Colombia

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Thu Apr 28, 2022 1:55 pm

JEP of Colombia: 5,733 people were killed or disappeared in attacks against the Patriotic Union

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Of the 5,733 reported victims, 4,616 people were killed, while 1,117 were forcibly disappeared. | Photo: Colprensa
Published 22 April 2022

The Recognition Chamber determined that the violence against the members of the UP was carried out, mainly, by agents of the State and paramilitaries.

The Chamber for the Recognition of Truth and Responsibility of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) of Colombia determined this Friday that some 5,733 people were killed or disappeared during attacks against the Patriotic Union (UP) political movement, between 1984 and 2016.

Through a statement, the JEP detailed that of the total victims, between murdered and disappeared, some 5,195 belonged to the Patriotic Union and another 538 people were not members, but were present when acts of violence against that organization occurred.

"The Recognition Chamber determined that the violence against the members of the UP was carried out, mainly, by State agents and paramilitaries in a massive, generalized and systematic manner," the JEP asserted in the statement.


In addition, it specified that of the 5,733 reported victims, 4,616 people were killed, while 1,117 were forcibly disappeared.

"The Chamber established that the violence against the UP militancy was predominantly lethal, since approximately two out of every three acts of violence against that party resulted in murders and forced disappearances," the entity clarified.


On the other hand, it specified that the second most reported type of victimization was due to formal displacement, which affected 2,217 people. "Based on these data, the Chamber identified that in 32 years of violence against UP militants there was a pattern of sustained violence for 23 years, from 1984 to 2007," the text refers.

According to the results of the analysis, the events were concentrated in three periods: between 1983 and 1993, with a peak recorded in February 1988 and January 1989; then between 1994 and 1999, with a peak from April 1996 to March 1997; and finally between 2000 and 2007, with a peak between July 2001 and June 2002.

Participation of state agents

The Chamber reported that events were identified in which State agents, belonging to Colombian civil and military intelligence agencies, participated "in collusion with paramilitary groups and hitmen's offices that carried out crimes against the UP."

Likewise, it clarifies that these events did not occur in a single region, but that they occurred, mostly, in the capitals of different Colombian departments during the first period of victimization.

"The appearing parties associated with these events were members of the DAS (Administrative Security Department), belonging to the National Directorate, the Public Order and Protection Directorate and the departmental branches of Antioquia and Santander," the entity said.


On the other hand, it reported that the Chamber found that in the other events that occurred, grouped in the critical periods and territories, "there was a systematic contribution by state agents belonging to operational units of the Public Force, even when the material execution of the crimes was carried out by account of paramilitary groups".

The Chamber stated that the violence that affected the militants of the Patriotic Union occurred, unlike other macro-cases, because all the victims had in common that they belonged to, were active in, or sympathized with a political party.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0021.html

Google Translator

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Colombia: Former Soldiers Admit Farmers' Extrajudicial Killings

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Colombian ex-Corporal Nestor Gutierrez (R) admits crimes before victims' relatives, April 26, 2022. | Photo: Twitter/ @EEColombia2020

Published 27 April 2022 (20 hours 54 minutes ago)

"Higher commands pressured us and demanded results. We had to look for results no matter what," former Corporal Nestor Guillermo Gutierrez admitted.

In a public hearing before the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) held on Tuesday, a group of eleven retired soldiers admitted their participation in the extrajudicial killings of farmers that took place during counterinsurgency operations in the 2000s.

During these operations, members of the Colombian army executed rural inhabitants to pass them off as guerrillas killed in combat. This practice is known in Colombia as "false positives."

"Higher commands pressured us and demanded results. We had to look for results no matter what. We had contact with paramilitary groups, especially in the Aguachica region, to get weapons," retired Corporal Nestor Guillermo Gutierrez admitted.

"I took away your children's illusion. I tore mothers' hearts due to the pressure to obtain false results and to keep a government happy. It's not fair," Gutierres said in response to the claim of a mother asking for explanations for the murder of her son.

For his part, former Major Daladier Rivera Jacome said he was attending the meeting "to acknowledge responsibility as co-author for war crimes and crimes against humanity."


During the JEP hearing, the relatives of the victims also had the opportunity to speak. For example, Alvaro Marulanda, who has been searching for the truth about his brother's murder for the last 14 years, told the ex-military to remember the injustice committed against Martin Marulanda, a vulnerable person who was a psychiatric patient.

"You are a dishonor to the Homeland and the National Army," he said and asked other ex-soldiers who are being investigated to reveal the whole truth in the "False Positive" case.

In Colombia, extrajudicial executions of civilians have been taking place for decades. The current investigation, however, is focused on the murders that occurred after a 2005 Defense Ministry Decree, which created a program of economic incentives for soldiers who "showed" positive results in the fight against insurgent forces.

The legitimization of State terrorism happened during the administration of Alvaro Uribe (2002-2010), a far-right politician who has been criminally linked to paramilitary groups.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0009.html

Colombia: Former President Alvaro Uribe to Trial for Bribery

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Former Colombian President Alvaro Uribe | Photo: EFE/ Juan Zarama

Published 27 April 2022

On Wednesday, a Colombian judge denied the attorney general's office's request to shelve a witness-tampering investigation against former President Alvaro Uribe.

After completing more than 10 hours of hearings, the 28th judge of knowledge of Bogota, Carmen Helena Ortiz, ruled that the former senator Álvaro Uribe must go to trial for bribery of witnesses and procedural fraud. According to Ortiz, 'It is not admissible for the office that without contradiction in a trial there is talk of preclusion of procedural fraud in the case of Racumín.'

This determination marks a critical point in the process against the former president. Not only because it means that it will be a judge who will determine whether he is guilty or innocent, but also because the Prosecutor's Office itself had said that the process should be closed (instead of going to trial). On the contrary, the victims had asked the judge not to close it and authorize the process to go forward to trial. Upon reviewing the case, Ortiz determined that the victims were right and the investigation could not be closed.

Since the process was not precluded, Uribe's defense can appeal the decision before the Superior Court of Bogotá, which now has the final word on the complaint.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0020.html

Who Ruled Extrajudicial Murders? - Colombian Families Ask

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Relatives of victims of extrajudicial killings hug themselves during a public hearing, Colombia, April 2022. | Photo: Twitter/ @santiagoangelp

Published 27 April 2022 (11 hours 5 minutes ago)

Soldiers, don't allow other people to remain free while you stay with all this weight. Tell us who gave the order to murder our sons," urged Blanca Monroy, the mother of victim Julian Oviedo.

In a public hearing before the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) held on Wednesday, relatives of victims of extrajudicial executions committed by Colombian soldiers asked perpetrators to reveal who ordered the murders.

"Don't allow other people to remain free while you stay with all this weight. Tell us who gave the order to murder our sons," said Blanca Monroy, the mother of victim Julian Oviedo.

With these killings, known in Colombia as "false positive," soldiers intended to report dead civilians as guerrilla fighters killed in combat to earn promotions and economic incentives.

During the April 27 JEP hearing, one civilian and ten retired soldiers took responsibility for 120 extrajudicial killings that took place the administration of Alvaro Uribe (2002-2010), a far-right politician who has been criminally linked to paramilitary groups.


"I planned and delivered weapons so that innocent young men who had dreams and were loved by their families were murdered," said retired Sargent Sandro Mauricio Perez, calling himself "a monster" who committed the crimes to please superiors.

"With great pain for the abominable crimes committed by my subordinates, I present my regret for not having acted more diligently," said retired general Paulino Coronado, the highest-ranking official to admit his role in the killings.

Dozens of former officers convicted for “false positive” cases have testified before the JEP with the hope of receiving lighter sentences and serving them in better prison conditions in exchange for full disclosure of their crimes. Many others, however, have refused to testify.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Who ... -0019.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Sat Apr 30, 2022 1:28 pm

“We killed innocent people”: retired Colombian army officials confess to murdering civilians

Ten retired soldiers and one civilian admit to kidnapping and murdering 120 innocent peasants, framing them as left-wing guerrilla fighters killed in combat

April 29, 2022 by Tanya Wadhwa

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In a recent hearing of the JEP, ten retired soldiers admitted to murdering 120 innocent peasants and presenting them to the authorities as left-wing guerrilla fighters killed in combat between 2007 and 2008. Victims families still demand to know who gave the order? Photo: Kienyke

Ten retired members of the Colombian Military Forces confessed to kidnapping and murdering over one hundred civilians, them framing them to authorities as left-wing guerrilla fighters killed in combat during counterinsurgency operations in the 2000s. The admissions were made during public hearings organized by the Recognition of Truth Body of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) in the Norte de Santander department on April 26 and 27, in case 03 that investigates the “false positives” in the Catatumbo region of the department. The hearings were attended by family members of around 50 victims.

On April 26 and 27, a former military general, four colonels, five other army officers and a civilian gave their testimonies before the judges and publicly admitted their participation in the forced disappearance and extrajudicial executions of 120 young peasants from the town of Ocaña and neighboring areas between 2007 and 2008.

“We killed innocent people”

One of the statements that generated the most commotion was that of Corporal Néstor Guillermo Gutiérrez. The retired army official admitted not only that his unit murdered innocent peasants, but that these kinds of murders became a criminal phenomenon throughout that region of the country. “I acknowledge and accept my responsibility as a co-perpetrator of these war crimes and crimes against humanity…I am not going to justify what I did because I committed crimes,” said Gutiérrez. “We killed innocent people, peasants. I want to emphasize that those we killed were peasants,” added Gutiérrez. “There was pressure,” He added. “They demanded that we give results, we had to look for results no matter what, and we had contact with paramilitary groups in the region, especially in Aguachica, to get weapons.” Responding to a mother’s demand, who asked explanations for her son’s murder, Gutiérrez apologized to her and mothers of other victims. “I cowardly murdered them. I stole the dreams of your sons. I tore their mothers’ hearts due to the pressure of false results, to keep a government happy. It’s not fair.”

Retired Captain Rivera Jácome also recognized his responsibility in the crimes and apologized to the only surviving victim Villamir Rodríguez, who was about to be assassinated by the military, but was later accused of being a terrorist. “I want to make it clear to the world and Colombians that you were not a combatant. I am here to clean up your name,” said Jácome.

Alexander Carretero, the sole civilian, admitted that he was “the person who brought your loved ones from various parts of Colombia to hand them over to the army so they could assassinate them.” He added that “I cannot return your children, but I can help you with the truth. It would have been better if they had killed me, at least I wouldn’t have committed these crimes.”

General Paulino Coronado, Colonel Santiago Herrera, Colonel Rubén Darío Castro, Lieutenant Colonel Álvaro Diego Tamayo, Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel de Jesús Rincón Amado, Major Juan Carlos Chaparro Chaparro, Second Sergeant Rafael Antonio Urbano, and Second Sergeant Mauricio Pérez Contreras also admitted committing and covering up these crimes with fake documents and paid witnesses. All ten accused soldiers were part of the Mobile Brigade 15 (BRIM15) and the Infantry Battalion No. 15 General Francisco de Paula Santander (BISAN), which were tasked with fighting illegal armed groups in Norte de Santander.


“Who gave the order?”

For their part, relatives of the victims urged former soldiers to reveal the names of those who ordered them to commit these hideous crimes. Carmenza Gómez, a mother who lost her first child in August 2008 and her second in January 2009, spoke at the hearing, requesting the army officials to “put your hand on your heart and honestly tell us the truth and don’t jump into the water alone. Who gave the order? We know that there are great people behind you. We want names. All we need are the names of those people.

Likewise, Idalí Garcerá, another mother whose son disappeared in August 2008, stressed that “it is very important for us to know this truth…Yesterday, I heard them say that they were pressured by the government to give results, so I need to know who was asking for those results.”

Anderson Rodríguez, who lost his brother, also demanded that the soldiers tell the truth “so that there be no repetition, because you are the ones who know who the owners are, the creators of this gruesome act, a business that they continue to do even today.”

Family members of various other victims also shared their testimonies, and begged the retired officials to be honest, lessen their pain, deliver justice and make amends.


A path to resolution

The president of the JEP, Eduardo Cifuentes, said that the testimonies constituted one of the most important approximations to the truth of what happened in the armed conflict. He also said that the acknowledgment of truth and responsibility made progress in satisfying the victims’ rights to truth, justice and reparation, and helped to restore the damage caused to survivors and family members.

The JEP is a transitional justice system created in November 2016 under the peace agreements signed between the government of former president Juan Manuel Santos and the now-demobilized Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerilla group in Havana, Cuba. The JEP established a court to investigate, judge and sentence all those considered responsible for the crimes committed during a five-decade war between the guerilla forces and the Colombian security forces. It occasionally mandates alternative punishments in exchange for full disclosure of incidents that took place during the internal armed conflict.

Last year, the JEP found that the Colombian military carried out more than 6,400 of these extrajudicial killings between 2002 and 2008, when President Álvaro Uribe was in power. Human rights groups and the families of victims have said the real number could be much higher.

Under its Democratic Security program, the Uribe administration rewarded military officials for these extrajudicial killings, also known as “false positives” in Colombia, with promotions, vacations and other benefits.

The public hearing marked a historic moment not only for the peace process, but for the families of the victims of the false positives, who had the opportunity to hear the truth about their loved ones and to get some closure.

The JEP now has a period of three months to issue a resolution. The tribunal has the authority to offer alternatives to prison sentences to people who confess their crimes and make reparations.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2022/04/29/ ... civilians/

Betcha some vets of the Vietnam War taught them that at the School for the Americas(or whatever euphemism that school of fascism goes by now).
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Mon May 16, 2022 1:31 pm

Colombia: 2022 Is Most Violent Pre-electoral Period on Record

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The high levels of violence have affected the daily life of communities. Amidst the electoral season, there are risks and limitations for the citizens to access information about the campaigns and freely exercise their right to vote. | Photo: Twitter @ColombiaRisk

Published 14 May 2022

The Electoral Observation Mission specified that in relation to the pre-electoral period of 2018, aggressions against leaders rose by 109 percent; thus the figures indicate that the rates of violence are on the rise since the 2019 elections.

The Electoral Observation Mission (MOE) of Colombia reported this Friday that with 581 violent acts against political, social and community leaders, the pre-electoral period of the 2021-2022 legislative elections represents the most violent of the last 12 years in the nation.

In this sense, the entity specified that in relation to the pre-electoral period of 2018, aggression against leaders rose by 109 percent; thus the figures indicate that the rates of violence are on the rise since the 2019 elections.

"This increase in violence against leaders is also framed in a context of reconfiguration of the conflict, characterized by a consolidation of multiple illegal armed groups, benefiting from the State's inability to occupy the territories," said the director of the MOE, Alejandra Barrios.

Accordingly, the executive stated that in relation to the period from 2020 to 2021, for the pre-electoral stage of 2022, the actions of armed gangs increased by 19 percent, reporting 59 criminal operations.


Thus, for example, eight terrorist acts, the blocking of 11 roads, 10 vehicles set on fire, the closure of 23 transport terminals, the murder of a social leader and acts of intimidation were recorded.

According to the institute, during the pre-electoral period of 2022 there were armed strikes of the National Liberation Army in 12 departments of the country. Alejandra Barrios stated that "this context evidences the need for the government to adopt security measures and schemes that respond to the logic of collective protection and take into consideration the ethnic and territorial characteristics of its beneficiaries".

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0002.html

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IS THE ARMED STRIKE IN COLOMBIA A STRATEGY TO DEMOBILIZE THE ELECTORATE?
May 14, 2022 , 10:43 am .

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The armed strike in Colombia may be linked to the upcoming presidential elections (Photo: Mauricio Dueñas Castañeda / EFE)

Since last May 5, some 119 municipalities in 11 departments of Colombian territory have been taken over by a violent wave of intimidation declared by the illegal armed organization called Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (AGC), the political arm of the Clan del Golfo (Clan Úsuga or Los Urabeños), a narco-paramilitary group with predominance on the borders with Panama, Venezuela and Ecuador.

ANOTHER WAVE IN A VIOLENT SEA
The alleged reason for the so-called "armed strike" was the extradition of the head of said gang, Dairo Antonio Úsuga, alias Otoniel, carried out on May 5. The drug trafficker was arrested on October 23, 2021 in a confusing operation called "Osiris" in which his lawyer has declared that he turned himself in, but the Uribe government of Iván Duque declares that he was captured.

The Clan del Golfo has chosen to intimidate the security forces and the civilian population by restricting trade, blocking transportation and mobility, and even selective assassinations. It is a network of gangs that seems to surpass in size, territorial control and influence the former United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), which Carlos Castaño commanded at the time.

Through various channels they have declared that "the person or the company or any other that does not comply with this order will not be answered, and will be declared a military objective", and they have posted signs on walls and doors, various attacks on police stations and more than 150 effects on the civilian population. Nearly 200 vehicles incinerated, including trucks, buses, automobiles and motorcycles on arterial roads and in urban areas, 12 selective homicides, five attempted homicides, blockades of 10 roads, nearly 50 transport stoppages and intimidation of the media, resulting in that have managed to get the frightened population to cease their activities out of fear before being victims of any attack.

