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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Wed Jul 19, 2023 2:03 pm

Beijing tells NATO to stay out of E. Asia
By ZHANG YUNBI | CHINA DAILY | Updated: 2023-07-15 06:37

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This photo taken on April 6, 2022 shows a sculpture and flags at NATO headquarters in Brussels, Belgium. [Photo/Xinhua]

Efforts urged for growth, stability in post-pandemic era at Jakarta gathering

Beijing on Friday criticized attempts to undermine the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' central role in the East Asian regional cooperation architecture, and dismissed NATO's ambition to meddle in the region.

Wang Yi, director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, made the stern warning in Jakarta when attending the annual East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers' Meeting.

The meeting in the Indonesian capital gathered representatives of 10 ASEAN countries along with eight other countries — Australia, China, Japan, India, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Russia and the United States.

Wang called on countries to "earnestly support the central role of ASEAN and build a solid foundation for peace".

Noting that ASEAN's central role is the natural result of evolution in history and the greatest common ground of all parties, Wang rejected attempts to undermine and replace ASEAN's role, and said "it is even more unreasonable for NATO to set foot in East Asia".

The region's peace "should not be based on the pursuit of absolute security by a small number of countries", and China is willing to explore cooperation with all parties regarding the Global Security Initiative it proposed, Wang said.

He reiterated China's willingness to take the lead in signing the Protocol to the Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone.

Observers said the region has been overshadowed by the reinforced military presence of the US and its allies in the South China Sea, policies seeking economic "decoupling" and NATO's expanded outreach in the region.

Xu Liping, a veteran researcher on Southeast Asia studies at the National Institute of International Strategy of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said, "We have seen deepening geopolitical competition among major countries, the lingering Ukraine crisis and the sluggish recovery of the world economy, as well as little relief in inflation, the energy crisis and food crises."

Currently, "ASEAN countries expect to work with all parties to seek regional peace and development and effectively promote cooperation in East Asia as a whole", he said.

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Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Foreign Affairs Wang Yi (Front) attends the 13th East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, on July 14, 2023. [Photo/Xinhua]

In Wang's speech, the senior diplomat asked nations to show their support for genuine multilateralism, strengthen benign interaction and put Asia-Pacific cooperation back on the right track.

He also called on all countries to join hands to make the region a center for economic growth, advance common development, champion the right path featuring economic globalization, and secure the multilateral trade system.

He added that China is ready to work with all parties to continue the advancement of cooperation in poverty relief and energy.

Liu Qing, vice-president of the China Institute of International Studies, said the meeting "mainly serves as a communication platform and plays a role in enhancing political mutual trust", and "ASEAN is an important engine of regional cooperation and development in Asia".

On the meeting's sidelines, Wang held bilateral talks with senior diplomats from countries including Japan, India and the ROK on Friday.

When meeting with Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi, Wang urged Tokyo to "shape an objective and rational perception of China, draw lessons from history with practical actions, and adhere to the path of peaceful development".

Recently, Tokyo has positioned China as its biggest "strategic challenge", exaggerating China's so-called "threat" on multiple occasions and in various documents. Wang said that this is "seriously inconsistent with the reality of China-Japan relations" and runs counter to the important consensus of the two sides that they "are cooperative partners, and do not pose a threat to one another".

He called on the Japanese side to "improve the feelings between the people of the two countries and promote China-Japan relations to return to the track of sound, stable development". Beijing is open to maintaining contacts at all levels, as well as economic and trade exchanges and people-to-people exchanges, he added.

Hayashi said Tokyo looks forward to building constructive and stable Japan-China relations and creating conditions for high-level exchanges.

On Friday, Wang also attended the ASEAN Regional Forum Foreign Ministers' Meeting.

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/20230 ... 168e2.html

Envoy refutes NATO accusations
By MINLU ZHANG at the United Nations | China Daily Global | Updated: 2023-07-14 10:36

China's top envoy to the United Nations on Thursday refuted NATO's "unwarranted attacks and accusations" against China in a recent communique issued during the NATO Summit in Vilnius, Lithuania.

"The Cold War has long since ended, but the 'ghost' of the Cold War mentality has been hovering over the world," said Zhang Jun, China's permanent representative to the UN. He said the Cold War mentality "intensified global confrontation and conflicts".

Zhang made the remarks at a UN Security Council on Thursday in response to a communique released at the end of the NATO Summit on Tuesday, in which the military bloc mentioned China 15 times, saying that "China's stated ambitions and coercive policies challenge our interests, security and values" and that China posed "systemic challenges" to the alliance, Xinhua News reported.

"The communique issued at the meeting is filled with repeated and lengthy statements, rehashing old tunes, full of Cold War mentality and ideological bias. The communique ignores basic facts and makes unwarranted attacks and accusations against China. It is completely backward and hypocritical," said Zhang. "China strongly opposes it.

"NATO claims to be a regional organization, why then is NATO reaching beyond its geographical scope laid down in its treaty, making its foray into the Asia-Pacific, bringing more negative impacts and destructive factors to regional and global security?" Zhang asked.

"NATO claims to be a defensive alliance, why then is NATO encouraging member states to ramp up military budgets, keep crossing the line and expanding the mandate, and stoke confrontations," Zhang asked.

"NATO claims to defend a 'rules-based international order', but it has been ignoring international law and basic norms governing international relations and interfering in other countries' internal affairs," Zhang continued.

