the forefront. The decision we have made is to put ourselves at the forefront of the Colombian people as a whole to build this new Colombia that we so much dream of.
How do you plan to accomplish this renewal of which you speak, when there are so many forces so powerful that they try to de-legitimize this process by signaling the political project as entering into a Venezuela-style crisis?
Through dialogue. We must start a political campaign that starts from approaching people and listening to them. And when I say we will take the lead,
http://farc-epeace.org/processo-di-pace ... henko.html
There are no class politics here, this is mealy-mouthed idealism.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
Colombian police injure indigenous leader in violent attack
The leader shows the wound made with a blunt object
The demands of the indigenous community of the Kokonuko reservation claim the Agua Tibia property, where a recreational center operates, whose main attraction is the thermal water pools.
Last October, in that same locality, the indigenous community Efigenia Vásquez Astudillo was killed after an attack also carried out by Esmad.
https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Policia- ... -0004.html
Google Translator
The leader shows the wound made with a blunt object
The demands of the indigenous community of the Kokonuko reservation claim the Agua Tibia property, where a recreational center operates, whose main attraction is the thermal water pools.
Last October, in that same locality, the indigenous community Efigenia Vásquez Astudillo was killed after an attack also carried out by Esmad.
https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Policia- ... -0004.html
Google Translator
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
FARC: We are the Hope for those who dream of a new Colombia
With the inscription of this list of the People’s Alternative Revolutionary Force, of candidates to the Senate of the Republic, the march of hope begins for those who always dreamed of a Colombia, without internal war, with inclusion, that is, with true democracy.
With a decent life for all, that is, with social justice. Without corrupt people who, like leeches, continue sucking the people to their soul. Without congressmen accustomed not to think about the people but to their own benefit and who hold a hypocritical speech when referring to the victims. This is how it should be. This is our hope.
Let's make the sacred pact of all Colombians against the impunity of the powerful, of those who abuse people and humiliate them entrenched in public offices, who run over human rights, who do not care about hunger or lack of shelter, nor of lack of education, or anything of the terrible sufferings of the excluded. The end of the privilege of those oligarchic groups who have always had at their disposal judges and prosecutors who protect them against all the crimes they commit. This is how it should be. This is our hope.
We want to rescue from the fog of history, the vibrato of the voice of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán to cry out in the puberty of this 21st century: Colombian people, charge! For the moral restoration of the Republic, charge! We seek to integrate, because we have the strength to do so, a new government that enforces the rights of the poor, without deception, always respecting their dignity, and that works for everyone and not for a handful of sacred cows.
Let justice be for all and not only to crush those of poncho and espadrille. Let’s education reach all children and youth of Colombia. We should distribute education so that the most disadvantaged can fight against inequality.
Let’s the country's sovereignty walk upright before the powers of the world claiming a treatment of equality and respect, and at the same time dispensing the affectionate brotherly wink to neighboring peoples.
Compatriots, we know of your concern and worry at the failure to comply with substantive aspects of the peace agreement signed in Havana, because of the way in which some legislators destroyed what was agreed and turned it into pieces under the stimulus of rulings that do not take into account the international commitments taken by the government of Colombia upon depositing them both in Geneva, as a Special Agreement, and in New York as a State unilateral declaration. What good would it do to peace in Colombia, to the high international bodies that helped to build the agreement, a pronouncement from the International Court of Justice on the scope of a unilateral declaration of State. The agreements are to be fulfilled as the word of the cockfighting trainers is fulfilled.
Of course we have not come here to mourn on the wall of lamentations. We have come to tell the Colombian people that hope is still alive, that we will have a future if we join our forces in a sonorous flood that breaks through all the cardinal points of the country submerging it with justice and a good government that takes into account the people.
“United we will be strong and we will deserve respect; divided and isolated, we will perish”. We can achieve that the natural riches of this country, while generating profits for investors, make available the necessary resources to get the country out of poverty, asserting our status as owners of common property. For this we need honest people in the Government, in the chambers of Congress and in high magistracies. No posters or looting of public finances. All for the well-being of Colombians.
Come with us, because our discourse is different, pure and clean, and stripped of demagogy, that demagogy which had us fed up. No one other than ourselves can make a just government, of the people and for the people.