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Map of Colombia detailing the actions of the armed strike in part of the territory that concentrates high population density (Photo: Fundación Pares)

For its part, the Duque administration, which compares Otoniel to Pablo Escobar, has stated that it seeks to protect the cargo and passenger transport sector and that the Army is on alert against threats of armed strike. They also state that they have made 104 arrests (24 of them by court order and 80 in flagrante delicto) and have seized 23 firearms, 781 ammunition cartridges, nine grenades and five explosive devices.

The Colombian Minister of Defense, Diego Molano, explained that they are confronting the AGC with more than 100 caravans of vehicles to guard mobility and avoid the blockade on nine main highways in strongholds of the armed group such as Bajo Cauca and Urabá, in Antioquia. .

A CLAN IN DATA

Some data from the Gulf Clan:

*It originates from the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), armed paramilitary groups stemming from the failed peace process in Santafé de Ralito (2003-2006), a diffuse demobilization process in which many "paramilitary chiefs" and middle managers deserted, created and led their own groups.
*They debuted with an armed strike in October 2008 as "Los Urabeños" in San Pedro de Urabá under the command of Daniel Rendón Herrera, " Don Mario ".
*Captured Don Mario in 2009, the Úsuga brothers: Juan de Dios "Giovany" (killed in 2012) and Otoniel were the new leaders, this brought with it a greater international expansion with a name change included.
*The Clan is the main responsible for drug and micro-trafficking, extortion of landowners, peasants and merchants; the control of illegal mining, motorcycle taxis, human trafficking and prostitution in Urabá, Chocó, Córdoba and Catatumbo. There are former militants of the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) among its members.
*In March, the Peace and Reconciliation Foundation published a report called "Lead is what it is: Violence and security in the times of Duque" in which it is stated that "With the capture of 'Otoniel', the Clan del Golfo was not structurally affected , since there has been no visible organizational destabilization as a consequence of said event".
*According to the document, the narco-paramilitary structure operates "through four structures, 22 substructures and two commissions made up of approximately 3,260 members, including 1,461 armed ones."

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Map of Colombia detailing the presence of the Clan del Golfo in the territory (Photo: Fundación Pares)

The report also indicates that, after the demobilization of the extinct FARC after the signing of the 2016 peace agreement, the Clan del Golfo came to fill the void left by the guerrillas in some territories.
Jobanis de Jesús Ávila Villadiego, alias Chiquito Malo is one of the two leaders who occupy the place that Otoniel had, he comes from being in charge of drug finances and manages a drug export network to Mexico, Italy, Spain and the United States. Balkans from the ports of Cartagena, Barranquilla, Santa Marta, La Guajira and the Gulf of Morrosquillo.
Wilmer Antonio Quiroz, alias Siopas, was a member of Front 5 of the FARC, with influence in Urabá Antioquia, Córdoba and Chocó. He forces undocumented migrants, who seek to enter Panama through the Darien jungles and make their way to the United States, to transport drug shipments.

SYMBIOSIS WITH URIBEISM?

Regarding the motivation for the strike and the actors behind the scenes, cross accusations have arisen. The national media came to broadcast an audio in which Siopas's mother is supposedly heard asking her brothers to vote for Gustavo Petro, the candidate of the Historical Pact (PH), since this "would benefit them." On the other hand, in another broadcast audio, an alleged member of the Clan del Golfo who threatened whoever supported Petro's presidential campaign.

Via Twitter, Petro pointed to the uribismo of the terrorist actions by assuring that "the 'Clan del Golfo' is the son of the paramilitarism that was created in Urabá from the 'Convivir' of Uribe." In turn, Álvaro Uribe published a video on his Twitter account showing the burning of a bus and pointing out that these are the "teachings of Petro and Santos."


Angélica Verbel, former PH Senate candidate and coordinator of Petro's campaign in the department of Córdoba, denounced harassment of Petro sympathizers in southern Bolívar and direct attacks on the candidate's advertising by the AGC.

Just as it is known that the nucleus of the Clan del Golfo is made up of residual drug trafficking structures inherited from Carlos Castaño's paramilitaries and that Uribismo allowed the expansion and diversification of paramilitary groups, it is also true that there are some former guerrillas like Siopas. However, in the mercenary logic, ideological strength does not prevail, but greed for money.

Different facts have shown that the political and military orbit of Uribismo has maintained a kind of symbiosis with the paramilitary structure that is functional for drug trafficking:

*In July 2017, former Secretary of Security Gustavo Alberto Villegas Restrepo was captured for his alleged ties to the Clan del Golfo, who gave him data on people who extorted money from his family while the official gave them intelligence information on police operations and other activities. .
*The Medellín Cartel, today called "La Oficina de Envigado" which is part of the Clan, announced to Villegas Restrepo that there was an arrest warrant against him, "that officials from the Bogotá Prosecutor's Office were going to travel to capture him but that The intervention of the mayor of Medellín, Federico Gutiérrez (today a Uribe presidential candidate), was not effective".
*The former commander of the Armed Forces (2013-2014), General (r) Leonardo Barrero Gordillo, was mentioned before the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) by Otoniel as an alleged paramilitary collaborator, he has been a contractor of the Security Secretariat of Cali , from the Ministry of the Interior of the Duque administration and the General Command of the Armed Forces since November 2018 for almost 200 thousand dollars under the alias "El Padrino".
*In 2015, Barrero was a candidate for the governorship of Cauca, one of the four departments that concentrate 80% of all coca and where social leaders are assassinated. He stood for election as a member of the Democratic Center, a party founded by Uribe, who said: "It is impossible to find a better candidate for governor of Cauca than General Barrero . "

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General (r) Leonardo Barrero Gordillo, former commander of the Colombian Military Forces (2013-2014) and militant of the Democratic Center, was linked to the Gulf Clan by Otoniel before he was extradited (Photo: Pluralidad Z)
AND THE PRE-ELECTION CLIMATE
It is an organized armed group (GAO), which is the name assigned by the Colombian government to the illegal armed structures, which called for an armed strike in the midst of the electoral campaign for the presidential elections to be held on May 29. .

The elections are crucial and are part of the exhaustion of an economic model that does not stop producing structural violence, a post-pandemic context and after successive national strikes that brought millions of Colombians to the streets demanding accountability from the Duque administration.

Since the time of the AUC, their cells have had total regional autonomy and, since then, they have influenced electoral results by forcing residents of different territories to vote for the option they impose.

In addition, the infiltration of the heirs of drug traffickers and paramilitaries in local political structures has always been a risk for the Colombian democratic system, which has been demonstrated in scandals such as the so-called "parapolitics" in which political actors were singled out and convicted. of uribismo and the right in general, also in the Process 8,000 that investigated the links between politicians and drug trafficking.

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More than triggering a new wave of violence, Otoniel has been used in a strategy to demobilize the Colombian electorate (Photo: File)

Reports of other strikes carried out by different illegal armed groups in recent times show that none has shown such a level of violence or simultaneity in as many regions as the one led by the Clan del Golfo these days.

Another fact: while the authorities asked the population to stay in their homes, fireworks exploded last weekend in Montería at a wedding celebration that included a concert and the participation of well-known politicians from the conservative elite.

It does not seem coincidental that the threats to leftist politicians and social leaders intensified in mid-March 2022, after the victory of the PH in the legislative elections and the numbers obtained in the primaries. The intervention of paramilitaries, not only through pamphlets but also through the increase in the assassinations of social leaders, becomes more virulent as Petro emerges as the winner in the first round of the elections.

For his part, the candidate assured :

" The Government could not wait for the elections to pass and extradite 'Otoniel' afterwards; it was necessary to provoke this climate of anxiety on the one hand and to prevent the head of the Clan del Golfo from confessing his relations with politics and power that in the end were going to affect the campaign of the government candidate".

The already traditional paramilitary influence in the elections occurred on dates very close to the day of the vote and with a certain low profile, on this occasion. After the results of the primaries, the extradition of Úsuga, the legislative elections and the polls, the need for a sector to impose through violence what does not seem possible through votes seems to accelerate.

https://misionverdad.com/globalistan/el ... electorado

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Fri May 20, 2022 1:08 pm

COLOMBIA, RESPECT FOR DEMOCRACY, UNCATEGORIZED, WILLIAM CAMACARO
Elections Loom Large Over Colombia
May 18, 2022

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by William Camacaro National Co-Coordinator for Alliance for Global Justice

Anher Ordonez International Political Studies Pepperdine University



William is coordinating the Bogotá desk of our Colombia Election Day Live Coverage broadcast on May 29, 2022. Click here to register as a “studio audience” member via Zoom. For more info…https://afgj.salsalabs.org/easterexecut ... 6151deae32

Click here to support the work of the International Electoral Observation Delegation to Colombia https://afgj.salsalabs.org/colombia-del ... index.html



The armed conflict in Colombia was one of the longest-running conflicts of the

Twentieth Century and continues on some level even today. The conflict was marked by a high

level of activity on the part of irregular armed groups, and tied to a variety of other social

problems, including land and indigenous issues 1. The conflict decimated Colombia’s economy,

and spawned the rise of Colombia’s problematic yet lucrative drug trade. The resolution of the

armed conflict was for many years sought through the implementation of the peace deal, yet

when this peace deal was finally implemented in 2016 the violence directed against civil society

leaders did not cease. With the upcoming elections taking place in May of this year, concerns

over the possibility of electoral fraud and political disruption taking place are at an alarming

high. The conflict in Colombia was historically sparked by a clash between the Liberals led by

Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, who had a moderate pro-worker agenda, and the Right, which was

determined to defend traditional oligarchic interests. The Liberals were on course to win the

elections and take over the government. The right wing sectors of the country saw these

developments as a threat to their interests.



Gaitan was assassinated on April 9, 1948, leading to a massive rebellion known as El

Bogotazo, which was followed by a ten-year period of civil war known as La Violencia that

included the military dictatorship of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla that was marked by the widespread

repression of rural communities, labor leaders, and political opposition. In this period leftist

groups began emerging to fill the void left by Gaitan’s assassination. However, the repression

did not end with the removal of Rojas Pinilla from power in 1958. In fact, in the period

following, the Pentagon sent the Yarborough Commission to Colombia, which advised the

Colombian government to organize paramilitaries and organize campaigns of “terror” in

unilateral assaults against peasant autonomous zones. The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de

Colombia were formed from militias organized to defend these zones after a particularly large

assault on the Marquetalia area in 1964.



The Left in Colombia had traditionally enjoyed support from the Peasantry and industrial

workers, and had already participated in a rebellion that had been ruthlessly crushed. Other rebel

groups such as the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), launched their own guerilla wars

hoping to emulate the Cuban Revolution, while the Ejército Popular de Liberación (EPL) took

inspiration from Maoism. The violence would ramp up in the following decades, affecting the

entire country across social lines.



What had originally been a low-intensity conflict in the countryside sparked by calls

for greater equality and land reform was thrown into further chaos around the 1980s. The siege

on the Palace of Justice carried out by the 19th of April Movement(M-19) exposed how

volatile the situation was in the country. Two new factors were introduced into the conflict

that tore up the established dichotomy.



The first of these factors was the rise of far-right paramilitary factions. As the state’s

hold on the country weakened, large landowners began financing armed groups to assume

the bulk of the fighting against the guerillas 2 . The paramilitaries also acted as a vigilante

force, carrying out targeted assassinations against “undesirables”, often targeting the most

vulnerable people in society. Their influence grew so great to the point where the

Colombian state struggled to contain their power. It is also important to point out the

connections that paramilitaries and their patrons had with drug trafficking; much of their

funding came from this elicit business.



For many years the likes of Pablo Escobar projected an image of Colombia as a lawless

country to the outside world. Indeed, the clout that the drug trade had in Colombia was

significant; nearly every aspect of society became permeated with drug cartel influence. The

drug trade added an explosive ingredient to the already toxic civil war; many of the previously

mentioned paramilitary groups became involved with drugs such as cocaine and heroin.

Prominent drug cartels included the Medellin Cartel, the Cali Cartel, and los Rastrojos, a

Mexican cartel responsible for distributing Colombian drugs.



The nature of Colombian politics helps illustrate why it has been so hard for the country

to achieve peace and stability. Electoral fraud has persisted in the country for much of its

modern history. A notable example of this was the 1970 presidential election, where

now-candidate and former dictator Gustavo Rojas Pinilla alleged, with sufficient evidence,

that fraud was committed on behalf of the winning candidate, Misael Pastrana Borrero 3.

More recently, several irregularities were reported in the 2018 election where Ivan Duque

won the presidency versus Gustavo Petro.



The son of Pastrana Borrero, Andres Pastrana, would also go on to become president.

This political dynasty had been entrenched in Colombia for years. The election of the younger

Pastrana came amid suspicion of electoral fraud, reflecting the sameness of the Colombian

political class of yesterday and today. Pastrana would go on to preside over the first attempt at

a peace process from 1998 to 2002, creating demilitarized zones.



These demilitarized zones involved FARC retreating from various parts of the country,

while FARC hoped to secure political legitimacy and a negotiated settlement. FARC also hoped

to address other issues including agrarian reform, drug trafficking, and the presence of right wing

paramilitary groups. These FARC fighters, considered dissidents following the end of the cold

war, were marginalized from society and their activities criminalized. This was part of a global

effort led by the US in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, which undoubtedly influenced

Colombian society.



There is little doubt FARC felt uncomfortable with the idea of demobilizing and

becoming targets for violent reprisal. Based on the experiences of the Union Patriotica

party 4, the demobilized EPL and other dissident groups, there was clear hesitance to give

up arms and reincorporate into civil society. This feeling persists to this day among

still-active elements of the guerillas.

The 1998-2002 peace process led by Pastrana ended up failing, worsening relations

between the state and FARC. After this failure there was little appetite left for another attempt

at a peace deal. FARC was further convinced to double down by the precedent of the Union

Patriotica leftist party. It had originally been formed by former FARC members looking to

capitalize on the discontent of poor Colombians towards the two biggest political parties, the

Conservatives and the Liberals. They chose the peaceful democratic path, but were violently

purged before elections through assassinations. It is estimated that at least 1,163 members of

the UP were assassinated 5 ; notable among these victims is Manuel Cepeda Vargas, father of

Colombian leftist senator Ivan Cepeda.



The Colombian government increased its cooperation with the US as part of Plan

Colombia, which among many things included the training of Colombian troops and selected

paramilitary forces. Its official purpose was to combat drug trafficking, yet today there is more

drug production and trafficking in Colombia than ever 6. Andres Pastrana’s popularity

plummeted as a repercussion of the failed peace talks, and conservative sectors of society

began to organize and prepare for the upcoming elections.



This led to the election of Alvaro Uribe as President in 2002. Alvaro Uribe comes from

one of the richest landowning families in Colombia, linked closely with illegal activities such

as drug trafficking and paramilitarism 7. The election came amid a time of great societal turmoil

and political violence, with the Union Patriotica party having been violently purged and

paramilitary violence spreading throughout the country. The election result reflected a profound

disdain that the conservative sectors of society felt towards the prospect of peace with FARC.



These sectors hoped that with the election of Uribe, any remaining possibility of peace

would die. Uribe was firmly opposed to any prospect of peace with the guerillas. He came from

the wealthy landowner class, his family linked with the drug trafficking business. Uribe spoke of

the fight against FARC and the guerillas as part of the “War on Terrorism” and showed no room

for compromise or flexibility in regards to the conflict 8 . The dissidents were now referred to as

“terrorists”, reflecting the unipolar US-centered international climate of the time that came as a

result of the cold war ending and the criminalization of dissidence. Uribe echoing the rhetoric of

Bush consolidated his short-term political prospects 9.



Uribe also pushed through the controversial Justice and Peace Law(2005) which granted

amnesty for members of irregular armed groups who gave up their weapons and demobilized.

The law was perceived by many sectors in Colombia and human rights organizations as being

too lenient on paramilitaries who had committed a number of atrocities. This law only served to

enrage the FARC, and for the entirety of Uribe’s presidency it continued to mount deadly

military attacks and offensives.



Uribe’s hardline strategy for dealing with the conflict led to less accountability for the

actions of the state. His presidency saw a rise in human rights violations committed by the state,

catalyzed by the falso positivos scandal which involved the killing of civilians by the army, and

the presentation of the corpses as being those of rebel fighters. The victims were lured by the

promise of work to rural areas, and were killed off by the army. Another factor that challenged

Uribe’s position were allegations of his connections to the illegal drug trade. These scandals

weakened Uribe’s prospects to become a protagonist of the peace process, and he would go on

to maintain a hardline stance against the insurgency.