Zhang emphasized that NATO's accusations against China are groundless. "China is a force for world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of the international order," he said.

"China has the best record on peace and security. We have never invaded any country or engaged in any proxy war. We have never conducted global military operations, threatened other countries with force, exported ideology or interfered in other countries' internal affairs," Zhang said.

He said China follows a policy of 'no first use' of nuclear weapons at any time and has committed unconditionally to not using or threatening to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states and nuclear-weapon-free zones. China is the only nuclear weapon state to have adopted such a policy.

"Would any NATO member states make such a commitment?" Zhang asked.

"We will resolutely fight back against any behavior that violates China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, damages China's security and development interests, and disrupts the peace and stability of China's surrounding areas," the envoy said.

At Thursday's Security Council meeting on non-proliferation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Zhang also called for the denuclearization of the peninsula, the maintenance of peace and stability in the region, and the pursuit of a political settlement through dialogue.

The Korean Peninsula issue is a legacy of the Cold War that has cast a decades-long shadow, said Zhang. "It is essentially a political security issue, and the core lies in the lack of a peace mechanism."

The United States and other countries have long viewed the DPRK as a security threat and have been fixated on imposing sanctions and pressure, which has placed immense security threats and survival pressure on the DPRK, Zhang said, adding that "this approach will only intensify contradictions and heighten tension, and reality has already demonstrated".

"Dialogue and negotiation are the only correct and effective way to ease the tension on the peninsula and promote a political settlement," he said. "As long as the US and the DPRK resume dialogue and negotiations, the situation on the peninsula will remain stable, and there will be hope for a political settlement.

"Instead of accusing other countries of obstructing the Security Council's actions, the US should propose practical solutions, take meaningful actions, respond to the legitimate concerns of the DPRK, and implement the statement of 'unconditional dialogue' with actions," said Zhang.

He said the Security Council should also make active efforts to ease sanctions in due course, rather than "simply imposing sanctions and pressure", and it should not be "reduced to a tool for individual countries to achieve self-interest in geopolitics".

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/20230 ... 166a6.html

China warns against military pressure on DPRK
Xinhua | Updated: 2023-07-14 19:42

UNITED NATIONS -- A Chinese envoy on Thursday warned against military pressure on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK).

China's position on the Korean Peninsula question is very clear. China is committed to the denuclearization of the peninsula, maintaining peace and stability on the peninsula, and the political settlement of the issue through dialogue, said Zhang Jun, China's permanent representative to the United Nations.

"China has taken note of the DPRK's recent launch. Meanwhile, we are also concerned about the heightened military pressure and repeated dispatches of strategic weapons by a certain country to carry out military activities on the Korean Peninsula," Zhang told the Security Council.

None of the incidents have happened in isolation; should this vicious circle persist, the Korean Peninsula question will not only be intractable, but the situation will further escalate, he warned.

As a legacy of the Cold War, the Korean Peninsula issue persists to this very day. It is, in essence, a political and security issue, and its crux lies in the absence of a peace mechanism, said Zhang.

The United States and other countries have long regarded the DPRK as a security threat and are obsessed with sanctions and applying pressure on it, which has put the DPRK under an enormous security threat and existential pressure. Also, the DPRK's legitimate security concerns have never been addressed, he said.

In particular, since the beginning of this year, the United States and other countries have carried out joint military exercises on the peninsula on an unprecedented large scale, featuring highly targeted and provocative drills. The Washington Declaration, which upgrades "extended deterrence," was issued. Such an approach will only intensify confrontation and tensions, as demonstrated by the current events, said Zhang.

The history of the progression of the Korean Peninsula issue since the 1990s clearly shows that dialogue and negotiation are the only correct and effective way to ease tensions on the peninsula and promote a political settlement. As long as the United States and the DPRK resume dialogue and negotiations and meet each other halfway, the situation on the peninsula will remain stable and there is hope for a political settlement, he said.

The United States, rather than accusing others of preventing Security Council action, should come up with practical plans and take meaningful steps to respond to the DPRK's legitimate concerns and translate its posture of "unconditional dialogue" into action, he said.

The point of departure for the Security Council's handling of the Korean Peninsula issue should be to defuse the situation and promote long-term peace and stability, rather than simply imposing sanctions and exerting pressure, still less should it become a tool for certain countries to achieve their own geopolitical interests, he said.

Promoting political solutions and strengthening solidarity and mutual trust are the keys to maintaining the prestige and the authority of the Security Council. All parties should implement the DPRK-related council resolutions in a comprehensive manner. The provisions relating to the resumption of dialogue and political settlement, in particular, should not be selectively ignored, he said.

The starting point of the DPRK-related draft resolution jointly sponsored by China and Russia is to send a positive signal of goodwill, create conditions for the resumption of dialogue and a turnaround of the situation and promote the political settlement of the Korean Peninsula issue. Those council members that demand Security Council action should seriously consider this draft resolution, said Zhang.

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/20230 ... 16877.html

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NATO'S BLOOD DEBT TO CHINA: THE BOMBING OF THE EMBASSY IN YUGOSLAVIA
Jul 14, 2023 , 12:54 p.m.

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People walk past the Serbian government building, heavily damaged by shelling in Belgrade on May 11, 1999 (Photo: AP)

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Summit, held on July 11-12 in Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, had China as a systemic challenge to the "rules-based international order" as its central theme. so its members agreed to cooperate to protect themselves from the "coercive behavior" of the Asian country.