With the alternative force and with the red rose we all carry in our hearts, we can make a different government out of the verdict of democracy. A transitional government that implements the Havana peace agreements. Nobody but us Colombians from all the party can make the Comprehensive Rural Reform a reality, titling the land to the peasants, improving the living conditions in the countryside, establishing true democracy, without electoral traps, without rotten money from companies and corrupt businessmen who buy everything with silver, even power itself.
A Comprehensive system of truth justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition, all aimed at repairing the victims, placing the emphasis on Truth, that truth that would be able to heal even the deepest of wound.
Let’s the commitments of legal guarantees and respect for human rights, including economic, social and cultural rights, be fulfilled, those commitments the ruling elites never recognize. Let’s respect the word pledged to the Swiss government and the United Nations.
We will have a future, because we will be the force of change and the peaceful transformation of this country. Colombia can change. It has to change.
The list that we present today for the attention of our compatriots of the city and the countryside, and of the exiles, is made up of all the wishes of society.
We trust in the transforming power of the united wills.
The sovereign has the floor.
National Political Council - FARC
http://farc-epeace.org/communiques/farc ... ombia.html
Hey, I've got an anthem for FARC:
Please prove me wrong but history is on my side...
With the inscription of this list of the People’s Alternative Revolutionary Force, of candidates to the Senate of the Republic, the march of hope begins for those who always dreamed of a Colombia, without internal war, with inclusion, that is, with true democracy.
With a decent life for all, that is, with social justice. Without corrupt people who, like leeches, continue sucking the people to their soul. Without congressmen accustomed not to think about the people but to their own benefit and who hold a hypocritical speech when referring to the victims. This is how it should be. This is our hope.
Let's make the sacred pact of all Colombians against the impunity of the powerful, of those who abuse people and humiliate them entrenched in public offices, who run over human rights, who do not care about hunger or lack of shelter, nor of lack of education, or anything of the terrible sufferings of the excluded. The end of the privilege of those oligarchic groups who have always had at their disposal judges and prosecutors who protect them against all the crimes they commit. This is how it should be. This is our hope.
We want to rescue from the fog of history, the vibrato of the voice of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán to cry out in the puberty of this 21st century: Colombian people, charge! For the moral restoration of the Republic, charge! We seek to integrate, because we have the strength to do so, a new government that enforces the rights of the poor, without deception, always respecting their dignity, and that works for everyone and not for a handful of sacred cows.
Let justice be for all and not only to crush those of poncho and espadrille. Let’s education reach all children and youth of Colombia. We should distribute education so that the most disadvantaged can fight against inequality.
Let’s the country's sovereignty walk upright before the powers of the world claiming a treatment of equality and respect, and at the same time dispensing the affectionate brotherly wink to neighboring peoples.
Compatriots, we know of your concern and worry at the failure to comply with substantive aspects of the peace agreement signed in Havana, because of the way in which some legislators destroyed what was agreed and turned it into pieces under the stimulus of rulings that do not take into account the international commitments taken by the government of Colombia upon depositing them both in Geneva, as a Special Agreement, and in New York as a State unilateral declaration. What good would it do to peace in Colombia, to the high international bodies that helped to build the agreement, a pronouncement from the International Court of Justice on the scope of a unilateral declaration of State. The agreements are to be fulfilled as the word of the cockfighting trainers is fulfilled.
Of course we have not come here to mourn on the wall of lamentations. We have come to tell the Colombian people that hope is still alive, that we will have a future if we join our forces in a sonorous flood that breaks through all the cardinal points of the country submerging it with justice and a good government that takes into account the people.
“United we will be strong and we will deserve respect; divided and isolated, we will perish”. We can achieve that the natural riches of this country, while generating profits for investors, make available the necessary resources to get the country out of poverty, asserting our status as owners of common property. For this we need honest people in the Government, in the chambers of Congress and in high magistracies. No posters or looting of public finances. All for the well-being of Colombians.
Come with us, because our discourse is different, pure and clean, and stripped of demagogy, that demagogy which had us fed up. No one other than ourselves can make a just government, of the people and for the people.
With the alternative force and with the red rose we all carry in our hearts, we can make a different government out of the verdict of democracy. A transitional government that implements the Havana peace agreements. Nobody but us Colombians from all the party can make the Comprehensive Rural Reform a reality, titling the land to the peasants, improving the living conditions in the countryside, establishing true democracy, without electoral traps, without rotten money from companies and corrupt businessmen who buy everything with silver, even power itself.