The conflict spread to neighboring Ecuador and Venezuela. As the Colombian

government pressed on with its offensive against FARC, the rebels sought to take haven in

the porous border areas between Colombia and the neighboring countries. Along with the

difficulty that these countries have in controlling their remote areas, any efforts by

Colombia to cooperate with its neighbors on counterinsurgency were hampered by the

Uribe Administration’s strained relations with Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa and

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. Chavez in particular was seen as a foe by Uribe, as the

Colombian President had repeatedly accused Chavez of supporting FARC and allowing them

use of Venezuela’s territory.



Hugo Chavez of Venezuela would play a major role in developments during the latter

phases of the conflict; believed to wield influence with FARC, he was seen as a key cog in

any potential peace process due to his ability to put pressure on the guerillas and bring them

to the table. Chavez and Uribe often clashed during their presidencies; Chavez eventually

became dismayed by Uribe and his political cohorts, citing the Colombian military incursion

into Ecuador, allegedly in hot pursuit of FARC guerillas.



An example of this can be seen in the Acuerdo Humanitario process of 2007. After a

series of high profile FARC kidnappings, Colombian Senator Piedad Córdoba, with the

approval of Uribe, persuaded Chavez to talk with the FARC, with the condition that the talks

take place in Venezuela. The FARC representative demanded that Chavez request a new

demilitarized zone, and soon afterwards Chavez, Cordoba, and French President Nicolas

Sarkozy met.



However, Uribe became impatient with Chavez, and imposed upon him the deadline of

December 31. Chavez responded by directly contacting Colombian military leaders, which

Uribe saw as a red line violated. Uribe essentially “fired” Chavez from the talks, and Chavez

retaliated by calling Uribe a “liar”. The feud between the two escalated to a point where both

countries suspended relations with each other. The killing of Raul Reyes and Mono Jojoy, two

founders of FARC with vast knowledge of the group’s functions, further raised the threat of

the armed conflict spreading to Ecuador.



With his communication with Uribe closed, Chavez decided to move ahead with his own

initiative to free the hostages. As part of Operation Emmanuel FARC agreed to release three

high profile hostages, and in January Venezuela Army helicopters labeled with Red Cross

insignia at the request of Colombia successfully rescued the three hostages. The Colombian

government later launched its own rescue mission, Operation Jaque, that freed fifteen hostages.

Though both were successful, they were in essence unilateral actions that did little to

address the fundamental issues of the conflict, and tensions remained high between Colombia

and Venezuela.



These tensions ultimately reached their peak in March of 2008, sparked by an incident

that took place in the Ecuadorian border area. The Colombian army had raided a FARC

encampment with the primary motive being to kill the FARC second in command Raul Reyes.

Ecuador responded furiously, declaring that Colombia violated Ecuadorian sovereignty. Chavez

rushed to defend his ally Correa, and ordered his army to deploy to the border with Colombia.

The raid had involved cooperation with the Manta US Air Force Base in Ecuador, and the raid

led to Correa ordering the base’s closure and exit from the country.



Both Ecuador and Venezuela cut off relations with Colombia. The situation was further

complicated by Colombia’s announcement of recovered “FARC files” which they claimed

revealed FARC ties with foreign actors, including Chavez. The computer’s chain of custody was

interrupted and its whereabouts unknown for several hours after it was seized, and, when

recovered, files showed evidence of tampering. The files were contained inside a computer

which received extensive and often hyperbolic media coverage, to the point where it was

mockingly referred to by Colombians as the “magic computer”. After a vicious war of

words between the three leaders, a further escalation of tensions was avoided in the Rio Group

meeting on March 7 in the Dominican Republic, which marked Uribe, Chavez, and Correa

shaking hands and restoring relations 10. A Track II initiative sponsored by the Carter Center

and the OAS also sought to restore ties to normal. Even with the threat of war removed, the

danger of Colombia’s guerilla war to the region remained clear, yet by the end of Uribe’s

presidency there appeared to be little hope of a negotiated solution.



Uribe’s successor, Santos, echoed much of his predecessor’s rhetoric concerning the

conflict. Having served as Defense Minister under Uribe, Santos was a supporter of the

campaign against FARC and the guerillas. As defense minister under Uribe, he had been

involved with the falsos positivos killings by which peasants had been lured to remote parts

of the country with promise of work, massacred, then presented to the press as guerillas killed

in combat 11. Even so, his ascension to the Presidency was a welcome change for Chavez; the

two countries had once again cut off relations during Uribe’s last months. Santos and Chavez

promptly restored relations. Santos also began making overtures to Cuba as a possible venue

for potential peace talks. Santos’ decisions regarding Cuba and Venezuela reflected an

understanding on his part of the necessary ingredients for peace negotiations; the participation

of those countries was needed in order for the FARC to feel confident of its own involvement in

the talks.



It was during these years that the most progress was made towards a peace deal. With the

governments of Colombia, Venezuela, Cuba, Norway, and Chile, along with the FARC working

together there was growing optimism that a deal could soon be reached. Hugo Chavez especially

was highly committed to this; so much that after his death in March 2013 President Santos said

that “The best tribute that we can give to the memory of Hugo Chavez is accomplish his dream

that he shared with us all of reaching an accord for the end of the conflict and seeing a Colombia

in peace”.12



The FARC lead negotiator, Ivan Marquez, as well as the government lead negotiator,

Humberto De la Calle, both attempted to isolate themselves from developments occurring

outside the talks. This attitude was challenged by a number of developments. Unabated by

the talks, individual FARC commanders continued to launch attacks, while former President

Uribe turned on Santos and called him out for his “betrayal” for supporting the talks.

Pressure from the United States as well as media leaks over private details of the talks

threatened to sabotage the peace process. The outside challenges to the talks manifested

themselves with the 2014 elections, where an emboldened Uribe was leading an effort to

unseat Santos. His hand picked candidate used incendiary rhetoric in regards to the talks,

labeling FARC as “terrorists” and “the main drug cartel in the world”.



Aware of the delicate situation, FARC had declared two temporary ceasefires during the

elections, in a clear signal to the government of its desire for continued negotiations. It

evidently served as an acceptance of FARC of its “marriage” to the Santos government in their

joint bid for successful peace talks. The continuing Havana negotiations continued to employ a

variety of diplomatic tactics, including allowing victims of the conflict time with the negotiators,

and managed to make progress on issues such as the clearing of land mines and IEDs. Such

progress won support from international actors. However, issues in Colombia persisted and

occasional military conflicts still took place. In order to save the peace process, Cuba and

Norway proceeded to get tough on the parties, and pressured for greater de-escalation.



The calls for de-escalation ultimately succeeded as FARC ceased their attacks and Santos

ordered the cessation of attacks on the guerillas. Finally in September 2015, the two parties

reached an agreement on transitional justice that was described as “historic” by the Colombian

media. The agreement involved careful mediation over deeply dividing issues for the parties

involved. The negotiators, seeing themselves limited in their ability to find a compromise,

chose to delegate power over the issue to six designated jurists, who managed to craft a

resolution. The parties involved also made sure to incorporate positive press; on September 23,

Santos and FARC commander Timochenko shook hands with Raul Castro present. This was

seen as a decisive moment in the peace talks. But a definitive end to the conflict still had a

ways to go.



This was seen with the 2016 Peace Agreement Referendum, in which the No vote

narrowly defeated the Yes vote. This was a major political victory for Uribe, and left Santos

with limited authority for the remainder of his term. Political violence has not receded in the

aftermath of the peace agreement signing. Since the signing of the peace accord in September

2016 up until the present, according to INDEPAZ, 1,287 social leaders and 306 signers of the

peace accord have been killed. 13 The presence of a Colombian peace process is no guarantee

of actual peace for ordinary Colombian citizens. According to the Colombian Ombudsman’s

Office 1,863 civilians were assassinated in 1999, the first year of the original peace process that

lasted from 1999 to 2002. In recent years the violence has spilled over into neighboring

Venezuela. There has been a rise of prolific gangsters in Venezuela, with the most notable being

el Conejo. After a security operation in Aragua state, captured henchmen of el Conejo said that

they had received training and financing from Colombian paramilitaries. 14 The Caracas

neighborhood of Cota 905 is considered an important fulcrum for armed gangs that the

Venezuelan state believes to have ties to Colombian paramilitarism, led by the likes of el Vampi,

el Koki, and el Garbys. 15



With elections set to take place in May of this year to elect the next President of

Colombia, the role of center-left candidate Gustavo Petro is a central one for this election.

According to polls he is the center-left candidate with the greatest chance of winning since

Gaitan more than 70 years ago. This poses an uncomfortable dilemma for the country- can

a center-left candidate truly win in such a political climate given the obscenely routine practice

of political assassination in Colombia(Pizarro, Galan, Leal etc.)? 16 Over the past weeks reports

have come out of Colombia concerning payments that have been made to three hitmen totaling

around 1500 million pesos, or $365,539. The purpose of these payments is to kill Petro at a

public meeting in the department of Risaralda. The Petro campaign has also had to suspend

activities in a region due to threats from a paramilitary group known as La Cordillera. 17

President Ivan Duque has insisted that they are “strongholds” of the criminal groups.

From last Thursday, May 5, to Tuesday, May 10, the paramilitary group the

Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia, or Gaitanistas, declared an armed work stoppage to

protest the extradition of their leader, Otoniel, to the US on drug trafficking charges. The

Gaitanistas cynically named after Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, even though their politics are the

opposite of what Gaitan stood for. This armed siege of Colombian territories, especially, but

not only, in the north, shows that the organization is cohesive on a national scale. They killed

at least 26 persons and managed to paralyze and frighten up to 178 municipalities in 11

departments, according to figures from the JEP’s Investigation and Accusation Unit. 18

To aggravate the situation, for months Mexican drug cartels appear to have been shipping

high-powered weapons to Colombia to purchase shipments of cocaine; it is believed that there

are more weapons in the hands of civilians than the army itself. 19 At the same time, it is

disturbing that with less than a month to go before the presidential elections in Colombia,

President Ivan Duque has given a salary increase to the Colombian police of more than 35%,

the highest in more than 29 years. The police generally act brutally against peaceful protests

and in many cases have close relationships with different paramilitary groups. 20



It would be a catastrophe if Gaitan’s case were repeated after 74 years. At this critical

moment, the international community must accompany the Colombian people and must be

alert to any eventuality that could cause a new wave of violence that could have undesirable

and unpredictable consequences for Colombia and the entire region. The Colombian people

are already tired of violence and deserve to live in peace.

https://afgj.org/elections-loom-large-over-colombia

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290 Colombian municipalities are at extreme risk a few days before the presidential

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The Colombian Ombudsman's Office commented that the increase in alert municipalities is due to the actions of the ELN and the Clan del Golfo. | Photo: @DefensoriaCol
Published May 20, 2022

The Ombudsman's Office indicated that the departments with the highest number of municipalities with extreme risk are Cauca, Nariño, Chocó, Norte de Santander and Antioquia.

A little more than a week before the presidential elections in Colombia, the Ombudsman's Office warned that at least 290 municipalities in the country are at extreme risk amid fears due to the recent actions of the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the criminal group of the Gulf Clan.

According to the Colombian entity, of the 521 municipalities analyzed, 290 present extreme and high risk of violation of the rights of the population, 16 more than those registered in February of this year.

According to the Early Warning Monitoring Report 004-2022, between February and May, the municipalities classified as extreme risk increased from 79 to 84, while the municipalities classified as high risk of violations of The residents' rights.


The Ombudsman's Office pointed out that the Colombian departments with the highest number of municipalities with extreme risk are Cauca (16), Nariño (14), Chocó (nine), Norte de Santander (eight) and Antioquia (seven).

The ombudsman, Carlos Camargo, commented that the increase in the number of municipalities on alert was caused by the actions of the ELN and the Clan del Golfo, particularly in the departments of Magdalena, Córdoba, Sucre, Bolívar, Chocó and Antioquia.


Carlos Camargo said that there is concern about the presence of various illegal armed groups that are vying for control of illicit activities, including drug trafficking, illegal mining and extortion, among others.

Colombia is going through moments of uncertainty days before the presidential elections, in which the leftist candidate Gustavo Petro, who leads the voting intention, has denounced threats that put his life at risk.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0006.html

They denounce the murder of a Colombian ex-combatant in Bogotá

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Indepaz indicated that with the murder of Gerardo González Correa, Colombia adds 21 signatories murdered during 2022. | Photo: URPI-LR
Published May 20, 2022 (7 hours 2 minutes ago)

The Comunes party lamented the murder of ex-combatant Gerardo González Correa in a district of the Colombian capital.

The attacks and crimes against the signatories of the peace agreement in Colombia do not stop, when the murder of ex-combatant Gerardo González Correa is reported in Ciudad Bolívar, Bogotá.

The Institute of Studies for Development and Peace (Indepaz) denounced on Thursday that ex-combatant González Correa was shot dead by unknown assailants in the village of Mochuelo Bajo, located in the town of Ciudad Bolívar.

According to Indepaz, at the time of his murder, Gerardo González Correa was in the process of reinserting himself into society, in the ARN Territorial Group, Rafael Uribe Uribe.

The Comunes party lamented the murder of the 31-year-old ex-combatant in a district of the Colombian capital, also demanding the implementation of the points of the peace agreement, signed in 2016.


The Colombian Ombudsman had issued an alert indicating that in the metropolitan region of Bogotá, there have been threats and harassment of ex-combatants by irregular armed groups with a presence in the areas of the Colombian capital.

Indepaz indicated that with the murder of ex-combatant Gerardo González Correa, Colombia adds 21 signatories killed during 2022 and 320 since the signing of the peace agreements in August 2016.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/asesinan ... -0039.html

Google Translator

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Colombian Leftist Senator-Elect Escapes Attempt Unscathed

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Paulino Riascos (L) at a rally, Colombia, May 2022. | Photo: Twitter/ @GloArizabaleta

This incident adds to the threats against members of the Historical Pact, one of which included an explosive device planted at the Alliance's headquarters in the municipality of Bello.

On Sunday night, senator-elect Paulino Riascos was the victim of an attack while picking up his wife and children at a relative's house.

At the place where he was, "three men arrived in a luxurious van asking for a person no one knew... when they got into the van, one of them drew a pistol and pointed it at me," the Historical Pact politician assured in a complaint filed with the authorities.

“One of my bodyguards reacted and fired two shots. They fled," the leftist leader said, adding that that reaction gave him time to get to safety by entering the house.

Paulino Riascos is a social leader from the Pacific coast and president of the Afro-Colombian Democratic Alliance Political Party (ADA). This journalist will be part of the caucus of the Historical Pact alliance in the next legislature.


This incident adds to the threats against members of the Historical Pact, one of which included an explosive device planted at the Alliance's headquarters in the municipality of Bello.

The progressive coalition has asked the regime of President Ivan Duque to provide electoral guarantees and protect the lives of its leaders, candidates, voters, and supporters.

Through a recent public letter, for example, 50 Historical Pact lawmakers requested guarantees for the safety of presidential candidate Gustavo Petro and vice-presidential candidate Francia Marquez.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0017.html
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Sun May 22, 2022 5:32 pm

Vice-presidential candidate of Colombia denounces act of intimidation

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"They will not shut us up! Our fight is and has always been against all types of violence that seek to sow fear in us," said Márquez. | Photo: Screenshot
Published May 22, 2022

Petro called the other presidential candidates to a meeting to defend democracy against attempts to prevent the elections.

The candidate for the vice presidency of Colombia for the Historical Pact, Francia Márquez, denounced on Saturday night that she had been the victim of an act of intimidation when she offered a campaign speech in Bogotá, the capital of the South American country.

The Colombian politician was on top of a platform in the Parque de los Periodistas de Bogotá, when a laser began to point at her from a nearby building, for which elements of her security protected her and lowered her from the pavilion.

“During the commemoration of Afro-Colombianity Day, they wanted to intimidate me by pointing a laser at me from a nearby building,” Márquez denounced in a message posted on his official Twitter social network account.


"They will not shut us up! Our fight is and has always been against all types of violence that seek to instill fear in us. Peace will win!” said the running mate of presidential candidate Gustavo Petro, who leads the polls ahead of the May 29 elections.

The candidates of the leftist coalition Historical Pact have denounced on several occasions having received several threats during this electoral process.


Petro, when making his campaign closing this Saturday in the city of Barranquilla, called the other presidential candidates to a meeting this Monday to defend democracy against attempts that seek to prevent the elections on Sunday 29.

“Here I summon in this public square, in this crowded street, all the political campaigns currently in competition, the Sergio Fajardo campaign, the Rodolfo Hernández campaign, the Historical Pact campaign, to be on alert. ”, he mentioned.


“I call you to meet on Monday because on Tuesday they plan to hit the elections (…), suspend the elections, they plan to suspend the bodies that direct the electoral regime in Colombia,” Petro assured.

If no candidate for the presidency of Colombia for the 2022-2026 period obtains 50 percent plus one of the votes on election day, a second round will be held on June 19 between the two most voted candidates.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0002.html

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Piedad Córdoba Suggests Petro to Promote a Peace and Non-Aggression Treaty with Venezuela
May 21, 2022

Piedad Córdoba, former senator of Colombia and renowned social leader, has proposed the establishment of an international treaty between Colombia and its neighboring countries that would prevent the sponsoring of paramilitary groups or the invasion by foreign armies in the signatory nations.