In response to the organization's actions, the spokesperson for the Chinese Foreign Ministry referred to a historical fact in which NATO is precisely the one that represents a danger. Diplomatic official Hua Chunying recalled the bombing of the Chinese embassy by the Atlanticist corps in Yugoslavia in May 1999.

Likewise, he denounced the "war machine" of the Atlantic Alliance that could lead to "the confrontation between blocks or a new Cold War."

It would be necessary to ask what criminal acts can be foisted on China so that it is considered a threat by the bloc led by the United States. Instead, NATO has a history of war crimes that have gone unpunished.

On May 7, 1999, the Chinese embassy in Belgrade was bombed during a NATO-organized airstrike. The five bombs that fell killed three Chinese journalists, injured more than 20 diplomats and severely damaged the facility.

"Although 24 years have passed, I cannot forget each and every scene of that tragic night. Today we gather here to see the recently completed Chinese Cultural Center, but every time I come here what my eyes see is still the bombardment of the Chinese embassy that night. The brutal and instantaneous loss of the lives of colleagues, something I will never be able or dare to forget in my entire life," Chen Bo, Chinese ambassador to Serbia, said at a commemoration event earlier this year .


https://misionverdad.com/la-deuda-de-sa ... yugoslavia

Google Translator

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China to Push Back Against NATO Aggression in Asia-Pacific
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 14, 2023
Drago Bosnic

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Despite all the failures of its favorite puppet regime, as well as the inability to hide or spin this for propaganda purposes, NATO seems to be expanding its comprehensive aggression against the world. This time, its target is the Asia-Pacific region, particularly its foremost power – China. The United States aims to use the belligerent alliance to expand its military footprint and infrastructure to the relatively stable region (or at least it was until Washington DC moved in). The thalassocratic bloc’s presence in the area will surely result in an exponential increase in tensions with China, as the Asian giant simply cannot tolerate NATO’s deeply destabilizing military presence.

Given the belligerent alliance’s history of aggressions and invasions all over the world, Beijing is rightfully alarmed and irritated by signals it has observed at this year’s NATO summit in Lithuania’s Vilnius, particularly regarding its announced expansionism in the Asia-Pacific. On July 12, the closing day of the summit, Beijing vowed a resolute response to this unadulterated aggression. China’s mission to the European Union issued a strong statement after NATO publicly announced its plans the previous day. The reason Beijing is relaying its message through the EU is that the troubled bloc has effectively faded into strategic irrelevance by becoming a geopolitical pendant of the US and NATO.

“The China-related content of the communique disregards basic facts, wantonly distorts China’s position and policies, and deliberately discredits China. We firmly oppose and reject this,” China’s diplomatic mission stated, further emphasizing that it “strongly opposes NATO’s eastward movement into the Asia-Pacific region” and warning: “Any act that jeopardizes China’s legitimate rights and interests will be met with a resolute response.”

And while some might say the wording is “too strong”, it’s still quite reserved and diplomatic given the actually threatening rhetoric coming from NATO. The belligerent alliance has effectively accused Beijing of supposed “meddling” and “attacks”, particularly cyber warfare.

“The PRC employs a broad range of political, economic, and military tools to increase its global footprint and project power, while remaining opaque about its strategy, intentions and military build-up,” the controversial NATO communique stated, adding: “The PRC’s malicious hybrid and cyber operations and its confrontational rhetoric and disinformation target Allies and harm Alliance security.”

Such rhetoric can only be described as a declaration of yet another “cold war” by NATO, as the belligerent alliance has officially returned to such policies in regard to Russia during its summit in Madrid last year. Strangely enough, the belligerent alliance also accused China of supposed “economic aggression” and alleged “attempts to expand its influence” around the world through the use of “economic tools”. And yet, such accusations make little sense, as Beijing doesn’t force anyone to do business with it. On the contrary, the virtually unrivaled competitiveness of China’s economy makes it a priority partner for the vast majority of countries in the world.

The presence of the top political establishment of four US Asia-Pacific vassals and satellite states, namely Australia’s and New Zealand’s Prime Ministers Anthony Albanese and Chris Hipkins, as well as Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, makes NATO’s threats all the more serious. Thus, Beijing can only assume the aforementioned expansionism is much more than simple rhetoric aimed at earning cheap geopolitical points. This is particularly true for Kishida, who has been publicly talking about “Japan’s future in NATO” at least since May, as Tokyo is indeed expanding its coordination with the belligerent alliance’s operations in the region.

And while the plan to open NATO’s liaison office in Tokyo has reportedly been shelved, allegedly due to French opposition, the proposed “deepening of ties” is rightfully seen as a direct threat in China. Expecting such hostility from the political West, Beijing has already made sure its reasoning is heard through export restrictions on rare-earth elements, a move that has sent shockwaves across Western markets, as the price of these prized commodities has soared as a result. In other words, while China avoids using its economic might for geopolitical purposes, it has demonstrated to NATO what it’s like when the Asian giant actually does what the belligerent alliance has previously accused it of doing.

The likely response to US aggression in the Asia-Pacific will be China’s own increased coordination with Russia, as Moscow is in possession of massive strategic capabilities in the region. These assets can provide invaluable assistance to Beijing, particularly Russia’s strategic bombers/missile carriers and nuclear-powered ballistic (SSBNs) and guided missile submarines (SSGNs). Moscow itself maintains such capabilities to deter US forces in the Pacific, as well as ensure retaliation in case Washington DC tries to escalate the ongoing (New) Cold War into a hot one. With that in mind, it’s unclear why most US vassals and satellite states are still compliant with such a suicidal strategic approach.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... a-pacific/

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Guo Yezhou meets with Communist Party leaders delegation
The Third Communist Party Leaders Delegation of North American, Oceanian and Nordic Countries visited China from June 24-July 4 at the invitation of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC).