A Comprehensive system of truth justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition, all aimed at repairing the victims, placing the emphasis on Truth, that truth that would be able to heal even the deepest of wound.
Let’s the commitments of legal guarantees and respect for human rights, including economic, social and cultural rights, be fulfilled, those commitments the ruling elites never recognize. Let’s respect the word pledged to the Swiss government and the United Nations.
We will have a future, because we will be the force of change and the peaceful transformation of this country. Colombia can change. It has to change.
The list that we present today for the attention of our compatriots of the city and the countryside, and of the exiles, is made up of all the wishes of society.
We trust in the transforming power of the united wills.
The sovereign has the floor.
National Political Council - FARC
http://farc-epeace.org/communiques/farc ... ombia.html
Hey, I've got an anthem for FARC:
Please prove me wrong but history is on my side...
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
Iván Márquez: Implementation crisis can be overcome
The Congress never took into account that the peace agreement is a special agreement linking human rights and International Humanitarian Law, contemplated in the international agreements signed by Colombia”.
The Political Councillor of the FARC, Iván Márquez, said while assessing the implementation of the peace agreements both in the territory and in the legislature, a year after their signature. With the renegotiation of the Havana peace agreements, after the victory of the "No" camp in the referendum of 2 October 2016, and the subsequent signing of the new agreements between the State and the FARC-EP, a new political stage was kicked off in the country: the implementation of peace.
Everything was ready for the bilateral obligations resulting from the Agreement, to be fulfilled as things progressed in terms of legal adaptation of the agreement through the Fast Track and the abandonment of arms by the guerrillas.
At the same time the economic reincorporation of FARC former guerrillas; as well as its transformation into a legal political party would advance. Meanwhile, the judiciary would be responsible, through the Constitutional Court to give legitimacy to what was agreed and judges Execution of sentences would begin the process of release of former fighters through the Amnesty Law.
Although the Constitutional Court endorsed the referendum, it imposed the first modifications that opened the door to the modification of the agreements and there the right-wing political forces, that had promised to tear the agreement apart, had a golden opportunity. With a government without a political rudder in Congress, the opportunity to delay the discussions and to archive each of the peace initiatives presented by the executive or the FARC, became evident.
For the FARC, the process goes through a crisis that can be overcome as long as President Juan Manuel Santos assumes his responsibility: "The process - said Iván Márquez - has a stain of perfidy at this time of temporary crisis, if President Santos assumes exclusively the reins of his leadership and doesn’t leave others dealing with that task. We trust that he can make the best decisions in what would be the best work of his government: peace."
But the FARC is currently worried about four specific situations.
The first concern of the former guerrilla organization is the denaturalization of the Special Peace Jurisdiction, JEP, agreed in Havana. Now it seems like a unilateral jurisdiction, that is, only for the FARC, while the impunity of other political sectors involved in the conflict remains.
"It was a component of the System for Justice, Truth and Non-Repetition, - said Márquez -which would link all the participants in the armed conflict to the JEP. We are worried that what is affected is actually the spine of the JEP, i.e. the truth. Restorative justice is based on the detailed truth of what happened to access special treatments. The agreement in Havana, does not contemplate impunity for anyone. And as things stand, what is pursued is to ignore the truth because in Colombia there are sectors that fear more truth than the devil fears the cross”, added Iván Márquez.
The elimination of civilians and paramilitaries from the JEP, looks bad. "The operation of the anti-paramilitary Unit was not allowed, for the simple reason that Prosecutor Martínez did not like it, despite the fact that the Unit was part of that investigation body. This Unit would act only if the Office of the Attorney General of the Nation, did not proceed before the reported cases of paramilitarism that are almost 15 thousand. This single fact justified the need to establish the Unit”, underlined Márquez.
Another concern for what was approved in parliament is in relation to the legal security of former fighters. Márquez refers to the battery of proposals presented by the Prosecutor Néstor Humberto Martínez, who in each debate announced objections. Even so, for the FARC, the door remained open for them to be judged by ordinary justice and lose their natural judge, the JEP.
As to political reform, Márquez underlined that “it has nothing to do with the agreement signed in Havana. We said we wanted to open the door to democracy, we said that electronic voting should be implemented to stop fraud, but in exchange we were given a toast, glass high up declaring a long life corruption and clientelism".