The former senator suggested to presidential candidate Gustavo Petro, that if he gets elected as president of Colombia, he should promote a Peace and Non-Aggression Treaty with Venezuela.

Córdoba announced this on Thursday, May 19, in a message posted on her Twitter account, together with a formal written proposal, titled Colombia: Power of Life. The document consists of four points.

Point 4 of Córdoba’s proposal, called “Peace without borders,” deals with Colombia’s neighboring countries, and refers specifically to Venezuela.

She wrote that the foreign policy of the new government of the country must aim to establish an international peace agreement regardless of the ideological position of the government of the neighboring country.

Such a peace agreement must prevent the sponsoring of paramilitary groups or foreign armies that could attack the signatory states.

Córdoba emphasized that the treaty must also guarantee that there should be no interference of any kind that could contribute to the prolonging of the war in Colombia.

Córdoba pointed out that Colombia should sign such a pact with all of its neighbors, including Nicaragua, on which depends the subsistence of the Raizal Afro-Colombian communities of Colombia’s Caribbean islands.

The proposal also states that, “in harmony with a new diplomatic policy, the new government needs to promote the easing of tensions and the demilitarization of the region.”

The other three points of the proposal refer to the full implementation of the Havana Peace Accords. It states that dialogue should continue to be the route: peace with everyone; and a comprehensive policy of dismantling paramilitarism.

In Córdoba’s opinion, this step would put the new Colombian government in tune with the proposals of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).

https://orinocotribune.com/piedad-cordo ... venezuela/

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Why Are Colombian Election Candidates Auditioning in Washington?
May 20, 2022
By Roger D. Harris – May 19, 2022

Staging a vice-presidential candidates debate in the runup to Colombia’s May 29th national elections was entirely appropriate. Nevertheless, the location of the event in Washington and its promotion by US-state functionaries requires some explanation. Because of its venue and sponsors, the affair had elements of an audition or a vetting process overseen by the US government.

Along with the Washington consensus crowd, members of the Colombian diaspora attended the May 13th event, especially supporters of popular vice-presidential candidate Francia Márquez. Afro-descendant environmentalist Márquez is running with presidential candidate Gustavo Petro. Their front-running ticket could be the first administration on the left in Colombian history.

Vice-presidential debate hosts

The debate was hosted by the US Institute of Peace, a federal agency entirely funded by the US Congress. The board of the institute must by law include the US secretaries of defense and state along with the head of the Pentagon’s National Defense University. Activities include spreading “peace” in such oases of made-in-the-USA tranquility as Iraq, Sudan, Afghanistan, and Libya.

If these officials pass for peacemakers in Washington’s inside-the-beltway world, who, one might ask, would be left to lead a military academy? Answer: the very same people, which is entirely the point of a US government “peace” agency.

Co-hosts of the event were the Atlantic Council and the Woodrow Wilson Center. The former is known as “NATO’s think tank.” Its board of honorary directors is composed of four former secretaries of defense, three former secretaries of state, a former head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and a former Homeland Security official.

The Woodrow Wilson Center is a semi-governmental entity, whose current head, Mark Andrew Green, was executive director of the McCain Institute for International Leadership and before that head of the CIA front organization USAID. Rounding out their board are Betsy DeVos, Trump’s secretary of education, and Antony Blinken, Biden’s current secretary of state.

Colombia – US client state

Colombia is the leading client state of the US in the Americas. The South American nation was touted by both Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden in their US presidential campaigns as a model for the rest of Latin America. This so-called model nation was partially paralyzed for four days starting on May 5 when the private paramilitary group Clan del Golfo imposed a national armed strike in retaliation for the extradition to the US of its leader on drug trafficking charges.

Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, for example, boasted in 2013 in reference to Colombia’s regional role as a US client state: “If somebody called my country the Israel of Latin America, I would be very proud. I admire the Israelis, and I would consider that as a compliment.”

According to the Task Force on the Americas, Colombia has been turned into a regional US military and political staging area. Plan Colombia and Plan Patriota constructed one of the most sophisticated armies in the world even though Colombia has no external wars.

As the US’s leading regional proxy, Colombia is appropriately a land of superlatives. It is the leading recipient of US military and foreign aid in the hemisphere. According to Colombian academic Rena Vegas, the US has approximately 50 military units along with US agencies, headed by the CIA and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), which “operate daily and freely to intervene in the country.”

Also, not inconsequently, Colombia is the most dangerous place to be a union activist. North American corporations there (e.g., Chiquita, Coca Cola, Drummond) have employed paramilitaries to do their dirty work.

Colombia likewise gets the largest allocation of DEA funds. Also, not inconsequently, it is the world’s largest source of illicit cocaine, according to the CIA. The US war on drugs in Colombia has served as a smokescreen for massive repression against popular movements by the country’s military and allied paramilitary organizations.

In 2017, Colombia became one of NATO’s Global Partners and its first in Latin American. In February, Colombia conducted a provocative joint naval drill with NATO near Venezuela, which included a nuclear submarine. Then on March 10, Colombia became a “Major Non-NATO Ally” of the US, giving the narco-state special access to military programs. Biden explained: “This is a recognition of the unique and close relationship between our countries.”

Summit of the Americas

In short, Colombia is the poster child for the US Monroe Doctrine, an assertion of US hegemony over the hemisphere dating back to 1823. Biden recently made a cosmetic change to the Monroe Doctrine risibly proclaiming that our southern neighbors are no longer in our “backyard” but rather in our “front yard.”

However, many Latin American and Caribbean nations believe that they are sovereign countries. So Biden’s recent call for a Summit of the Americas in Los Angeles on June 6-10, which would exclude Nicaragua, Cuba, and Venezuela, faces significant pushback. Mexican President Lopez Obrador said he’ll shun the meeting along with the heads of state of over a dozen Caribbean countries, Bolivia, Guatemala, and possibly Brazil.

Over half of the chief execs in the Americas have tentatively spurned the imperial summons. Unless Biden makes amends or more likely twists some arms, he’ll find Los Angeles a lonely place.

Meanwhile, counter-summits have been organized by social movements in Los Angeles on June 8-10 and followed by another in Tijuana on June 10-12, which may be attended by nationals barred from entering the US.

Colombia’s relations with Venezuela

Colombia has served as the main staging ground for US destabilization efforts against Venezuela. Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro accused Colombian President Iván Duque of plotting to sow unrest through the targeted killing of Venezuelan security forces along their shared border. A year ago, US-backed mercenaries trained in Colombia were caught in Venezuela before they could follow through on their plan to assassinate the Venezuelan president.

Despite tremendous pressure from the US, the leading Colombian presidential candidate, Gustavo Petro, has stated that he intends to restore relations with neighboring Venezuela. Nevertheless, Petro has regularly made critical remarks about Venezuela, a country slated for regime change by Washington. While not mentioning Petro by name, Venezuelan President Maduro has called those who capitulate to US pressures “the cowardly regional left.”

More recently Petro falsely characterized political prisoner Alex Saab of being allied with the far right. Venezuelan diplomat Saab is currently imprisoned in the US even though he should be afforded diplomatic immunity from prosecution under the Vienna Convention. The Venezuelan National Assembly unanimously passed a resolution condemning Saab’s treatment as what its president, Jorge Rodríguez, called an “act of immeasurable hypocrisy” by the US.

Petro/Márquez campaign survives assignation attempts

Given the domination of Colombia by its US-backed military, Petro is concerned not only about winning the election but surviving afterward. Both Petro and his running mate Márquez have already survived assassination attempts on the campaign trail.

Breaking the constitutional requirement for neutrality by the armed forces, the commander of the Colombian army issued a direct attack against Petro. This prompted Medellín’s mayor to warn: “We are one step away from a coup.”

Petro, a former leftist guerilla and onetime mayor of Bogotá, has since shifted toward the center politically. But in comparison to the far-right rule of former President Álvaro Uribe and his successors in Colombia, Petro and Márquez appear relatively left and their election would be a sea change for the better.

Colombia has had leftist candidates assassinated – that is the genesis of the guerilla opposition – but none have survived to assume the presidential office. The win would be a necessary step in the left’s long struggle to free their troubled country from its erstwhile subjugation to the colossus to the north. Then, perhaps, their political candidates won’t feel compelled to audition in Washington.

https://orinocotribune.com/why-are-colo ... ashington/

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Candidate Íngrid Betancourt leaves Colombia's presidential race

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The centrist candidate dropped out of the presidential race and decided to support Rodolfo Hernández, who has grown in support recently. | Photo: @IBetancourtCol
Published May 21, 2022

Betancourt urged other centrist groups to join Hernández's campaign, to bring a centrist to the runoff election.

Presidential candidate Íngrid Betancourt announced this Friday that she is leaving her career as head of state in Colombia in the upcoming elections on May 29 and expressed her support for candidate Rodolfo Hernández (of the Anti-Corruption Governors League).

“I have made the decision to support the only candidate who can defeat the system today,” declared the centrist former mayor of Bucaramanga (2016-2019), referring to Hernández, who in several polls strongly disputes candidate Fico for second place. Gutierrez (Team for Colombia).

"The engineer would be the only candidate with a chance of defeating Gustavo Petro in a second round," adds the joint statement after joining Hernández and reviving the Verde Oxígeno party.


The now ex-candidate had a support of 6 percent of the voters, according to the voting intention measurement of the most recent polls.

According to local media, Betancourt, a Colombian-French national, was kidnapped for six years by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP). She was first a member of the Verde Esperanza coalition and before launching her candidacy alone, she had a fight with her comrades.

The axis of his electoral speech was the fight against corruption, a scourge considered the country's biggest problem by nearly 80 percent of Colombians. With this same idea, she was a candidate in 2002, but she was unable to position herself. Her main message is the idea that all rulers are corrupt.

Betancourt is the second candidate to abandon the race for the Presidency of Colombia, since on May 11 the former mayor of Medellín, Luis Pérez Gutiérrez, also gave up the candidacy for the Liberal Party.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ingrid-b ... -0004.html

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Thu May 26, 2022 1:57 pm

Colombian presidential elections will change the course of the country
Ahead of the presidential elections in Colombia on May 29, we spoke to Carlos Ramírez of the Congreso de los Pueblos, to understand what the victory of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez means for the social and popular movements in the country

May 25, 2022 by Tanya Wadhwa

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Campaign closing ceremony of the Historic Pact ticket. Photo: Gustavo Petro

Colombia is on the brink of a historic moment. On May 29, over 38 million Colombians will go to the polls to elect the country’s next president and vice-president for the period 2022-2026. The upcoming presidential elections will offer Colombians an opportunity to achieve the long-delayed social changes that they have been aspiring for decades.

In March, Colombians elected 168 members of the House of Representatives and 108 members of the Senate. For the first time in the country’s modern history, a large number of citizens voted for left-wing, center-left and centrist representatives. Meanwhile, the right-wing and center-right parties lost scores of seats in both houses, narrowly retaining the majority. Sunday’s vote provides Colombians with another chance to choose candidates who advocate for social justice.

A total of eight candidates are contesting in the presidential race, along with their running mates on the same ticket. A candidate needs over 50% of the vote to win outright in the first round. If no candidate receives a simple majority, a run-off will be held between the two leading candidates on June 19. The new president and vice-president will take office on August 7.

According to various opinion polls, the candidates who are leading the voting intention include Gustavo Petro of the left-wing Historic Pact coalition, Federico Gutiérrez of the right-wing Team for Colombia coalition, independent Rodolfo Hernández of the League of Anti-Corruption Governors movement and Sergio Fajardo of the centrist Hope Center coalition. The majority of polls suggest that the decision will be taken in the second round with a contest between progressive Petro and conservative Gutiérrez.

The last opinion poll conducted by the Latin American Strategic Center for Geopolitics (CELAG) shows that Gustavo Petro of the Historic Pact presidential ticket with Francia Márquez, is leading with 48% of votes. He is followed by Hernández with 21.8%, Gutiérrez with 21.4%, and Fajardo with 5.1% of the votes.

61-year-old Petro is a renowned progressive leader and has served the country from various positions. This is Petro’s third bid to become president. In 2010, he won the primary elections as the Alternative Democratic Pole candidate and finished fourth in the race. In 2018, he narrowly lost the run-off election to outgoing President Iván Duque. This time, he is in a better position than he was in 2018. He is running with 40-year-old Afro-descendant environmental activist and lawyer, Francia Márquez. According to political experts, Márquez strengthens Petro’s prospects of winning the presidency as she represents the forgotten marginalized Afro-descendant and Indigenous communities and brings the proposals of social movements to the fore.

To understand the current political situation of Colombia and what the victory of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez means for the social and popular movements in the country, we spoke to Carlos Ramírez, an activist and communications coordinator of the Congreso de los Pueblos (People’s Congress), a social and political movement launched in 2010.

Peoples Dispatch: How do you see the upcoming elections in light of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez leading the voting intention?

Carlos Ramírez: As a movement, we have been developing different scenarios of discussion, dialogue and analysis of the current political moment in which the presidential elections are being held, including the parliamentary elections that we had recently. In this sense, it is important to analyze and review not only the electoral process itself, but to see it in the context of a process of mobilization and advancement of social and popular struggles, demanding basic rights.

In this regard, we consider this to be a historic moment. Seldom the country has had the possibility of having a president and a vice-president who do not directly represent the interests of the great power of national and transnational capital. Given the fact, without a doubt, this is a historic moment in which we are also taking part with great vigor.

PD: Do you think that with the assumption of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez to power, it will be possible to bring about the much-needed structural changes in the country?

CR: We understand that the possibility of structural changes to happen does not exist because there will only be a change of the president. The country’s economic, political and military powers are deeply anchored to the powers of the national and transnational right-wing. Colombia’s dependence in terms of trade agreements; political, economic and military relationships with NATO for example, with the United States mainly; the ideological similarities with them; and the power structures in Colombia make a structural change impossible to contemplate at this moment. We insist that it is not because Petro and Francia do not have the will, but because there are no favorable conditions or capacity or correlation of force that allows structural changes.

PD: How do you see Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez as presidential and vice-presidential candidates, respectively?

CR: It is paramount to remember and insist that Gustavo Petro is not a leftist. He himself constantly makes it clear that he is not a left-wing person. He is certainly an alternative person, a leader who defends what is outlined in the constitution with respect to social rights. This is a major progress in Colombia, but he is not a left-wing person. We understand that as I said earlier that the correlation of force in many aspects is not favorable, but it is also essential to recognize Gustavo Petro’s achievements in terms of transformations of the capitalist, patriarchal, neoliberal, and colonial system that continues to operate in Colombia and in the region.

However, it is quite significant that Francia Márquez has managed to position herself as a vice-presidential candidate. It was not a gift, it was not a donation, it was her conquest and of a large part of the social and popular movement that she represents as a Black woman, linked to or coming from popular sectors, territorial defense struggles, the struggles in defense of the rights of the Indigenous peoples, in defense of mother earth. In this sense, her arrival to power, the position that France Marquez has achieved as an ideological, emotional, and spiritual representative, has been remarkable. We certainly see it as part of this historic moment.

PD: How do you see the potential arrival of Petro and Márquez in office for the region and the country?

CR: The possible arrival in government of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez would undoubtedly be vital to provide fresh air for the region, for relations with Venezuela, with Cuba, that we consider beneficial.

It will also, without a doubt, in some way, allow us to deintensify the situation of violence in the country. We believe that it may be a propitious moment to strengthen the mechanisms of protest and mobilization, which we believe are fundamental and not to be abandoned, but deepened and radicalized increasingly. It must also be a moment to strengthen a popular organization and building of sovereign, popular governments in the territories. We believe that it is crucial to deepen people’s sovereignty in the territories. We understand it is key to transformation. This leg in the government and many others in the streets is our main way in this scenario.

PD: Do you think that the deteriorating situation of violence in Colombia will alleviate to some extent under the Petro-Márquez government?

CR: We understand that this political period, not just the current situation, is marked by an increase in violence. We believe that in a scenario of the Petro-Márquez government or in a scenario of another government of the candidates of the right who are currently contesting the presidency, with one or the other, violence will increase. That’s because a large part of the powers that defend violence, drug trafficking, and paramilitarism in the territories, the national armed forces, do not really depend on whether there is a left-wing president or right-wing president.

In this sense, we prepare ourselves for an increase in violence that involves criminalization, assassination of social leaders, forced displacement, increase in drug trafficking, this political model of control in favor of the right in the country. Given this, we believe that whether Petro wins or not, in our immediate future, in the next two, three, five years, we must work to contain this violence and simultaneously strengthen people’s organization in the territories.

PD: Is there anything that you would like to add?