Friends of Socialist China were invited to join this delegation, and our delegates were co-editors Keith Bennett and Carlos Martinez and advisory group member Francisco Domínguez. The delegation was led by Robert Griffiths, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Britain (CPB). The other parties represented were:

Communist Party of Australia
Communist Party of Ireland
Communist Party of Finland
Communist Party (Sweden)
Communist Party of Norway
Communist Party USA
Communist Party of Canada (including Le Parti communiste du Québec)
Communist Party of Denmark
New Communist Party of Britain
Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist)

The delegation enjoyed a rich and varied programme in Guangzhou, Guiyang, Zunyi and Beijing. On June 30, it met with IDCPC Vice Minister Guo Yezhou in Beijng, who expressed the CPC’s willingness to deepen exchanges and cooperation and jointly open up a better future for humanity, together with all the parties represented. The below report of the meeting with Comrade Guo was originally published on the IDCPC website.

Friends of Socialist China once again expresses its warmest thanks and appreciation to our comrades in the IDCPC for their kind invitation and wonderful arrangements. We will be carrying further reports on the visit.
Guo Yezhou, Vice-minister of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee (IDCPC), met here today with the 3rd Communist Party Leaders Delegation of North American, Oceanian and Nordic Countries led by Robert Griffiths, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Britain.



Guo said, at present, the central task of the CPC is uniting and leading the people of all ethnic groups of China to build a modern socialist country in an all-round way, achieve the second centenary goal, and advance rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts through a Chinese path to modernization. On the new journey, we are willing to, together with Marxist political parties in North American, Oceanian and Nordic Countries, deepen exchanges and cooperation, and jointly open up a better future for mankind.

Griffiths said he was very happy to visit China at the invitation of the IDCPC. During the visit, he further deepened understanding of the CPC, and witnessed China’s new development and progress. He said, the CPC made outstanding contributions to world peace, security, development, and prosperity. The Marxist political parties in North American, Oceanian and Nordic Countries are willing to strengthen exchanges with the CPC to jointly safeguard world peace and stability.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/07/12/g ... elegation/

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Renewable energy development is less important than stopping Chinese industry!
In this brief but incisive blog post, Canadian anti-imperialist writer Justin Podur unpacks the contradictory remarks made by US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen during her visit to Beijing, complaining about China’s use of state subsidies in certain parts of its economy. As Justin points out, “if the market system is the best and most efficient, why would Yellen complain about China using state subsidies or protections and interfering in it? Wouldn’t that just allow the US to use the market to win the game?” And why would they want China to adopt measures that would – according to free-market fundamentalism – accelerate its rise?

The reality is that the US wants Beijing to adopt an economic strategy that “would actually destroy the basis of China’s growth and ensure its subordination to the US.” One side-effect of this is that it would cause a major disruption to the solar energy industry, in which China is dominant (Justin notes that China holds 80 percent of photovoltaic patents worldwide). As such, “the imperialist anxiety to stop the rise of Chinese industry conflicts with the green priority for a transition to renewables.” But in this battle of priorities between hegemonism and the environment, the US is siding with hegemonism. An important reminder that the struggle against the New Cold War is also a struggle to keep the planet habitable.
Janet Yellen went to China and warned them there would be consequences if they didn’t adopt a market economy. There’s so many admissions in this little statement that shouldn’t go unnoticed. If the market system is the best and most efficient, as its proponents claim, why would Yellen complain about China using state subsidies or protections and interfering in it? Wouldn’t that just allow the US to use the market to win the game? If the market is the “cheat code”, as the gamers say, then how could China “cheat” by using non-market mechanisms? The flip side of the coin is also there. If the US, as its officials repeatedly cry, is desperate to stop the rise of China, why would they advise China to take steps (like market reforms) that should, according to market theory, only accelerate China’s rise? Perhaps it is because Yellen knows market reforms would actually destroy the basis of China’s growth and ensure its subordination to the US.

I want to talk about one of these Chinese industries that has grown up under state subsidy and protection that is – again according to Western environmentalists – very important in the struggle against climate change: photovoltaics (solar panels) and other renewable energy technologies.

There’s this video from a youtube channel called Tech Teller that outlines some details about the rise of China’s PV industry. The news hook for the video was the arrest of a Chinese PV executive, Pu Yonghua of Jiangsu Green Power New Energy, in Germany. It looked like Germany was going to pull a Canada (with the kidnapping of Meng Wanzhou of Huawei) and get into a pointless years-long conflict at US urging. But it looks like Pu Yonghua was released a few days later.


Tech teller’s video provides some “startling figures” about China’s dominance in PV:

of 150,000 PV patents worldwide, Chinese companies hold 120,000 of them.
The top ten PV companies in the world are all Chinese.
Chinese PV has a market share of 60% in the US and peaked at 95% in the EU. EU’s domestic PV capacity accounted for 3% of market share there.
200 countries are customers of Chinese PV products.
The EU’s attempt to raise its renewable energy use to reduce its dependence on Russian gas is ultimately a plan to transfer its dependence on Russia — to China.