As to economic reincorporation, Márquez said that “The Government is stating that there is no money to finance our people". The FARC underlined the inactivity of productive projects as to economic reintegration is concerned.
In fact, it has been the guerrillas that have been taking steps in this direction, autonomously undertaking the productive projects in each of the Territorial Spaces for Reintegration, without governmental initiative.
"There are juicy resources for the municipalities that house the reincorporation zones. And local authorities could develop projects, including health, but there is no money for the necessary adjustments in the areas of reincorporation. And that makes the former fighters lose confidence" say the FARC representative.
Finally Márquez on behalf of the FARC thanked each of the diplomatic expressions for the success of the implementation. He was in particular referring to the pronouncement by the UN Security Council that called on the National Government to comply with the Agreement.
In the same way the FARC referred to the call by the Norwegian government, guarantor of the peace process, for the implementation to respect what has been agreed.
http://farc-epeace.org/peace-process/ne ... rcome.html
The Congress never took into account that the peace agreement is a special agreement linking human rights and International Humanitarian Law, contemplated in the international agreements signed by Colombia”.
The Political Councillor of the FARC, Iván Márquez, said while assessing the implementation of the peace agreements both in the territory and in the legislature, a year after their signature. With the renegotiation of the Havana peace agreements, after the victory of the "No" camp in the referendum of 2 October 2016, and the subsequent signing of the new agreements between the State and the FARC-EP, a new political stage was kicked off in the country: the implementation of peace.
Everything was ready for the bilateral obligations resulting from the Agreement, to be fulfilled as things progressed in terms of legal adaptation of the agreement through the Fast Track and the abandonment of arms by the guerrillas.
At the same time the economic reincorporation of FARC former guerrillas; as well as its transformation into a legal political party would advance. Meanwhile, the judiciary would be responsible, through the Constitutional Court to give legitimacy to what was agreed and judges Execution of sentences would begin the process of release of former fighters through the Amnesty Law.
Although the Constitutional Court endorsed the referendum, it imposed the first modifications that opened the door to the modification of the agreements and there the right-wing political forces, that had promised to tear the agreement apart, had a golden opportunity. With a government without a political rudder in Congress, the opportunity to delay the discussions and to archive each of the peace initiatives presented by the executive or the FARC, became evident.
For the FARC, the process goes through a crisis that can be overcome as long as President Juan Manuel Santos assumes his responsibility: "The process - said Iván Márquez - has a stain of perfidy at this time of temporary crisis, if President Santos assumes exclusively the reins of his leadership and doesn’t leave others dealing with that task. We trust that he can make the best decisions in what would be the best work of his government: peace."
But the FARC is currently worried about four specific situations.
The first concern of the former guerrilla organization is the denaturalization of the Special Peace Jurisdiction, JEP, agreed in Havana. Now it seems like a unilateral jurisdiction, that is, only for the FARC, while the impunity of other political sectors involved in the conflict remains.
"It was a component of the System for Justice, Truth and Non-Repetition, - said Márquez -which would link all the participants in the armed conflict to the JEP. We are worried that what is affected is actually the spine of the JEP, i.e. the truth. Restorative justice is based on the detailed truth of what happened to access special treatments. The agreement in Havana, does not contemplate impunity for anyone. And as things stand, what is pursued is to ignore the truth because in Colombia there are sectors that fear more truth than the devil fears the cross”, added Iván Márquez.
The elimination of civilians and paramilitaries from the JEP, looks bad. "The operation of the anti-paramilitary Unit was not allowed, for the simple reason that Prosecutor Martínez did not like it, despite the fact that the Unit was part of that investigation body. This Unit would act only if the Office of the Attorney General of the Nation, did not proceed before the reported cases of paramilitarism that are almost 15 thousand. This single fact justified the need to establish the Unit”, underlined Márquez.
Another concern for what was approved in parliament is in relation to the legal security of former fighters. Márquez refers to the battery of proposals presented by the Prosecutor Néstor Humberto Martínez, who in each debate announced objections. Even so, for the FARC, the door remained open for them to be judged by ordinary justice and lose their natural judge, the JEP.
As to political reform, Márquez underlined that “it has nothing to do with the agreement signed in Havana. We said we wanted to open the door to democracy, we said that electronic voting should be implemented to stop fraud, but in exchange we were given a toast, glass high up declaring a long life corruption and clientelism".