CR: I would like to raise some alerts that we have identified in the dialogue, discussion, reflection processes that we are developing. The number one is that in the case of a socialist government like that of Petro and Márquez, we have seen and learned it from the experience of governments in sister nations, that the social movements and popular struggles part of a leadership sometimes risk getting trapped in institutionality and lose their popular character. Undoubtedly, we believe that we must participate, work, and dispute in institutional and electoral spaces, but without losing the strategic character of popular struggle.

The second alarm is that when a progressive government in power, the intensity of social discontent, the capacity to mobilize, is reduced because we assume that the government is an ally, an alternative. The decrease in mobilization and social pressure serves as a soft hand to allow governments to continue introducing neoliberal measures, extractivist models and colonial and imperialist policies, which continue to run Colombia. We insist that whether Petro wants it or not, whether Francia wants it or not, the correlation of force in this country, in this region is still in favor of an imperialist, capitalist, patriarchal, and colonial model.

The third warning is that the Historic Pact government plans to go ahead with the reform that seeks to restrict social protests, and uses the same reason as the right-wing to justify it, which is that the crisis the country faces is the fault of the radical, left-wing, “Castro-Chavismo” sectors that do not work anywhere in the world. The issue is that this argument serves as an excuse to reinforce another right-wing government in the next presidential elections.

We understand that we must continue fighting so that it becomes a good government and works toward improving life in concrete terms, such as food security, education, health, pensions for the elderly, and guaranteeing minimum basic measures that can alleviate the situation in the country. and also progressively try to bring about some structural changes, for example, the issue of extractivism, the issue of the economic model as a whole.

It should consider ways out of the conflict, not only social, economic, but also the armed conflict, the military conflict that Colombia has been enduring for too many decades. At this time, there are still very important insurgencies such as the National Liberation Army (ELN), the group of the former FARC combatants that have taken up arms again, there are other more powerful paramilitary and drug trafficking groups. In the face of this scenario of structural armed conflict, military conflict, we must seek solutions through dialogue and negotiations, so that it allows us to advance toward a sovereign Colombia, a Colombia with higher levels of dignity and equity, not only for Colombians, but for the region, for our America.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2022/05/25/ ... e-country/

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Candidates for the Presidency of Colombia debate on health and safety

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As a prelude to the first electoral round, Gustavo Petro, Federico Gutiérrez and Sergio Fajardo explained some of their ideas and proposals. | Photo: @ELTIEMPO
Published May 24, 2022

During the debate, the candidates had the opportunity to ask their rivals questions on various topics.

The candidates for the presidency of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, Sergio Fajardo and Federico Gutiérrez held a debate on Monday focused on Health, Safety and other topics of interest to Colombians.

Initially, the debate would have the presence of candidate Rodolfo Hernández, who announced at the last minute that he would not be able to attend the meeting with his rivals for the Colombian presidency.

As a prelude to the first round of the elections on May 29, Gustavo Petro, Federico Gutiérrez and Sergio Fajardo explained some of their ideas and proposals so that Colombians have detailed and objective information when they cast their vote.


During the debate, the candidates had the opportunity to ask their rivals questions on various topics that were not on the question agenda.

Health Reform
When consulting them on the matter of Health, Petro, Fajardo and Gutiérrez expressed their points of view and opted for a reform of the current system in the South American country.

Candidate Sergio Fajardo indicated that he will reject the EPS. His proposal in health will be focused on public health, on prevention, which will be a task of the State.


"We have to define the role of EPS in public health," he said. And he pointed out that they are going to focus on a health model in the territory. Among other things, he spoke of improving the working conditions of health personnel and strengthening the area of ​​research.

For his part, Gustavo Petro agreed on territorializing health, which is bringing the necessary medical personnel to remote regions.


Petro commented that the key to his proposal is prevention and added that there will be a fund that will receive public money and contributions, without intermediaries, to distribute the money directly to public and private entities.

The candidate Federico Gutiérrez recognized like Petro and Fajardo that the key is prevention. However, he pointed out that he is not going to end the EPS, but rather make sure that they comply. On the other hand, he said that the working conditions of medical personnel must improve.

National unity
Another of the points touched on in the debate was that of national unity, the candidate Federico Gutiérrez, emphasized that if he is the winner, he will have a permanent social dialogue with different sectors and assured that he will guarantee social protest.


Gutiérrez also spoke of the difference between the union that he proposes and that of "social forgiveness", which Gustavo Petro promotes.

For his part, Gustavo Petro said that social forgiveness will be given by the victims and added that the criterion of national unity would consist of endowing society with powers and rights, which consists of restoring universal rights to historically marginalized populations.


Meanwhile, Sergio Fajardo stated that "he will never join if he reaches the Presidency from polarization." He pointed out that whoever leads the country has the responsibility to behave to set an example.

Gustavo Petro, Sergio Fajardo and Federico Gutiérrez also gave their opinion on the polls and leaks in the campaign teams and on the possibility of fraud in the presidential elections on May 29.

The latest presidential polls have revealed that Gustavo Petro continues to lead the polls, the former mayor of Bucaramanga, Rodolfo Hernández is getting closer to Federico Gutiérrez, former mayor of Medellín.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0004.html

27 international groups will observe the Colombian elections

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The Colombian national registrar said that all guarantees have been given for citizens to vote. | Photo: AA
Published May 26, 2022 (3 hours 52 minutes ago)

The national registrar maintained that everything is guaranteed so that next Sunday's elections take place normally.

The National Registry of Colombia, the entity in charge of organizing electoral processes in the country, announced on Wednesday that the presidential elections next Sunday will be accompanied by at least 27 international organizations.

"More than 27 international organizations will be present in Colombia to provide technical support and electoral observation during the elections on May 29, in which the president and vice president of the republic will be elected for the period 2022-2026," reported the national registrar, Alexander Vega Roche.

Vega Rocha added that this is a way to seek clarity for the process and clarified that as international organizations they will be able to give an impartial opinion and "leave concepts that help the electoral process."


The official said that by the entity that represents everything is guaranteed so that the elections take place normally, since the objectives set out in the program have been met and they have worked since March 14 accompanying the electoral campaigns.

"Not only guarantees for the candidates, but, above all, guarantees for the citizenry, so that the vote is exercised," he added.

The Registrar General detailed that so far there are eight international electoral observation missions, which are the European Union, the Organization of American States, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (United States), the Advisory Center and Electoral Promotion (Mexico).

In addition to Electoral Transparency (Argentina), the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (headquarters in Sweden) and the Association of World Election Bodies (South Korea).

For a week these missions will be accompanying the elections and on May 29 they will be aware of the elections from different points, some of which, according to the Colombian Registry, will have biometric tools and other advanced software.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0003.html

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US Meddling in Colombia’s Election, Warns Left-Wing Vice Presidential Candidate Francia Márquez

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Colombian vice-presidential candidate Francia Márquez, of the left-wing Pacto Histórico coalition

By Benjamin Norton – May 17, 2022

The top vice presidential candidate for Colombia’s May elections, Francia Márquez, called out the US government for meddling in the electoral process. The left-wing activist criticized the war on drugs, militarization, and “free trade,” calling for land reform and reparations.

The vice presidential candidate for the leading ticket in Colombia’s May elections has accused the US government of meddling in her country’s internal politics to hurt the left wing.

Francia Márquez is an activist from the grassroots social movements of the Afro-Colombian community. She is the vice presidential candidate for the left-wing Pacto Histórico (“Historic Pact”) coalition, whose presidential candidate Gustavo Petro is leading by double digits in major polls in the weeks before the May 29 vote.

Márquez criticized the US ambassador to Colombia for publicly claiming that Russia, Venezuela, and Cuba are trying to sabotage her country’s election.

“Although [the US ambassador] did not mention the Pacto Histórico, although he did not mention Gustavo Petro, it is obvious that he was referring to our candidacy and our political campaign,” Márquez said.

“This is a direct intervention by the government of the United States through the ambassador in the elections,” she stressed.

She also called out the US government’s double standards, noting that Washington maintained “absolute silence” when the top general in Colombia’s military violated his country’s constitution and meddled in its electoral process by openly attacking the leading presidential candidate, Petro.

“I think they keep silent on certain things, but they speak out and publish statements on others, and I think that is not an impartial attitude. I think that that is a very negative message for Colombian democracy,” Márquez said.

She called for the US government to show “respect” and “neutrality” to Colombia.

Márquez made these comments in the heart of Washington, DC itself, at an event organized by the United States Institute of Peace, an influential US government-affiliated think tank.


The institute’s May 13 forum featured vice-presidential candidates for Colombia’s May elections, and was livestreamed on the organization’s YouTube channel.

The event also featured prominent figures from the Woodrow Wilson Center and Atlantic Council, two highly influential US government-funded think tanks in Washington.

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Francia Márquez speaking in Washington at the US Institute of Peace

Leading Colombian vice-presidential candidate criticizes US free-trade deal, militarization, drug war

Because Francia Márquez was speaking in the heart of Washington, she made sure to reassure the audience many times that a Colombian government under her leadership would seek to maintain close relations with the United States.

But despite her diplomatic reassurances, Márquez was strikingly blunt about her vision for a much more progressive Colombia.

She proposed a political model directly opposed to what she called the “ultra-right-wing” Uribista movement, which has dominated Colombian politics for two decades, since the rise to power of former president Álvaro Uribe, who is deeply involved in drug trafficking and paramilitary groups.

Márquez even called out Washington’s double standards toward her country.

She criticized the free trade agreement signed between the US and Colombia, noting it has weakened the South American nation’s economic sovereignty, hurt domestic agriculture, and made it reliant on food imports.

“I think there is a need to do a bilateral review of the deal, and an evaluation of the impact in these 10 years since the signing of the free-trade agreement between Colombia and the United States,” she proposed.

Márquez pledged her government would prioritize strengthening Colombia’s sovereignty, especially its food sovereignty by boosting internal agricultural production.

Warning about the horrific rates of violence in Colombia, especially targeting grassroots activists, Márquez likewise denounced the militarization of her country via Plan Colombia.

The US-sponsored war on drugs has been a failure, she emphasized, that “has served in Colombia to leave dead people in our lands and economic resources in the banks of the financial system.”

She argued that organized crime and the drug trade must be treated as social problems, with roots in poverty and a lack of opportunities.

Márquez said the country should move toward the legalization and commercialization of drugs, to remove this key generator of violence, while also strengthening the economy and providing jobs for people in the countryside.

Colombia needs much more “social investment,” Márquez stressed. She promised to spend more money on public education, healthcare, and programs to combat climate change.

In her remarks, Márquez called for “distributive justice” and “historical reparations” for marginalized communities in the country, such as Afro-Colombians and Indigenous peoples.

The vice-presidential candidate pushed back against the idea that “polarization” is the problem in Colombia, arguing that this narrative was created by the people who have governed for decades. The real issue, she said, is that Colombians have been oppressed by the wealthy economic and political elites.

She even announced that Colombia would re-establish formal diplomatic relations with Venezuela, if the Pacto Histórico wins the election.

Her running mate, presidential candidate Gustavo Petro, has been extremely critical of Venezuela in his public statements and speeches. But Márquez made it clear that Colombia would still have formal diplomatic relations with its neighbor, stressing that this is necessary to stabilize the region and strengthen the economy.

‘This is a direct intervention by the US government through its ambassador in the elections’
Given the environment, at a US government-sponsored think tank in Washington, surrounded by US government operatives, Francia Márquez was careful to emphasize that her administration would maintain good relations with the United States. But she was also willing to criticize Washington.

“We know about lobbies created by the ultra-right-wing here in the United States to, first of all, disinform,” she said.

Márquez noted that this ultra-right-wing has spread numerous false claims about her, Gustavo Petro, and the Pacto Histórico.

Among them, she explained, is “the story of ‘Castrochavismo,’ and making the United States believe that Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez coming to power is a threat for Colombia.”

“I think that the real threat is Uribismo, which has kept us subjugated for 20 years to an insecurity that has only resulted in deaths, that has only fueled the armed conflict,” Márquez argued.

“It was not Gustavo Petro, or Francia Márquez, or the Pacto Histórico that opposed peace in Colombia. It was not our movement that was opposed to peace in Colombia. Those who decided to tear peace to shreds in Colombia is this government.”

That government, led by current right-wing President Iván Duque, “comes here and speaks kindly in the United States. It comes here to push its politics,” she said.

But “the reality is that every day we are dealing with death in Colombia,” she contrasted. “The reality is that every day social leaders are buried. The reality is that every day youth are killed in Colombia. The reality is that femicide does not stop.”

Márquez continued: “And that is what has us worried, because that narrative has been echoed here. And we saw a statement by the ambassador of the United States government, of President Biden, say that they had information about possible funding and meddling by the governments of Russia and Venezuela in the elections in Colombia.”

The US ambassador, Philip Goldberg, warned in an interview on May 12 of potential “interference by Russians, Venezuelans, or Cubans in the elections.”

Márquez condemned these comments, stating, “Although [the US ambassador] did not mention the Pacto Histórico, although he did not mention Gustavo Petro, it is obvious that he was referring to our candidacy and our political campaign.”

“This is a direct intervention by the government of the United States through the ambassador in the elections,” she emphasized.

Márquez also criticized the US government’s double standards in its public comments on Colombian politics.

In April, the top general of Colombia’s military, Eduardo Zapateiro, who is closely affiliated with the right-wing, violated the neutrality that the armed forces are supposed to maintain by openly on Twitter attacking left-wing presidential candidate Gustavo Petro.

Márquez pointed out that the US embassy was silent about this flagrant military attack on the integrity of the elections.

I have “a worry about the US government’s silence about the armed forces in terms of the message sent by General Zapateiro, in the sense that that message violated the political constitution, in that military officers cannot participate in politics in Colombia,” she said.

“And there is absolute silence, no? I think they keep silent on certain things, but they speak out and publish statements on others, and I think that is not an impartial attitude. I think that that is a very negative message for Colombian democracy,” Márquez warned.

She then called for Washington to show more “respect” and “neutrality” in regard to Colombia.

“What are the values that I think should be strengthened in the relationship? First,” Márquez said, “is the value of respect, the value of recognition, the value of being able to build in the middle of difference.”

“For years in our country, difference was a reason to exterminate the other. Those who thought differently were killed. Those who raise their voice, in terms of difference as in opposition, are stigmatized, are threatened, are killed. That cannot be the logic of a democratic government,” she explained.

“I think that, on the contrary, democracy implies a discussion of difference and building with difference. And that I think is a value that must be rescued, that must be strengthened, in a relationship with the US government. I think it’s respect, no? And neutrality is important as well, in the sense of, if we don’t like views, well we have to build with diversity, with difference.”

All the war on drugs did is ‘leave dead people in our lands and economic resources in the banks of the financial system’
Francia Márquez harshly criticized Colombia’s so-called war on drugs, which was sponsored by the United States.

“For years the relation” between the United States and Colombia “has been based more in terms of the war on drugs. And that I think has been a failed policy,” she said.

Márquez summarized the failure of this policy: “Drug trafficking, as we say colloquially, has served in Colombia to leave dead people in our lands and economic resources in the banks of the financial system.”

“I think a great challenge is first to recognize that the anti-drug policy has failed in Colombia,” she explained. “And strengthening that relation implies setting out another approach on how to deal with the problem of drugs in Colombia.”

“We have said, the approach is the path toward legalization, which involves changing the use of the coca leaf and marijuana in terms of industrial and pharmaceutical production, in food industry production, in textile industry production derived from the hemp of coca and marijuana.”

“And there is also the approach of racial justice, understanding that the profiling of the anti-drug policy, here in the United States, has been done from a racial perspective. It is black Americans who are put in prison here for consuming drugs. And in Colombia it is indigenous and black people, too, who are hurt by the anti-drug policy.”

“Having an approach of racial justice implies, in this path toward legalization, treating the problem of consumption as a public health problem, not as a problem of criminality. Because it is impoverished young people, who are racialized, who are stigmatized, who are targeted, who are persecuted for consumption, but it is not treated as a health problem.”

Part of the move toward legalization and formal commercialization of drugs would necessarily involve land reform, Márquez explained.

“We were talking about the need to move toward the legalization of drugs as a path to get rid of that incentive for violence, of drug trafficking as a motor that generates violence in Colombia, and creating economic conditions, strengthening the productivity of the Colombian countryside is a challenge.”

“That involves infrastructure. That involves recognizing the rights of the Colombian peasantry. That involves discussing the topic of land concentration.”

“I know there are sectors that don’t like that,” Márquez acknowledged. But she stressed that “the first point of the peace agreement about comprehensive agrarian reform, I think that will be a point that will help in terms of distributing the land for families to access it.”

“I think strengthening the productivity of the countryside, creating stabilization funds for the commercialization of products from the Colombian countryside, is going to contribute enormously to reducing the violence.”

“When there is more poverty and deprivation, there is more violence. People are not going to let themselves die; the people use what they have at hand. And sadly, the people who are more vulnerable end up in those dynamics of violence, as a form of survival in a country as unequal as ours.”