China’s PV industry is so far ahead that the US and EU industries are going to have a lot of difficulty catching up. This despite, as the video tells, depraved and repeated attempts to stop China from developing by both the US and EU.

There are problems with PV, as environmentalists like Stan Cox have noted, including the mining footprint of rare earths and the use of fossil fuels in their production. But there is a Green consensus on the need to get off of fossil fuels and PV technology will be key to get there. The imperialist anxiety to stop the rise of Chinese industry conflicts with Green the green priority for a transition to renewables. It is another case of Western imperialism vs the environment. If you believe climate change is an existential issue for the species like nuclear war, you could use Chomsky’s phrase and consider it a choice between Hegemony or Survival.

Which do you think the US will choose?

https://socialistchina.org/2023/07/09/r ... -industry/

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JULY 18, 2023 BY M. K. BHADRAKUMAR
Politics of hedging in the Indo-Pacific

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Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi (C) with Director of Foreign Affairs Commission of Communist Party of China Central Committee Wang Yi (L) and Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov (R) at trilateral meeting, Jakarta, July 12, 2023

On Monday, while delivering the keynote address at the annual China Business Summit held in Auckland, New Zealand Prime Minister Chris Hipkins weighed in on the power dynamic in the Indo-Pacific.

New Zealand’s estimation matters because it is a small country in Southern Pacific heavily dependent on trade with China for preserving its prosperity and yet one of the Five Eyes (along with the US, UK, Australia and Canada), the exclusive secretive security grouping of Anglo-Saxon countries.

Hipkins’ speech came just three weeks after his return from Beijing on an official visit with a business delegation when he met with China’s President Xi Jinping. Meanwhile, Hipkins had just returned from the NATO Summit in Vilnius last week. NewZealand PMs have begun attending the NATO summits since last year as one of “IP4,” the alliance’s four Indo-Pacific partners (joining Australia, Japan and South Korea.)

The Chinese readout of President Xi’s meeting with Hipkins in Beijing on June 27 attributed the following remarks to the latter: “He [Hipkins] said that New Zealand values its relations with China… (and) believes that bilateral relations should not be defined by differences, and it is important that the two sides have candid communication, mutual respect, and harmony without uniformity. New Zealand is willing and ready to maintain communication with China on helping island countries develop.”

But at Auckland on Monday, he added caveats: “China’s rise and how it seeks to exert that influence is also a major driver of the increasing strategic competition, particularly in our wider home region, the Indo-Pacific. Our region is becoming more contested, less predictable, and less secure. And that poses challenges for small countries like New Zealand that are reliant on the stability and predictability of international rules for our prosperity and security.” (See today’s China Daily report titled New Zealand PM calls for deepening economic, environmental cooperation with China.)

What emerges is that the traditional security concepts of balancing and bandwagoning are insufficient for understanding how smaller states like New Zealand are responding to US–China rivalry. (See the USIP commentary New Zealand Draws Closer to NATO with a Wary Eye.)

This was also the leitmotif of the foreign and security policy choices exhibited by Southeast Asian countries at the ASEAN summit and related events in Jakarta in the weekend. The US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s single-minded mission at Jakarta was to rally ASEAN members to the US banner. But ASEAN countries are choosing their own path, which is not to choose sides between the US and China.

Even Singapore, the US’s closest ally in southeast Asia, has begun to differ. Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan told reporters ahead of the ASEAN Regional Forum in Jakarta on Friday that the ASEAN countries do not want to be divided or vassal states, “or worse, an arena for proxy wars.”

The US underestimates the strength and resilience of the cooperative relations that have been forged between ASEAN countries and China. Simply put, the diplomatic and political engagement between China and the ASEAN in Jakarta last week showed that there is a shared will to not let differences and disputes disrupt national or regional development. The trade volume between ASEAN and China touched $431.3 billion in the first half of this year, according to latest official data, an increase of 5.4 percent compared with the same period last year.

The meetings in Jakarta on Friday indicated that the ASEAN countries do not want the US to make the region another arena for its destructive power games. The completion of the second reading of the text for a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, and the adoption of a guideline document for its early conclusion, sent out a clear signal that the ASEAN region will not allow any seeds of discord to take root. Of course, this momentum serves China’s interests while it undercuts the US attempts to create friction in ASEAN’s relations with China.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo told regional foreign ministers who gathered in Jakarta on Friday that ASEAN should not become a proxy to any power. Interestingly, alluding to the western attempts to split the ASEAN, Widodo underscored to the regional foreign ministers who were paying him a courtesy call on him (who included the QUAD foreign ministers) that the ASEAN is committed to strengthening its unity, solidarity and centrality in maintaining peace and stability in the region. “ASEAN cannot be a competition, it can’t be a proxy of any country, and international law should be respected consistently,” he said.

In effect, the 18-nation East Asia Summit which was held during the ASEAN Summit, witnessed for the first time the concept of neutrality combining with the concept of ASEAN centrality and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.

Significantly, last Wednesday, ahead of the ASEAN summit, the foreign minister of Indonesia Retno Marsudi held a trilateral meeting with the Chinese CCP Central Committee’s foreign policy chief and Politburo member Wang Yi and her Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov in Jakarta. The Chinese and Russian readouts (here and here) show a high level of satisfaction that the ASEAN is getting its act together, which strengthens the shift to a multipolar world order. To be sure, a key item for discussion would have been Indonesia’s BRICS membership.