As to economic reincorporation, Márquez said that “The Government is stating that there is no money to finance our people". The FARC underlined the inactivity of productive projects as to economic reintegration is concerned.
In fact, it has been the guerrillas that have been taking steps in this direction, autonomously undertaking the productive projects in each of the Territorial Spaces for Reintegration, without governmental initiative.
"There are juicy resources for the municipalities that house the reincorporation zones. And local authorities could develop projects, including health, but there is no money for the necessary adjustments in the areas of reincorporation. And that makes the former fighters lose confidence" say the FARC representative.
Finally Márquez on behalf of the FARC thanked each of the diplomatic expressions for the success of the implementation. He was in particular referring to the pronouncement by the UN Security Council that called on the National Government to comply with the Agreement.
In the same way the FARC referred to the call by the Norwegian government, guarantor of the peace process, for the implementation to respect what has been agreed.
http://farc-epeace.org/peace-process/ne ... rcome.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."
Re: Colombia
We will not condone reproachful behaviour
s
Written by Gabriel Ángel
The propaganda today deals with describing the FARC as a kind of band subjected to the caprice of opulent and perverse leaders.
Nothing farther from the truth.
Our organic and hierarchical structure always corresponded to that of a rigorously disciplined army, composed of revolutionaries, with very high political, social and moral standards.
The FARC always worked to provide knowledge, discipline and experience to its members, women and men, with a view to their permanent improvement. There were never any deadlines to ascend automatically in the command, the directions recognized those that advanced the most in all the senses. The regulation of disciplinary regime was a sacred norm.
Who transgressed its prescriptions was subject to the corresponding sanctions. On the fronts, we lived like a large family, in which the commanders were a bit like the parents of others. That is why, regardless of their age, the guerrillas called them “cuchos”, giving them the affectionate form used by young people of the countryside to call their parents.
The authority of the command always had very precise limits. There was a space of mandatory convocation at least every fortnight, the meeting of the political cell. In it the commanders did not exercise their rank. The collective listened to the individual reports on any matter, in particular on the behavior of the commanders. And condemned any excess.
The conclusions of the cells had to be obligatorily sent to the superior direction, that was thus made aware of the situation of the units under their control. No combatant could be sanctioned for what he expressed in the cell. As a democratic space it was treated with care by commanders and base combatants: there any career could be thrown to the bin.
There is no trace of immorality in the norms that governed the FARC for more than half a century of struggle. Commands or combatants who committed excesses, who violated the guidelines set forth in National Conferences or Plenary Staff, were rigorously sanctioned, except when they deserted and threw themselves into the arms of the enemy.
War is between two sides. It is understandable that each of them receives and encourages the traitors of the other. And try to infiltrate its people into the ranks of the adversary. The worst rapists of the guerrilla juridicity always enjoyed high esteem in the Army. This and the Police always sent agents to the ranks, with the purpose of breaking down the ethics of the rebels.
Sowers of tares, permanent generators of conflicts, saboteurs with missions that never ceased to surprise because of their meanness.
We lived in the middle of the war, persecuted all the time by an implacable enemy, with death, wounds, prison and torture threatening us day and night. Worse still when the paramilitarism and its barbarism joined the troops.
There will always be those who accuse us of posing as victims. As if the military and paramilitary operations of extermination had never existed, as if the deaths in combat and the permanent executions outside of it, in the countryside and the city, had not been daily, as if the savage treatment in battalions, barracks and prisons was a joyful invention.
No legal or illegal organization in the history of the country has suffered like the FARC the attacks by the State. One day I proposed to the command to draw up an approximate list of how many guerrillas had militated in our ranks, how many had died or paid prison sentences. Each item was so numerous that it was impossible to calculate it.
Not counting the civilians who sympathized with our cause, who worked on our side or who were simply falsely accused of it and paid dear consequences. What fuels the hatred against us is that despite such carnage they never managed to defeat us. That is why even today, to achieve it, they appeal to the most rogue methods.
There is no organization in which there are no sprains, and the FARC cannot be the immaculate exception. We were protagonists of multiple war councils, in which the most serious violations of our discipline were sanctioned with the maximum penalty by the collective. No one can say we were tolerant or permissive with failure to follow rules.
Although our idea was never to destroy, but to build, except in cases of extreme gravity, as dictated by the regulation. The war has ended. We can no longer impose sanctions according to our rules and procedures. If something was left pending, it must be taken over by the agreed bodies. Let no one think that we will condone reproachful behaviors.