“So we need to deal with the structural situations that involve security, which is not simply an issue of a military perspective or police perspective.”

Colombia is ‘over-militarized’; the root causes of violence must be addressed
“For years the approach for how to deal with security in Colombia has been from a militarist perspective, from a policing perspective,” Francia Márquez explained. “So when they talk about insecurity, what they do is militarize the territories where that violence is generated.”

“And the experience has been that, with greater militarization there is greater violence, because of the corruption, because of the collusion between the armed elements of the state and organized crime,” she said.

“I think the main part of the question that we always ask is why, if there is such a militarized presence of the state, are these systematic and structural acts of violence committed all the time in those territories?”

What is needed is instead “an approach that understands calamities that generate the violence,” Márquez argued.

“For us, the violence cannot be stopped if hunger is not stopped. The violence cannot be stopped if there are not conditions of dignity for Colombians. And that involves strengthening production. That involves restoring national productivity, in both agriculture and nacional industry, the creation of jobs.”

“There are many youths who are being co-opted by armed groups, who first don’t have access to education, and second don’t have access to a dignified job in Colombia.”

Márquez named Colombian territories that she argued are “over-militarized,” where social movement leaders and youth are killed every day, such as Buenaventura and Cauca.

“We have major concerns about the security in our country, right now in the political struggle,” Márquez continued.

“Both Gustavo Petro and I have had our democratic rights limited in the campaign. At numerous times, we have had to stop the campaign, to not go to territories.”

The violence of paramilitary groups has affected “nearly all of the candidates,” she noted.

“Our country has suffered. We have enormous problems in our country. Our people are dying of hunger.”

She called for the Colombian government to abide by the peace agreement it signed with the former rebels of the revolutionary socialist group the FARC in 2016. The right-wing administration of current President Iván Duque has systematically violated the deal.

Márquez likewise said the government should have a peace dialogue with the ELN, another socialist guerrilla group.

She demanded an end to support for paramilitary groups, which have fueled the violence.

“Fear has silenced us in Colombia. It has not allowed us to express ourselves. It has not allowed us to participate,” Márquez said.

“We have had 213 years of a state that has served only the elites, who have governed us and excluded us, and not only excluded but have fueled a policy of violence against social leaders, against ethnic peoples, against the rights of women and youth.”

The first step toward transforming this political order “involves recognizing the historic structures of oppression and exclusion,” Márquez stressed.

“The moment has arrived for Colombia to be an autonomous people that can define itself.”

https://orinocotribune.com/us-meddling- ... a-marquez/

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Colombian Social Leader Mendoza Killed Along With Her Family

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Social leader Elizabeth Medoza (L) with her husband and son, Colombia. | Photo: Twitter/ @NewsLatinPress

Published 25 May 2022

"We ask to expedite investigations into this crime, which we reject with deep sorrow. Actions like this cannot continue occurring in our department," Tolima department Governor Ricardo Orozco said.

On Tuesday, Colombian 32-year-old social leader Elizabeth Mendoza was murdered along with her husband, son, and nephew in her house at the Chaparral municipality in the Tolima department.

"We ask to expedite investigations into this crime, which we reject with deep sorrow. Actions like this cannot continue occurring in our department," Tolima Governor Ricardo Orozco said.

Mendoza, the Calarca Tetuan sidewalk Communal Action Board (JAC) leader, was recognized by the Interior Ministry and the Chaparral Municipality Mayor's Office for negotiating her town's route pavement.

While lamenting her death, Marinella Sanchez, the Calarma district Women Producers Association leader, described Mendoza as "an exemplary woman who worked day and night to help her community."


The Chaparral Mayor Hugo Arce explained that the Prosecutor's Office disposed of a specialized team to investigate the case. Nevertheless, he stressed that people who provide information about the crime would receive a US$12,000 reward.

"There is no indication that these murders have anything to do with Mendoza's activity as a social leader. However, investigations must still progress," Arce stated. So far this year, the Colombian Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ) registered 44 massacres, of which 79 social leaders died.

After the assassination of Mendoza and her family, the National Ombudsman Office issued an alert for the Ataco, Chaparral, Planadas, and Rio Blanco municipalities for risks of forced displacement and attacks against the civilian population.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0016.html
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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Fri May 27, 2022 1:48 pm

Observation Mission for Elections Installed in Colombia

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For the national registrar, the elections on May 29 will be the "most observed by international organizations." | Photo: Twitter @Registraduria
Published May 26, 2022

El registrador Alexander Vega Rocha aseveró que están dadas todas las garantías para que se efectúen los comicios presidenciales.

In the city of Bogotá, the Colombian capital, the formal installation of the International Observation Mission for the presidential elections on May 29 was carried out this Thursday.

The act was led by the National Registrar of Civil Status, Alexander Vega Rocha, together with the Minister of the Interior, Daniel Palacios; the president of the National Electoral Council (CNE), César Abreo; among others.

Vega specified that this installation is part of the guarantee and action plan of the National Registry, in order to give greater transparency to the electoral process, in which Colombians will vote for the candidates of their choice for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the country. .

In addition, the official asserted that all guarantees are given for the presidential elections to be held, and that there is no electoral fraud.


"There can be no fraud because there are several actors involved in the electoral process: the National Registry, the political parties, the scrutinizing commissions, the National Electoral Council, as well as the control agencies," he said.

Vega commented that any inconsistency, whether intentional or in good faith, is detectable in the scrutiny. Likewise, some 27 international organizations will provide technical support and electoral observation during the elections.


For the national registrar, the elections on May 29 will be the "most observed by international organizations."

"We have worked since March 14 with all the campaigns and the decisions that have been made in the action plan have sought, not only guarantees for the candidates, but, above all, guarantees for the citizens, so that the vote is exercised. ”, expressed the Vega.

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0026.html

Colombia. What can we expect?

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MAY 27, 2022

On May 29, Colombians are called to vote to elect the new president of the country.

Two days before the presidential elections, Indepaz registers 44 massacres, 79 social leaders and 21 peace signatories assassinated.

Any day of living is the day of death in Colombia. Because sadness is no longer surprising when a group of men, apparently paramilitaries, improvise a false checkpoint on the road and order the driver to get off the “chiva”, that rural bus that carries about thirty people.

At least a part of them can be on the list of victims in just a few seconds. But also "the collaterals", those beings sacrificed for the sake of it. Children, women and men hit by bullets from automatic weapons, not without trembling when hearing the accusation: "for helping the guerrillas or for being there."

Sentenced for being indigenous, peasants or their leaders who risk their lives to defend a community. A mass of poverty and slaughter meat in Corinto, Cauca. The Sanctuary, Cocorná, La Pintada and San Carlos, in Antioquia.


Any coincidence of these facts with current similar ones, is because they are of a reiterated veracity. Just like 20 years ago, 25 people were murdered there.

Reality

The problem is that the Colombian State has not tried to protect social leaders. Do the causes that make them emerge as defenders of community rights matter? Some 48 social leaders have been assassinated in the first quarter of 2022, six more than in the same time in 2021, confirms the Institute of Studies for Development and Peace (Indepaz).

If not, for what reason does the current government, presided over by Iván Duque, repress the protesters and refuse to assume the social commitments that Colombians so much need?

In a brief look up to December 2021, they report that 96 massacres occurred in Colombia, 171 social leaders and 48 signers of the Peace Agreement were assassinated.

When we arrived at the first ten days of May 2022, Indepaz added the murder of 71 social leaders, 19 ex-combatants covered by the Peace Agreement, 38 massacres and 40 percent more people injured, mostly civilians injured by explosive devices. such as antipersonnel mines, in relation to 2021.

Two days before the presidential elections, Indepaz registers 44 massacres, 79 social leaders and 21 peace signatories assassinated.


The 2016 Peace Accords in Havana, Cuba were signed between the Government of Juan Manuel Santos and the then Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP), not without the obstacles and revisionism of the Democratic Center, headed by former president Álvaro Uribe, who did not recognize the guarantors of the Truth Commission. It is no coincidence that it is his party, the same in power as President Iván Duque, with a "political will" that is difficult to understand.

According to data from the United Nations Refugee Agency (Acnur), there were 2,750 homicides and disappearances by paramilitary groups between 2002 and 2005, during the government of Álvaro Uribe. The Intercongregational Commission for Justice and Peace, compares -by number- the deceased and disappeared during democracy in Colombia, with those of the southern cone during the dictatorships.

The AIN news agency reports that during “the Presidency of Virgilio Barco (1986-90) the figure is 13,635 victims of violence. In the period of César Gaviria (1990-94), it corresponds to 14,856. During August 2002 and June 2004, in the Government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez, it was 10,586”. A sad record.

Selective violence does not seem to be a matter of disputed territorial control, nor does the paramilitary demobilization announced by former President Álvaro Uribe between 2002 and 2010. Quite the contrary, it is the result of the deliberate non-implementation of the Peace Accords.

In this long road in which, perhaps we will never get to know the details, is the understanding of the drama that involves all Colombians, the millions of displaced people and the 300,000 dead, many of whom did not participate in the conflict.

Meanwhile, President Iván Duque, who represents the rejection of political solutions to the armed conflict, militarism and the polarization of a society divided by half a century of conflict, just like the radical agenda of Uribismo, continues to minimize the power of groups paramilitaries, extended in their domain over the population communities.


Their methods are implemented with threats and assassinations of social leaders, journalists and their local media. Direct aggression against merchants, harassment, burning of vehicles, restriction of mobility and trade, with everything that implies a state of general intimidation of small towns.

The Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs of the United Nations Organization (UN) reports that in Colombia, during the months of January and February of the current year, some 274,000 people were victims of acts of violence. A 621 percent increase compared to the same period in 2021.

Every year there are thousands of people who have to forcefully emigrate from their lands. In this sense, the UN indicates the displacement of 13,000 people and 48,000 in a situation of confinement, almost all of them in the northwestern department of Chocó. Again the sum gives a percentage increase of 394 compared to the previous year.

Memory

The State has also failed in its commitments to reparation, dignity and justice. On top of a health crisis after the coronavirus pandemic, Colombia is experiencing a humanitarian decline.

His people remember him every day, especially on April 9 after a decade of commemoration of the National Day of Memory and Solidarity with the Victims. Pointed out by history in homage to Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, known as a captain and martyr of crowds, assassinated in 1948.

Just a few days before the presidential elections, the figure jumps: more than 9.2 million people are registered as victims of the armed conflict, only recognized in 2011 through Law 1448 on Victims and Land Restitution, which had as its largest The objective is to restore the truth and dignity of those affected.

There are 9,250,453 people "who individually or collectively have suffered damage, due to events that occurred after January 1, 1985, as a consequence of infractions of International Humanitarian Law or of serious and manifest violations of international Human Rights norms, which occurred on the occasion of the internal armed conflict”, indicates the Colombian press.

Likewise, their direct relatives have been included, as well as members of the Armed Forces and minors recruited by illegal armed groups, affected by that time.

The newspaper 'El Espectador' points out that "since the Legislative branch, only 16 percent of the reparations of the total number of victims have been completed." With these figures, the note maintains, it would take "59 years to offer justice and reparation to all the victims."


It also refers to Afro-Colombian, indigenous, Raizal, Gypsy and Palenquero citizens as ethnic victims, whose complaints of violence against their indigenous and minority communities are not always heeded, in complicity with selective crime and cultural extermination.

With Iván Duque at the helm, from the courts of justice only 8 percent of the land requests of the 99,000 families that five years ago signed agreements to replace and eradicate their coca plantations have been legally and materially restored.

It exceeds 40 percent of the land that in Colombia does not have an officially registered title, while they confirm that the illegal possession of the farms is 60 percent. Therefore, marijuana, poppy and coca crops are grown on plots of others.

There was a commitment by the outgoing president to establish productive projects for rural development with legal crops, which were not fulfilled either. Another way of violating human rights and attacking popular interests. At the same time, the empowerment of armed groups resurfaces in those territories relegated by the State, a few days before the presidential elections.

clashes

Once again the same question: who is good for a Latin America in conflict? Or a militarized Colombia bordering Venezuela, destabilized and in a perennial warlike confrontation?

The fifth month of the year began with the sad declarations of the coordinator of the Observatory of Human Rights and Conflicts of Indepaz, Leonardo González, "yesterday we registered one more massacre in our country, this time in the department of Cauca, becoming the ( massacre) number 37 of 2022 at the national level and the sixth in the department.” The victims were three peasant members of the same family, who were murdered in their own home. The incident took place in the village of Morales, municipality of Bolívar, Cauca.

But in Colombia, social inequality is perhaps the most daily of confrontations with life, considering that there are more than 50 million inhabitants, of whom 21 million live in poverty. This data is compared to the figure of 17.4 million in 2019, before the pandemic.

In 2021, some 1.6 million Colombian families could not eat three daily rations and 30 percent of the population is in a situation of economic vulnerability.

The United Nations World Food Program reported that 5.5 percent, almost 2.8 million more than in 2019, were in food insecurity and the situation has gotten worse.

Food insecurity is accompanied by another form of violence in Colombia, in this tense pre-election period of 2022. Described as the most dramatic of the last decade, where 59 percent of reported criminal acts refer to leaders and social leaders assassinated by illegal armed groups, the director of the Electoral Observation Mission, Alejandra Barrios, reinforces in her statement.

The accumulation of victims who pay with their lives is undeniable, the style with which the dominant groups of power, try to maintain control with the cruelest repression and violation of human rights. There is not a single day without a political assassination in Colombia, says the Ombudsman's Office.

The systematically exercised violence, intimidation and repression against the people, ideological persecution, political mafias, violations of all rights and hunger are incentives for popular demonstrations.

The media campaign of disinformation faces this reality, in charge of the simultaneous war through the traditional media and social networks, to articulate false accusations or predetermined arguments that keep the people in the middle of the crossfire.

A change is coming, but where? A scenario is exposed against the militarism represented by Iván Duque, the outgoing president who drags a level of popular disapproval above 83 percent.

Gustavo Petro's agenda heads the electoral preferences. The leader of the Historic Pact coalition expresses the hope of a more humane country, while urging that “it is time to defend democracy for all. It's time for a quiet change."


They are followed in trend of voters by Rodolfo Hernández, Federico Gutiérrez and Sergio Fajardo. The Latin American Strategic Center for Geopolitics points out citizen mistrust in the legislative system.

The alarm has been rolling since, in December 2021, Juan González, the director for the Western Hemisphere of the White House National Security Council, of Colombian origin, said that there is an increasing amount of disinformation, which is intended to to disrupt the democratic process for a key ally.

The warning comes early, due to the popularity of Gustavo Petro, a progressive candidate and fighter for social justice in a country with more than 42.5 percent living in poverty, according to data from the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE). ).

Making political opposition in Colombia is a high-risk activity, with this fierce spiral of renewed irregular armed groups and beyond the day of the elections, even after the electoral victory, the hardships will not disappear soon. It will be a new beginning or a day after this cruel reality. It will take time and lifetimes to live in peace in Colombia.

What could they expect for the days that run? It will be a difficult bet for hope. It only remains for them to take the first step.

https://www.telesurtv.net/telesuragenda ... -0035.html

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Colombian Authorities Deport Outstanding Communicator Teri Mattson, Preventing Her from Observing Historic Elections
MAY 26, 2022

The Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA) denounces the detention and deportation of COHA Board Member and CODEPINK Latin America organizer and media host Teri Mattson, who traveled to Bogota to serve as an accredited international observer for the historic May 29th election in Colombia. She had been invited by Colombia’s Permanent Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CPDH). Ms. Mattson, having arrived in Bogota on May 22, was refused entry by Colombian authorities, forced to stay in the airport overnight and deported on May 23 on the absurd grounds that she “represents a risk to the security of the State.”

Ms. Mattson is a person of impeccable integrity and has served on a number of electoral missions to Latin America. COHA maintains that this exclusion of Ms. Mattson is politically motivated and ought to be reversed. As Leonardo Flores of Code Pink notes in a May 23 press release:

“The deportation of an electoral observer should always raise warning flags, and in this case it is particularly alarming given the climate of insecurity throughout Colombia, where there are legitimate fears of a potential assassination, electoral fraud or possible coup. The U.S. State Department must make it clear to its allies in the Colombian government and military that anything other than a clean, safe election and peaceful transition of power will not be accepted by Washington.”

COHA joins CodePink and other organizations in denouncing the mistreatment and deportation of Ms. Mattson and urges the Colombian government to invite her to return to Colombia and complete her mission as an international election observer.