Indonesia will be a strategic asset for BRICS. Historically, hedging as a concept arose out of the dialectics of the traditional security concepts of balancing and bandwagoning. But Indonesia is creatively taking matters to a “post-hedging” security paradigm where states big and small are shifting to economic policy as the meaningful indicator of security alignment. Simply put, the Southeast Asian states want a stable geopolitical environment to focus on their economic development and do not want to be forced to “take sides” in any hegemonic rivalry.

However, this transition won’t be smooth. The US is weaponising economic and technological connectivity making it a source of geopolitical power and vulnerability. If weaponised interdependence means that more economic and technological policies are perceived as zero-sum, the policy space for hedging shrinks, in principle.

But then, a government might choose Chinese telecommunications providers purely based on cost, speed of rollout and superior quality, and disregard the West’s paranoia about network security risks. This is already happening in the Gulf region. The smaller nations’ motivation cannot be underestimated.

Besides, China has had a head start. The launch of RCEP and evolving investment flows look set to further strengthen the strong economic links between ASEAN and China. The ASEAN-China trade corridor stretching from the cold and dry steppes in northern China to the tropical jungles of Indonesia generates a diverse range of commercial activity, with each geography equipped with its own competitive advantage.

Thus, China’s Pearl River Delta, Thailand and Vietnam, for example, are all important manufacturing hubs, while Indonesia and Malaysia are rich in natural resources. Hong Kong and Singapore are international financial centres, and Shenzhen is shaping up to be Asia’s Silicon Valley.

The potential economic impact will be huge. ASEAN trade to China is moving up the value chain. Looking to the future, green development and promoting innovation will be key areas of strategic focus. And these ambitions will be realised by investment. Equally, as the Chinese economy undergoes a tech-driven transformation, its homegrown innovations will be exported to other countries. ASEAN is a prime candidate.

Chinese companies are already building data centres and 5G networks across the ASEAN region. The Chinese ambassador to the ASEAN Hou Yanqi recently called the China-ASEAN common space the “epicentrum of growth” in the world economy.

https://www.indianpunchline.com/politic ... o-pacific/

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Sat Jul 22, 2023 2:14 pm

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Report back from a delegation to China
The following is a report by Carlos Martinez on a delegation to China, organised by the CPC’s International Department, that Friends of Socialist China was invited to join. Carlos’s report describes the intensive program of activities that the delegation participated in, as well as detailing some of the discussions and observations on China’s path to modernisation, common prosperity, whole process people’s democracy, rights of migrant workers, and the nature and trajectory of Chinese socialism.
The Third Communist Party Leaders Delegation of North American, Oceanian and Nordic Countries visited China from 24 June to 4 July, at the invitation of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC).

Friends of Socialist China were invited to join this delegation, along with the Communist Party of Australia, the Communist Party of Britain, the Communist Party of Ireland, the Communist Party of Finland, the Communist Party (Sweden), the Communist Party of Norway, the Communist Party USA, the Communist Party of Canada (including Le Parti communiste du Québec), the Communist Party of Denmark, the New Communist Party of Britain, and the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist). We were represented by co-editors Keith Bennett and Carlos Martinez and advisory group member Francisco Domínguez.

The intensive and incredibly well-organised program included meetings with academics, ‘red tourism’, visits to communities and enterprises, cultural activities, and discussions with the IDCPC, the Communist Youth League of China, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions and the Party School of the CPC Central Committee.

The first destination was Guangzhou (capital city of Guangdong Province in southern China), and the first activity was a presentation and Q&A session at the Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences, introduced by its President, Wang Tinghui, and led by Professor Deng Zhiping.

Deng Zhiping gave an overview of China’s approach to modernisation – characterised by common prosperity for all, harmony between humanity and nature, material and cultural-ethical advancement, and peaceful development – and described the leading role played by Guangdong in this process. Historically Guangdong has always been an area associated with trade; indeed it was the starting point of the Maritime Silk Road, connecting China, South and Southeast Asia, Arabia, East Africa and Europe. In the recent era, Reform and opening up started with the establishment of four Special Economic Zones (SEZs), three of which were in Guangdong Province. Today Guangdong’s GDP ranks alongside Italy and Türkiye, and surpassed South Korea in 2021. Its per capita GDP now exceeds 15,000 USD, indicating that it has been able to jump out of the ‘middle-income trap’.

Guangdong’s average life expectancy is now 79.3, and all the province’s social and economic indicators are steadily improving. Enrolment rate in higher education is 58 percent, up from 28 percent in 2010. More than 158 million residents are covered by social security, and inequality is trending downwards. With the focus on rural regeneration, the urban-rural income ratio has narrowed from 2.7 a decade ago to 2.4 today.

Guangzhou has long been a trailblazer in green development, and in recent years there has been a strong emphasis on building a “green and beautiful Guangdong” – pursuing high-quality development which is green and open, based on innovation and sharing. Professor Deng emphasised that “the colour of our further modernisation is green”. Economic activity in the province is increasingly oriented towards renewable energy and electric vehicles, and major efforts are underway to improve public transport and protect biodiversity.

In response to a question about the living standards of migrant workers, Professor Deng pointed out that Guangdong is currently home to around 26 million such workers. The government is actively working on multiple fronts to enhance their rights and living conditions, including by improving the minimum wage; encouraging union membership and collective bargaining; strictly enforcing labour laws; guaranteeing equal access to social services (including medical care and children’s education); and lowering the threshold for migrant workers to gain household registration (hukou) in their cities of residence.