This does not mean that we remain impassively silent before the premeditated constructions of our enemies. They will not be our judges, nor will we be theirs.
We accept this: for that reason we agree to the JEP. We bet on truth to emerge, clear, the real truth, not the one of microphones and insidious headlines.
The panic of certain sectors can not blind a country, no gentlemen, it cannot.
http://farc-epeace.org/blogs/gabriel-an ... r%20s.html
Written by Gabriel Ángel
The propaganda today deals with describing the FARC as a kind of band subjected to the caprice of opulent and perverse leaders.
Nothing farther from the truth.
Our organic and hierarchical structure always corresponded to that of a rigorously disciplined army, composed of revolutionaries, with very high political, social and moral standards.
The FARC always worked to provide knowledge, discipline and experience to its members, women and men, with a view to their permanent improvement. There were never any deadlines to ascend automatically in the command, the directions recognized those that advanced the most in all the senses. The regulation of disciplinary regime was a sacred norm.
Who transgressed its prescriptions was subject to the corresponding sanctions. On the fronts, we lived like a large family, in which the commanders were a bit like the parents of others. That is why, regardless of their age, the guerrillas called them “cuchos”, giving them the affectionate form used by young people of the countryside to call their parents.
The authority of the command always had very precise limits. There was a space of mandatory convocation at least every fortnight, the meeting of the political cell. In it the commanders did not exercise their rank. The collective listened to the individual reports on any matter, in particular on the behavior of the commanders. And condemned any excess.
The conclusions of the cells had to be obligatorily sent to the superior direction, that was thus made aware of the situation of the units under their control. No combatant could be sanctioned for what he expressed in the cell. As a democratic space it was treated with care by commanders and base combatants: there any career could be thrown to the bin.
There is no trace of immorality in the norms that governed the FARC for more than half a century of struggle. Commands or combatants who committed excesses, who violated the guidelines set forth in National Conferences or Plenary Staff, were rigorously sanctioned, except when they deserted and threw themselves into the arms of the enemy.
War is between two sides. It is understandable that each of them receives and encourages the traitors of the other. And try to infiltrate its people into the ranks of the adversary. The worst rapists of the guerrilla juridicity always enjoyed high esteem in the Army. This and the Police always sent agents to the ranks, with the purpose of breaking down the ethics of the rebels.
Sowers of tares, permanent generators of conflicts, saboteurs with missions that never ceased to surprise because of their meanness.
We lived in the middle of the war, persecuted all the time by an implacable enemy, with death, wounds, prison and torture threatening us day and night. Worse still when the paramilitarism and its barbarism joined the troops.
There will always be those who accuse us of posing as victims. As if the military and paramilitary operations of extermination had never existed, as if the deaths in combat and the permanent executions outside of it, in the countryside and the city, had not been daily, as if the savage treatment in battalions, barracks and prisons was a joyful invention.
No legal or illegal organization in the history of the country has suffered like the FARC the attacks by the State. One day I proposed to the command to draw up an approximate list of how many guerrillas had militated in our ranks, how many had died or paid prison sentences. Each item was so numerous that it was impossible to calculate it.
Not counting the civilians who sympathized with our cause, who worked on our side or who were simply falsely accused of it and paid dear consequences. What fuels the hatred against us is that despite such carnage they never managed to defeat us. That is why even today, to achieve it, they appeal to the most rogue methods.
There is no organization in which there are no sprains, and the FARC cannot be the immaculate exception. We were protagonists of multiple war councils, in which the most serious violations of our discipline were sanctioned with the maximum penalty by the collective. No one can say we were tolerant or permissive with failure to follow rules.
Although our idea was never to destroy, but to build, except in cases of extreme gravity, as dictated by the regulation. The war has ended. We can no longer impose sanctions according to our rules and procedures. If something was left pending, it must be taken over by the agreed bodies. Let no one think that we will condone reproachful behaviors.
This does not mean that we remain impassively silent before the premeditated constructions of our enemies. They will not be our judges, nor will we be theirs.
We accept this: for that reason we agree to the JEP. We bet on truth to emerge, clear, the real truth, not the one of microphones and insidious headlines.
The panic of certain sectors can not blind a country, no gentlemen, it cannot.
http://farc-epeace.org/blogs/gabriel-an ... r%20s.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."