This arbitrary decision by the Colombian government comes at a time when the center-left candidate Gustavo Petro leads in the polls in presidential elections that could bring progressive forces to power for the first time in decades. In that context, decisions like the one that affected Ms. Mattson, a formally invited electoral observer, creates serious questions about the integrity of the electoral process. COHA calls on the international community to make all possible efforts and pressure the current administration of Ivan Duque to guarantee that the votes of Colombians are respected and that an eventual transfer of power is peaceful and according to law.

https://orinocotribune.com/colombian-au ... elections/
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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Mon May 30, 2022 2:33 pm

Colombia: Gustavo Petro Wins First Round and Heads to Runoff

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Colombian presidential candidate Gustavo Petro (left) greets with his vice presidential candidate Francia Márquez today, | Photo: EFE/Mauricio Dueñas Castañeda

Published 29 May 2022

Leftist candidate Gustavo Petro has convincingly won the first round with 40,32% vs. right-wing populist candidate Rodolfo Hernandez with 28,15% with 99.96% of the vote counted. The election now moves on to a runoff between the two leading candidates.

Colombian presidential candidates Gustavo Petro, of the Pacto Histórico coalition (left-wing), and Rodolfo Hernández, of the Liga de Gobernantes Anticorrupción (center-right), will advance to a runoff election in June, according to the preliminary tally of the National Registry (electoral body) of Sunday's elections.

In today's elections, a total of 102 152 polling tables were distributed in 12 500 polling stations. According to the registry, 51.6 percent of those eligible to vote were women (20 million 111 thousand 908) and 48.4 percent were men (18 million 890 thousand 331).

The left-wing candidate Gustavo Petro won the vote with 40,32% vs right-wing populist candidate Rodolfo Hernandez with 28,15%, a result that is very much a certainty.

Speaking to a large crowd Gustavo Petro, made Sunday a call to the people to bet on a change, facing the second round of elections on June 19.

"What is being disputed today is change (...) I ask Colombia to make a constructive change of much wider capacity", he said in his speech after Sunday's election day.

In the first comments after the results, Colombian presidential candidate Rodolfo Hernandez, who placed second in this election and is moving to the runoff on June 19, highlighted Sunday's election day and said that he is prepared to face resistance to his crusade against corruption.

"Today the citizens won, today Colombia won, and these next days will be decisive for the future (...) I am aware of the difficulties that will come when I assume the presidency of the Republic, I am not naive to the resistance that there will be with the government to end corruption", said the engineer and former mayor of Bucaramanga (northeast).

The program of the Historical Pact leader proposes to create the ministry of equity, achieve 50 percent of representation of women in public institutions and promote an energy transition towards sustainable national development.

Of the more than 39 million people who were expected to exercise their right to vote this Sunday over 20 million have done so.

Gustavo Petro and Rodolfo Hernández will now move on to a runoff for the presidency next June 19.

This May 29 marked a historic moment in Colombia's democratic history, since until the last moment polls had placed the electoral formula of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez with the left-wing coalition Historical Pact in the lead with a voting intention close to 40 percent before the election.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0020.html

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Colombian Presidential Race: Uribismo Benefits from Voting Restrictions on Colombians in Venezuela
MAY 28, 2022

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A person voting in an almost empty voting center for Colombians residing in Venezuela. Photo: EFE.

Caracas, May 28, 2022 (OrinocoTribune.com)—A little over three years ago, on February 23, 2019 the President of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, announced the decision of breaking diplomatic and political relations with Colombia, the same day that the Colombian government—following Washington’s directions—attempted to enter Venezuela by force to deliver alleged humanitarian aid and incited violence at different border checkpoints.

“Colombia has lent its territory to attack and intervene in Venezuela,” announced President Maduro at that time. “Iván Duque puts on the face of an angel but what he really is, is rock thrower; he is the devil himself. That is why I have decided to break political and diplomatic relations with Colombia, and their diplomatic staff must leave the country in 24 hours. Enough is enough.”

“It is not the people of Colombia; it is the oligarchy, the government” with which Venezuela was suspending relations, the Venezuelan president had added.

Since that moment the government of Colombia has turned the country into a beachhead for the failed US attempt to oust the legitimate government of Nicolás Maduro and to destroy the Bolivarian Revolution initiated by Commander Hugo Chávez. The Colombian government has tried everything to this end: diplomatic harassment, mercenary and paramilitary incursions, military provocations, smear campaigns, among other forms of unconventional war.

Despite all the aggression, Venezuelan authorities—taking into account the more than 5 million Colombians living in Venezuela and an estimated 1.8 million Venezuelans living in Colombia—have always welcomed or suggested initiatives to resume diplomatic and commercial relations, but the Colombian government has rejected every one of them.

In October 2021, Juan Diego Gómez, president of the Colombian Senate, launched an initiative, supported by Venezuela’s National Assembly, to resume diplomatic relations, but the Colombian President Iván Duque derailed it.

That same month, another initiative was launched from the Venezuelan side to resume commercial relations and the reopening of border crossing checkpoint. However, it became successful only at the beginning of this year, overcoming resistance from the Colombian government.

Special deployment to “facilitate” vote

The Colombian presidential election will take place in the national territory of Colombia this Sunday, May 29, although voting centers have already been opened in embassies, consulates and other diplomatic offices in 67 countries around the world and will remain open until the close of voting on the election day, so that Colombians residing abroad can vote. However, in Venezuela, Colombians who wish to vote will have to travel 10-12 hours by land to reach voting centers that have been opened at border checkpoints along the long binational border.

According to Colombian authorities, there are more than 972,000 voters eligible to participate in voting centers located abroad. The National Registry of Civil Status of Colombia reported that at the border posts of the departments of Norte de Santander, Arauca, La Guajira and Guainía, a total of 184,421 Colombians residing in Venezuela who are registered in the electoral census will be able to vote from Monday, May 23 until Sunday, May 29.

Colombians residing in Venezuela began to vote this Monday, May 23, at posts installed at the border, and will have, like all Colombians abroad, the chance to vote until Sunday, May 29, despite the announcement of border crossing closure. Although that should not affect voters, it has created confusion among them, limiting their willingness to embark in the complicated journey to go to these special voting centers.

The Colombian government ordered the closure of the country’s land and river border crossings for 36 hours in order to guarantee security of the presidential elections on Sunday, official sources reported this Thursday. This implies that all Colombian border crossings with Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, and Venezuela will remain closed starting from the day before the election. The decree clarifies, however, that the closure measure will not apply to cases of transit that must be carried out for emergency reasons or force majeure, as well as for those Colombian citizens residing in Venezuela, who have their identification cards registered in the mirror consulates (special voting centers) deployed in the border area.

There are six voting centers for Colombians residing in Venezuela, which are in Colombian territory, namely, Inírida (Guainía), Maicao (La Guajira), Arauca (Arauca), Cúcuta and Villa del Rosario (Norte de Santander).


Colombia’s National Registry indicated that the six voting stations enabled for the presidential election are the same ones where Colombians residing in Venezuela voted in the last legislative elections. At these points, located in five Colombian towns on the border with Venezuela, only those Colombians who have their ID registered there will be able to vote, clarified the Colombian electoral entity.

Below is the list of voting centers and their respective addresses:

1.Arauca (Arauca): Los Libertadores: Calle 30 #22-09.
2.Inírida (Guainía): Salón Agapito Sandoval: Carrera 7 #14-133.
3.Maicao (La Guajira): Centro de Desarrollo para el Potencial Humano, CEDPHU: Calle 11 #3-57.
4.Cúcuta (Norte de Santander): Colegio Misael Pastrana Borrero: Avenida 3 #21-24.
5.Villa del Rosario (Norte de Santander): CENAF – La Parada, Puente Internacional Simón Bolívar: Calle 8 con Avenida 5, edificio CENAF.
6.Museo Casa La Bagatela: Calle 8 #1-07, Villa Antigua.

Colombians in Venezuela voting via crucis
There is intense interest regarding the Colombian president election in Venezuela, where an estimated 5 million Colombians reside. Both countries dream of uniting in brotherhood again, 200 years after Bolívar’s creation of Gran Colombia, but political sectarianism and Colombia’s subordination to Washington’s designs do not allow that dream to be fulfilled.

“Right now we are experiencing a historic situation,” said veteran Colombian-Venezuelan journalist Ramón Martínez during an interview with Mundo Sputnik. “For the first time in 200 years, we are at the gates of a triumph of the people. A rebirth of the possibility that both peoples [Colombians and Venezuelans] walk together. We were born together, we are twins who have been divided by our oligarchies.”


“They are curtailing a constitutional right, the government of [Iván] Duque argues that since there are no relations with Venezuela, the Venezuelan government does not guarantee the participation of Colombians in this country,” added Martínez, who is the editor of the alternative news portal Colarebo. “So they arbitrarily transfer us to border posts, that is very complicated for the majority of Colombian citizens who reside here.”

The Association of Colombians in Venezuela estimates that only 1% of Colombians residing in Venezuela will be able to go to the Colombian border municipalities to vote, due to the high cost of transport, either by land or by flight, as many would have to cross large parts of Venezuela to be able to reach the voting centers.

Juan Carlos Tanus, representative of the organization, explained to the news outlet La Opinión that since there are no Colombian consulates in Venezuela enabled for voting, the voting points were transferred to Cúcuta and Villa del Rosario (Norte de Santander) bordering the Venezuelan state of Táchira, Maicao along the border with Zulia, and Arauca, at the border with Apure.

Loneliness was the constant yesterday, on the first day of voting for Colombians abroad. /Photo: Jorge Gutiérrez-La Opinion
However, all voters do not live close to the border, and not all those whose names were registered in the Caracas consulate were transferred to Cúcuta, in addition to the fact that the names of some were transferred for voting in Maicao, a more remote area.

In this panorama, Colombians who live in Venezuela face the hurdles of long distances and severe limitations of mobility, in order to participate in the election. “From Santa Elena de Uairén (Bolívar state), it is a trip as long as if we were going on tourism from Bogotá to Peru, because the distances are enormous,” said Juan Carlos Tanus.

Another challenge is the cost of transport, because traveling to Colombia from the center or the east of Venezuela may exceed $150, which means that a person has to pay that amount out of their pocket in order to vote, in addition to traveling for 10-12 hours in a bus. Although the transfer by private vehicle can reduce the cost, it is complicated, given that gasoline distribution in some states is still not normalized, thanks to the US blockade, and in many places outside of Caracas, gasoline supply is delayed and slow, added Tanus.

“These are clumsy decisions by the government of President Duque to close the consular service and thereby curtail the civil and political rights of Colombians in Venezuelan territory,” said the representative of the Association of Colombians in Venezuela. There are 184,421 Colombians in Venezuela registered in consulates to vote, out of which some 120,000 have been transferred to Cúcuta and Villa del Rosario (Norte de Santander).

Colombian vote in Venezuela has been traditionally very balanced between conservative and progressive voters, but many Colombians—even conservatives—see very positively the clear promise of Gustavo Petro to resume diplomatic and commercial relations with Venezuela. Thus the expectation is that Petro would have won the election in Venezuela, if voting centers had been enabled properly by the Colombian government. Uribismo, the political ultra-conservative trend to which Iván Duque belongs, thus becomes the main beneficiary of this voter suppression strategy.

https://orinocotribune.com/colombian-pr ... venezuela/

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Colombia’s far-right presidential candidate praised Hitler: Millionaire Rodolfo Hernández goes to runoff

A far-right hundred-millionaire real estate mogul who called himself a “follower” of Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler, Rodolfo Hernández, won second place in round one of Colombia’s presidential elections. He will compete against center-left candidate Gustavo Petro in a runoff vote in June.


ByBenjamin NortonPublished12 hours ago

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Rodolfo Hernandez Colombia HitlerColombia's far-right presidential candidate Rodolfo Hernández

Colombia held the first round of presidential elections on May 29. Center-left candidate Gustavo Petro won in a landslide, with 40.32% of the vote.

The candidate who came in second place, with 28.15%, is an extreme-right demagogue named Rodolfo Hernández, who has proudly referred to himself as a “follower” of Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler.

Hernández, a real estate mogul with an estimated $100 million in wealth, ran using a far-right “populist” strategy, insulting prominent politicians and pledging to fight corruption and crime.

Hernández is notorious for physically attacking people who disagree with him politically. In 2018, he got in an argument with a councilmember of the city where he served as mayor, and Hernández slapped him on camera.


Colombia holds presidential elections in two rounds. If one candidate does not get more than 50% of the vote in the first vote, it goes to a runoff a few months later.

The left-wing candidate Petro will therefore compete against Hernández in the second round on June 19.

In the first round, the right-wing vote was divided between two main choices. The candidate who came in third place, with 23.91%, was Federico “Fico” Gutiérrez.

The former mayor of the city of Medellín, Gutiérrez represented the ultra-conservative movement that has dominated Colombian politics for decades, known as Uribismo.

Uribismo takes its name from one of the most powerful and elite politicians in Colombia, Álvaro Uribe, who served as president from 2002 to 2010. Uribe and his family are closely linked to drug cartels and paramilitary death squads.

Gutiérrez conceded defeat and immediately endorsed Hernández on the night of the first round.

Gutiérrez’s loss does represent a significant blow to Uribismo. But this hardline right-wing movement was not defeated by a more moderate candidate, but an even more extreme one.

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Rodolfo Hernández, who is 77 years old, beat Gutiérrez by running as a far-right “populist,” criticizing the traditional political class and denouncing prominent politicians as “drug addicts” and “thieves.”

Hernández made a fortune in Colombia’s notoriously corrupt real estate sector, and has an estimated $100 million in wealth.

He offered no coherent economic program other than budget cutbacks and austerity. But he promised in his presidential campaign that he would dedicate himself to fighting corruption.

Hernández even called his political party the Liga de Gobernantes Anticorrupción: “League of Anti-Corruption Governors”.

In 2016, when Hernández served as mayor of the northern Colombian city of Bucaramanga, he set off a national scandal by praising Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler.

“I am a follower of a great German thinker, who is named Adolf Hitler”, Hernández said in a live video interview with the Colombian media outlet RCN Radio.

“Listen! Listen!” he continued, when the hosts tried to interrupt him. Hernández urged listeners to follow the “recommendations that he [Hitler] gives”.

“Don’t think that things will change if we always do the same”, Hernández continued. “The greatest blessing that can happen to people, cities, and countries is crisis. Because crisis brings progress. It is in crisis that the great problems of humanity are resolved”.

“Those who transcend crisis transcend themselves without being conquered”, he added.

When Hernández started campaigning for president in 2021, however, he backtracked and claimed that it was a “slip of the tongue“, and he had not actually meant to praise Hitler.

Hernández has also raised eyebrows with explicitly misogynist and racist comments, especially demonizing people from neighboring Venezuela.

In 2018, Hernández showed he is more than willing to use violence against those who disagree with him politically.

When he got in an argument with a city council member from Bucaramanga, Hernández hit the man in the face, on camera.

The Office of the Inspector General of Colombia responded by suspending Hernández from his post as mayor for three months.

Hernández remained completely unapologetic. In an interview at the peak of his presidential campaign in 2022, he stood by his decision to attack the city council member, without a hint of regret.

The Latin American media has frequently compared Hernández to far-right former US president Donald Trump. He is also very similar to Brazil’s extreme-right leader, Jair Bolsonaro, who has praised Chile’s former dictator Augusto Pinochet and called for restoring an authoritarian military regime.

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Colombia’s left-wing presidential candidate Gustavo Petro at his first-round victory rally on May 29

For his part, the candidate who came in first place in round one of Colombia’s presidential elections, Gustavo Petro, is a senator from the center-left Colombia Humana (Humane Colombia) party.

A former mayor of the capital Bogotá, Petro ran on a progressive platform promising social-democratic policies, peace, and stronger support for women and marginalized communities.

In his youth, Petro fought with a revolutionary socialist guerrilla group, called M-19. But he later left and significantly moderated his political program.

In recent years, Petro has harshly criticized the existing socialist governments in Latin America, in Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Cuba, and run on a more establishment-friendly, social-democratic program.

But in Colombia, whose political system has been dominated by far-right oligarchs for decades, even a center-left progressive like Petro is seen as a huge threat.

Petro’s running mate, vice-presidential candidate Francia Márquez, is a grassroots activist from the Afro-Colombian community. She has criticized the US government for meddling in her country’s election on behalf of the right-wing, while calling for reparations, land reform, and an end to the drug war.

Voters in Colombia will now have to decide if they want their country to move in a progressive direction or lurch even further to the extreme right.

https://multipolarista.com/2022/05/29/c ... hernandez/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Sat Jun 04, 2022 2:34 pm

Witnessing and Making History: On Observing the 2022 Presidential Elections in Colombia
Jemima Pierre, BAR Editor and Contributor 01 Jun 2022

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Voting in Cali, Colombia (Photo: Jemima Pierre)

"From May 26 to May 31, I was in Cali, Colombia serving as an election observer with an international delegation of mostly Black women. This is a preliminary report."

On May 26th, in my capacity as the co-coordinator of the Haiti/Americas Team for the Black Alliance for Peace, I traveled with a delegation to Colombia to serve as an official observer of its presidential elections. The elections were historic: not only was a leftist presidential ticket leading in the polls, but the vice presidential candidate on that ticket was Francia Márquez, a popular and well known Afro-Colombian feminist activist. As observers, our roles were to bear witness to history by ensuring there was no impropriety or fraud at the voting booth or in the democratic process.