Following the visit to Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences, we were taken to visit the headquarters of two companies, KingMed Diagnostics Group and the Guangzhou Automobile Group (GAC). KingMed is a pioneer in medical testing, and is at the forefront of advanced cancer diagnostics. Particularly interesting from a political point of view was the relationship between the company and the CPC: while KingMed is a private company, it has a large and active CPC branch which works to protect workers’ rights and coordinate with company management to ensure that corporate strategy complements the country’s overall development goals and serves the people. This concrete example gave the delegates a deeper understanding of the dynamics of the socialist market economy and how China is leveraging capital towards an overall socialist project.

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View from the Canton Tower, Guangzhou

At GAC, China’s leading car manufacturer, we learned about how this state-owned enterprise is working at the cutting edge of electric vehicle development.

Walking around Guangzhou – a megacity of 18 million residents, in a province whose urbanisation rate has increased from 16 to 75 percent in the last four decades – it is striking how clean, green and well-organised it is. There are no slums, there is no homelessness. Trees line every road, and there are ample parks and green spaces, along with huge numbers of low-cost apartment blocks. In that sense, China’s cities stand in stark contrast to the megacities elsewhere in the developing world, which are so often characterised by intense poverty, squalor and homelessness.

We only spent 36 hours in Guangzhou before travelling to Guiyang, capital city of Guizhou province, where we stayed for four days at the CPC’s Guizhou Provincial Party School. The school was founded in 1950 and provides education on Marxist theory, leadership skills, organisational skills and community building. The school’s facilities are extensive and impressive – it can currently accommodate up to 2,000 students at any given time.

At the Guizhou school, the delegation participated in a study session led by Professor Qui Zhonghui on the modernisation of the primary-level governance system and the CPC’s objective of improving grassroots governance, as part of a broader project of building whole-process people’s democracy.

Qui Zhonghui noted that, at the CPC’s 19th Congress in 2017, it was agreed that the principal contradiction faced by Chinese society in the current era had become that between the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development. The theory and practice of governance therefore aims to help resolve that contradiction and to develop “an open governance system with the participation of all people.”

Governance responsibilities at the village and neighbourhood level are wide-ranging, and include the promotion of social vitality (encouraging mutual aid, trust, connection and cooperation), developing a greater sense of community, understanding and solving problems, as well as helping to maintain social harmony and security.

Professor Qui talked about a local community on the outskirts of Guiyang, called Jinyuan, which had been established in 2013 as a test case for various initiatives in grassroots governance and participatory democracy. Alongside 19 full-time workers, there are also eight teams of volunteers (mainly CPC members) that help deal with residents’ problems, organise activity groups for children and older people, and generally look out for people. During the pandemic, these teams would also prioritise helping those older people in the community who live alone.

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Jinyuan Community, Guiyang.

We had the opportunity to visit Jinyuan community later the same day, and were given a guided tour by the community leader, a young woman who was also a delegate to the CPC’s 20th Congress in October 2022. She proudly showed us the community’s buildings and facilities, which include several smart and well-maintained apartment blocks (housing a total of around 10,000 people), a library, an activity room, lots of green space, and plenty of communal areas. She said that the community’s employees and volunteers pride themselves on being available and responsive, and that “whenever residents have a need, we try to solve it.” There are QR codes at several points in the common areas so that residents can easily contact community workers. Going past the activity room, we saw a dance group in action; there are also groups for tai chi, music, painting and discussion. It certainly gave the impression of being a vibrant community and a good place to live.

While in Guizhou, we spent a day in the city of Zunyi, a prefecture-level city of some 6.6 million people in the north of the province. The day started with some ‘red tourism’, visiting the site of the 1935 Zunyi Conference – a crucial episode in the history of the Chinese Revolution and of China’s adaptation and evolution of Marxism. The site is beautifully preserved and the connected Zunyi Conference Memorial Museum is outstanding. It was impressive to see how seriously China takes its revolutionary history and how much effort is put into preserving it and making it accessible.

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Site of the Zunyi Conference

While in Zunyi we also visited the Zunyi Municipal Committee Party School, where we were given a presentation on the CPC’s history by Yang Heying, deputy dean of the school’s Department of Marxism. Professor Yang explained the significance of the Zunyi Conference as a life-or-death turning point in the history of the Chinese Revolution. Rectifying the recent mistakes, which had seen the party’s membership go from 300,000 to 40,000 as a result of the Kuomintang’s fifth extermination campaign waged against the Jiangxi Soviet, the Zunyi Conference set the stage for the party to independently solve the problems of the Revolution, and established a consensus around Mao Zedong’s leadership and theoretical adaptation of Marxism to China’s situation: basing the revolution in the countryside, encircling the cities, and ultimately seizing nationwide power by armed force.

Professor Yang gave an overview history of the party, describing four distinct but closely-related periods: 1) the period of the National Democratic Revolution, starting with the founding of the CPC in 1921 and ending with the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949; 2) the period of revolution and initial socialist construction, from 1949 to 1978; 3) the period of Reform and Opening Up and initial socialist modernisation, from 1978 to 2012; and 4) the New Era of Reform and Opening Up and socialist modernisation.

While Westerners often emphasise the differences between the periods of the Chinese Revolution – in particular the shift that took place with the start of Reform and Opening Up in 1978 – Yang Heying focused on the essential continuities, noting that the CPC considers each period to have provided the crucial foundations for the next. For example, while dismissed by bourgeois economists as a failure, the large-scale socialist construction that took place between 1956 and 1976 was the period of “the most profound and extensive changes in Chinese history”, during which basic industry was built, GDP increased four-fold, China’s UN seat was restored, and diplomatic relations established with 125 countries.