The impetus for the delegation came after the results of the March 13, 2022 primary elections in Colombia clearly indicated that the two leading candidates of the leftist “Pacto Historico” party were Gustavo Petro (a former guerilla activist turned mayor of Bogota) and Francia Márquez. After Petro won the Pacto Historico’s presidential nomination, the party chose Márquez as his running mate. But as they led in the polls, the candidates began receiving death threats . In a country with a long history of right-wing racist and paramilitary violence against Black and indigenous communities - and especially against Black and indigenous leftist activists - there was growing concern about the integrity of the elections, especially in terms of electoral fraud and voter intimidation.

My delegation was composed primarily of Black women activists and scholars. It was organized by AfroResistance and the Grassroots Global Justice Alliance (GGJA). Afro-Resistance is a “Black Latinx Womxn-led” group that organizes and educates around human rights, democracy, and racial justice throughout the Americas. GGJA is an alliance of over 60 grassroots groups of working and poor and communities of color working for gender justice, climate change, and an end to war. In coordination with the Misión de Observación Electoral (Electoral Observation Mission organization), AfroResistance and GGJA brought 29 election observers to Colombia. It was the largest group of observers in the history of elections in Colombia, and one which was over 95% Black women.

As a delegation, our mission was to learn more about the electoral landscape of Colombia, observe the elections in an official capacity, and to help ensure free and safe participation in the democratic process. We also hoped to build relationships and solidarity with Black/Women led groups and social justice organizations in the country. To that end, our five days in Colombia were packed with meetings, workshops, and events meant to foster transnational Black solidarity. This was in addition to a number of pre-departure orientation programs.

Our group was focused on Cali, Colombia. We arrived in Cali on May 26th, 2022, three days before the presidential elections. On Friday, May 27th, we spent the day engaged with regional grassroots organizations. We learned from Black women organizing around and against militarized state violence, genocide, and femicide; we learned about the history of Black Colombian organizing, about Márquez’s decades-long activism, about the invisibilization of Black Trans folk and Black prisoners in Colombia. Most significantly, we learned that, though the Black activists support the candidates of the Pacto Historico, they are clear eyed about both the right wing nature of Colombian society and politics and the limits of a singular focus on one particular politician, and on electoral politics in general. It was also not lost upon us that a shift in political power towards the left in Colombia would have wide-ranging domestic and international impact on the balance of forces in the region - especially since Colombia has served as U.S. imperialism’s vassal over many decades. Recently, Colombia has accepted a role as Latin America and the Caribbean’s first and only NATO partner .

On Saturday, May 28th, our delegation continued learning and building by making a visit to Cali’s Asociación Casa Cultural del Chontaduro . “El Chontaduro” is a community center located in one of the most vulnerable areas of the city. We were warned that it was a very dangerous neighborhood and that we needed to be extremely careful. The center, open to all members of the community, “promotes the construction of a just and equitable society based on the principles of eco-feminism, non-violence and gender equity.” Being in “El Chonatuduro” brought into clear relief the ways that Black Trans people are at the forefront of grassroots organizations.

Sunday, May 29th was election day. Our group was sent to two key cities with large AfroColombian populations: Cali and Buenaventura. While both have large Black populations, Buenaventura has a Black super-majority. It also has a higher percentage of poverty and suffers constant militarized state violence.

Within each city, each observation group was further split into two groups. In Cali each of the two groups were assigned six different voting locations, with the two groups meeting for joint observation of the last polling place, for a total of 11 sites. The Buenaventura groups also visited around 11 locations, including five in rural areas.

Significantly, in both cities, we all made a similar set of observations. In Cali, the stark segregation of the cities was reflected in the differences in voting locations and access to electronic biometric machines (which seem to only be located in more affluent places) for identification verification. Polling locations where the population was Blacker and Browner had a larger military presence and a greater presence of national police forces. Our colleagues in Buenaventura reported more heavily armed military forces outside and inside the voting locations. In the Blacker and Browner neighborhoods, the populations had longer waiting lines, were searched and patted down by local police to enter the polling places, and had relatively fewer voting booths. In contrast, in the polling locations in whiter and wealthier neighborhoods, people were often not searched by police, and there were hardly any waiting lines.

At the last polling site, our two Cali groups came together to observe the last few minutes of voting (which ended at 4pm), and the counting of the votes. For this, each person was assigned a voting table. At my assigned table, I, alongside another outside witness, closely observed the deliberations of the electoral workers, and the official counting of the votes - an especially intensive process. In this voting location, the clear winners were the Pacto Historico candidates. Each table in the polling location had an average of a few hundred votes. Petro and Marquéz received the vast majority of those votes, with the other candidates coming far behind. We all remained until the last votes were counted, and by the time we were leaving the site, we received news that more than 70% of the results had already been counted and reported. In the end, Pacto Historico was said to have received 40.9% of the votes, with the runner-ups of the two right-wing parties (Rodolfo Hernández, the long time ally of far-right ex-president Alvaro Uribe, of the Liga; and Federico “Fico” Gutiérrez, the conservative candidate representing the establishment and also linked to Uribe), receiving 28.1% and 23.9%, respectively.

The Petro/Márquez Pacto Historico received around 8.5 million votes. While this was a clear victory, they did not receive the more than 50% that would have allowed them to claim an outright win. And, at this point, there is no guarantee that this will lead to a win during the runoff elections on June 29th. Already, the right wing candidate who came in third place, Ferdando Gutierrez, vowed to unite with second place winner, Rodolfo Hernández - a clear consolidation of the right wing elite forces against the popular leftist Pacto Historico.

More importantly, there is a fear that those working class and poor nonwhite communities who supported Pacto Historico will be subject to violence and intimidation. Analysts remarked, for example, on the relatively low voter turnout (anywhere between 47% and 55%), with the understanding that most in the militarized areas have been intimidated away from the polls. In fact many of us in the delegation worried that right-wing violence would ensue if the Pacto had won in the first round. At the same time western newspapers, especially those in the mainstream US, have made ominous predictions of a military backlash if the leftist ticket wins.

On a personal level, the experience of serving as an official election observer in Colombia has had three major impacts. First, it reminded me, as a person born and raised in Haiti, of the fact that the white western world, led by the U.S., France, and Canada, have stripped Haiti and its people of its sovereignty. As a result of direct U.S. and Core Group actions, Haiti does not have the privilege of holding elections or having its people choose its president. No elections, no president, and no sovereignty. Second, the significance of an international group of Black women serving as election observers and working to help guarantee marginalized people’s right to self-determination needs to be appreciated. Finally, our solidarity meetings with local grassroots Black organizations provide a road map for us to reclaim Black transnational solidarity - with Black women, always, at the forefront.

https://www.blackagendareport.com/witne ... s-colombia

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Colombian Registrar presents electoral card for second round

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Colombians will have to choose the new president of the country between the candidates Gustavo Petro and Rodolfo Hernández. | Photo: EFE
Published June 2, 2022

Registrar Alexander Vega Rocha indicated that the box for the blank vote option will be added to the ballot, but it will not have legal effect.

The National Registry of Civil Status of Colombia presented this Thursday the electoral card that will be used on June 19 in the second round to elect the new president of the country.

Through its account on the social network Twitter, the entity indicated that the ballot for the elections has "the same characteristics established in the electoral guarantee plan."

The two presidential candidates appear on the electoral card, together with their respective formulas for the Vice Presidency, who received the highest percentage of votes on May 29. For the Historical Pact, Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez; as well as Rodolfo Hernández and Marelen Castillo for the League of Anticorruption Leaders.

The National Registry presents the country with the new electoral card for the election of president and vice president of the republic in the second round, with the same characteristics established in the electoral guarantee plan. pic.twitter.com/MP4R6Sz0Tu

– National Registry of Civil Status (@Registraduria) June 2, 2022
In the non-binding pre-count of the results of the first presidential round, Petro obtained 40.32 percent, some 8,527,768; while Hernández got 28.15 percent, which represents 5,953,209.

"The position of the candidates is established according to subsection 4, paragraph of article 6 of Law 163 of 1994. This states that: For the second round, in the electoral card the formulas of the first two majorities will be understood as drawn in the same order and with the same number of the first”, detailed the Registry.

The E-14 form has the same characteristics established in the guarantee plan, agreed with the political groups. The boxes will be bigger and will have the photo of the candidates in color. pic.twitter.com/DVI4oEaCBO

– National Registry of Civil Status (@Registraduria) June 2, 2022
For his part, the national registrar of Colombia, Alexander Vega Rocha, indicated that the box will be added to the ballot for the option of a blank vote in this second presidential round.

The official stated that, according to the National Electoral Council (CNE), "the box is maintained, but it has no legal effect."

https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia ... -0025.html

There was a movies, back in the 80s I think, in which 'None Of The Above" was on the ballot and won. Although John Parker and probably other socialistsmight be on the ballot in your state they might not either. And I don't think many of us Yankee dogs are ready to vote socialist in any case, but given the horrid choice foisted upon us by the ruling class 'NOTA' would be a welcome possibility for many.

Of course to get NOTA on the ballot would require a majority of Ds & Rs to support it legislatively and there ain't a snowballs chance in hell of that. Dim as many of them are they must realize that such an option de-legitimizes the whole duopoly scam.

And what if NOTA won the election? There would have to be rules, I like these:

1)Candidates who cannot poll higher than NOTA are subject to 'Ostracism', the ancient Athenian practice of sending politicians into exile for a decade. Ya can't get more 'democratic' than ancient Athens, right? (well, no, but we'll not 'go there' for now...)

2)A 'do-over'.

3) If a second inconclusive occurs then a referendum.

Of course given the Senate, the Supremes and the Electoral college such a patch-work solution would not have much effect. Nothing short of revolution is required.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Colombia

Post by blindpig » Tue Jun 07, 2022 2:16 pm

Colombian NGO: 903 Leaders Killed During Duque Administration

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President of Colombia Ivan Duque attends the World Economic Forum | Photo: Xinhua/Zheng Huansong

Published 6 June 2022 (11 hours 49 minutes ago)

Colombia is experiencing one of the worse periods of violence ever according to a human rights group.

Since Colombia's President Iván Duque took office in 2018, 903 social leaders and human rights defenders have been killed, reported on Monday, the coordinator of the Observatory of Human Rights and Conflicts of the Institute of Studies for Development and Peace (Indepaz), Leonardo Gómez Perafán.

"The figures of Iván Duque's government are not the best in any aspects, but as far as security is concerned, it is close to the worst period of violence in the last decades, which is from 2002 to 2006. Since he took office, 930 social leaders have been assassinated," said Gómez Perafán in a video posted on Twitter.

The expert affirmed that 245 signatories of the peace agreement between the State and the extinct FARC guerrilla were also killed and 261 massacres were committed.

"At least 245 signatories of the Peace Agreement have been killed; 261 massacres have been committed, of which 45 have occurred so far this year," he reported.

Finally, Gómez said that the departments most affected by violence are Cauca, Antioquia, Nariño, Valle del Cauca and Putumayo and blamed these figures on the lack of implementation of the peace agreement.

"The lack of commitment to implement the peace agreement, the ineffective security policy and the lack of comprehensive state presence in the territory are the main causes of widespread violence during Iván Duque's term in office," he concluded.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) revealed on June 2 a report showing concern about structural violence in Colombia, especially against human rights defenders.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Col ... -0023.html

Iván Duque Sentenced to House Arrest for Contempt of Court

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Colombia’s President Ivan Duque is convicted to house arrest for contempt of court. | Photo: Twitter @colombiareports

Published 5 June 2022

The sentence considers that the government headed by Duque has not complied with a Supreme Court's ruling ordering the creation of a Special Command of the Public Force for environmental crimes in that national park.

The president of Colombia, Iván Duque, has been sentenced to five days of house arrest for failing to comply with a sentence for the protection of Los Nevados National Park.

The Superior Court of Ibagué published this Saturday the ruling for contempt of a sentence of the Supreme Court of Justice in which it declared the Park as a subject of rights.

The sentence considers that the government headed by Duque has not complied with the creation of a Special Command of the Public Force for environmental crimes in that national park.


In this regard, the Superior Court of Ibagué ordered Duque's arrest on Saturday for ignoring the Supreme Court's ruling. For his part, the president, in addition to dismissing the arrest order as “unconstitutional”, assured that he had certainly complied with the protection of ecosystems in Colombia.

In November 2021, the Supreme Court declared Los Nevados National Park as a subject of rights, urging the Colombian authorities to elaborate a plan to protect and conserve the complex, in addition to forming a Special Command of the Public Force to fight environmental crimes in this place.

In addition to the arrest, the punishment against the Colombian dignitary consists of a fine equivalent to 15 legal monthly minimum wages, worth about 3900 dollars.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Iva ... -0003.html

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Colombia: Francia Márquez as the Difference in Stopping the Fascist Hernández and Winning the Election
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JUNE 3, 2022
Juan Diego Quesada

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Until recently, Gustavo Petro understood politics as a solitary exercise. In his time as congressman he used his arguments to attack corruption or paramilitarism from the podium. As mayor of Bogota he was criticized by those around him for being reluctant to take the advice of others. Now he has understood that to be the next president of Colombia he needs the help of the rest, but especially that of Francia Márquez, his vice presidential running mate. Marquez, an Afro woman who paid for her law studies by working as a maid, has become a phenomenon that has broken all the schemes of local politics. Faced with her, a refreshing person who has never held any public office, it will be hard for Rodolfo Hernandez to argue that she is a politician in the same way as any other politician or that she represents the interests of the elites. Moreover, she has a powerful feminist message to attack the former mayor of Bucaramanga, who often makes sexist comments. Petro’s strategists know that there are two men competing for the presidency, but that it will be the women who will decide who ends up in the Casa de Nariño.

The attention on Francia Márquez is going to be redoubled in these 20 days left until the voting. She feels that in the first round she was not been given all the space she deserved. Now she will have it. This Tuesday it was announced that she will be equal as or perhaps more relevant than Petro. People who know her point out that there is confidence in her character, audacity and courage.

The surprising arrival of Hernandez in the second round has forced Petro to make a change of direction. He was more confident in facing Fico Gutiérrez, with his continuism and the legacy of Uribism. He knows that lesson by heart. However, Hernandez is a flamboyant political phenomenon, a 77-year-old real estate magnate, rich and foul-mouthed, who sells himself as the man who will save Colombia from corruption. Petro, now, finds himself as the politician more associated with the establishment and traditional politics, a role he has never played in his life. By adopting a social-democratic and serene discourse, the former guerrilla wants to attract to himself to the moderate voter who does not want to leave the country in the hands of an unknown like Hernandez. Although if you think about it, it is nothing new, only that Colombia had not been able to detect it: Hernandez represents the result of the conversation in social networks, as did Trump, Bolsonaro in Brazil or Bukele in El Salvador.

Marquez and Petro must now explain to the country’s sectors that the nation cannot remain in the hands of a populist with authoritarian and oligarchic ties. They want to pose the contest as the election between a moderate leftist -many people do not have that vision of Petro- against an unpredictable man. Emphasis will be placed on his volatile and unpredictable personality. Hernandez became nationally known a few years ago for beating up an opposition councilman. The city of Bucaramanga sided with the aggressor giving him a sort of rough individual image. Petro’s strategists are trying to paints Hernandez as a someone who is not level headed to make key national decisions.

The other flank on which Hernández may suffer is that of corruption. Although his platform is called Liga de Gobernantes Anticorrupción, he was the only one of the candidates who has been indicted for a serious case. During his time as mayor, his son received two million dollars from a company that received a concession. This has been proven because the company and the son signed a document before a notary. At the end of July he will be called to testify in a trial but that is after the election.

Hernandez being a businessman who governed his own city he incurred many conflicts of interest, with a history of not differentiating very well between public and private. He has also often publicly celebrated the fact that the buyers of his homes have been paying him interest for a long time.

Marquez’s vice-presidency, in the event of victory, would have enormous historical significance, for women, for the communities of that other Colombia, including black, Afro-descendant and the Raizal and Palanquero communities. Mabel Lara, a journalist who opted to enter Congress and who has enormous popularity, has joined the campaign with a long letter in which Petro is not mentioned, only Francia Márquez.

From this point on Francia will have to go on the attack. The latest published poll shows a two-point lead for Hernandez, who is riding a wave after his surprising results on Sunday. The idea of the left-wing pact is to stop this trend as soon as possible. What it has going for it is that never before has the left counted such a solid flood of votes, 8.5 million as it received in the first round. Now it must add numbers from the center. Fajardo, whose handed his support to Hernandez could be a turning point but that is yet to be decided. Be that as it may, currently the numbers between Petro and Hernandez are very tight, everything may be decided by a handful of votes. Petro’s team are counting on Francia Marquez to make the difference. Her strong image and clean past has to become what tips the electoral scales.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2022/06/ ... -election/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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