The Reform and Opening Up period, dismissed by some on the left as a capitulation to capitalism, witnessed a massive increase in productivity, and an average GDP growth rate of nearly 10 percent – three times the global average. Living standards improved accordingly: during this period, the problem of feeding and clothing the entire population was essentially solved.

The New Era of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, starting with the CPC’s 18th Congress in 2012, aims to build a modern socialism which is “strong, democratic, civilised, harmonious, and beautiful”, with a focus on people-centred development, common prosperity, and harmony between humans and nature.

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Guiyang Grand Theatre

An unexpected highlight of our visit to Guizhou was an evening spent at the Guiyang Grand Theatre, where our delegation watched an amazing variety show largely showcasing music and dance from the province’s ethnic minorities. The themes of the performances varied from love songs to folk stories to re-enactments of sections of the Long March. The theatre was packed with locals, and it was obvious that there are ample facilities and resources for people to participate in and enjoy cultural activities at all levels. On a related note, we also drove past an outdoor basketball match between two local teams, which had a large and enthusiastic crowd of spectators. This reflects a concerted effort by the government to encourage participation in sports for all.

In Guizhou we also visited the beautifully-preserved ancient town of Qingyan. This town boasts multiple Buddhist and Daoist temples, as well as a Protestant church and a Catholic house of worship. Contrary to the constant disinformation put about in the Western media, China celebrates both its ancient culture and its religious and ethnic diversity.

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Qingyan, Guizhou

In Beijing, we had friendly and interesting exchanges with Zhou Rongguo, Director General of the IDCPC’s Bureau for North American, Oceanian and Nordic Affairs; Guo Yezhou, Vice Minister of the IDCPC; Shapkat Wushur, member of the Secretariat of the Communist Youth League of China Central Committee; and Xiong Xuanguo, Deputy Chair of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions. We also had the privilege of attending a commemorative medal presentation ceremony for IDCPC comrades that have been party members for 50 years, and an oath-taking ceremony for new, young CPC members who work in the IDCPC.

The delegation’s final presentation and Q&A session was with Professor Guo Qiang, Deputy Director for Teaching and Research of Scientific Socialism at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee. Professor Guo’s comprehensive and extremely interesting presentation was on the theme of ‘A correct understanding of Chinese modernisation’, introducing a number of key ideas around the nature of Chinese socialism in the present era and the CPC’s plans for the coming decades.

Guo reiterated that China’s path to modernisation has several characteristics distinguishing it from the Western path to modernisation: it is the modernisation of a huge population, with common prosperity for all, harmony between humanity and nature, material and cultural-ethical advancement, and is based on peaceful development.

Guo Qiang observed that none of these characteristics specifically talk about socialism, although their realisation certainly relies on a socialist system, and they are obviously consistent with a socialist vision. He explained that the aim of these broader themes is to inspire historical and cultural self-confidence and to highlight the positive aspects of Chinese traditional culture. This sinification of modernisation is important, since Western propaganda spreads the notion that the West’s capitalist path is the only path to modernisation.

Professor Guo gave an overview of the main objectives for the coming five years, including achieving greater self-reliance and strength in science and technology; further enhancing the institutions, standards, and procedures of whole-process people’s democracy; enriching the intellectual and cultural lives of the people; ensuring personal income grows in step with growth; ensuring much more equitable access to public services; substantially improving both urban and rural living environments; and making notable progress on building a Beautiful China, continuing to promote green development, renewable energy and biodiversity protection.

The government has the objective of “basically realising socialist modernisation by 2035”. This means China reaching a per-capita GDP on par with that of the mid-level developed countries (for example Spain or the Czech Republic). It also involves joining the ranks of the world’s most innovative countries; becoming a leading country in education, science and technology, culture, sports and health; ensuring that the people are leading better and happier lives; substantially growing the middle-income group as a proportion of the population; guaranteeing equitable access to basic public services; ensuring modern standards of living in rural areas; steadily lowering greenhouse gas emissions; and fundamentally improving the environment. This strategy includes a significant emphasis on increased self-reliance in science and technology, which reflects a reality where the Western powers, led by the US, are manoeuvring to suppress China’s development and prevent its emergence as a leader in these fields.

We had a wide-ranging Q&A session with Professor Guo. One particularly interesting exchange was on the issue of why there are so few women at the highest levels of government in China. Guo said that this is an issue which is also discussed within the CPC, and explained that most high-level leaders are aged 60 or above, and thus went to university 40 years ago, at a time when the proportion of female students was very low. He said that there is still a long road to travel in terms of getting rid of patriarchal attitudes, but that significant progress is being made on gender equality and equal opportunities. These days, a majority of students in higher education are female, and young people in particular are strongly invested in gender equality. Guo believes that the problem of women’s representation at high levels of government will be solved in the coming decades.

While in Beijing we also had the opportunity to engage in some tourism, visiting the Great Wall and the Forbidden City. On 1 July, we marked the 102nd anniversary of the CPC’s founding by visiting the Museum of the Communist Party of China, which opened in July 2021 to mark the CPC’s centenary. The museum is simply mindblowing, with an enormous range of artefacts and some very powerful virtual reality-based immersive experiences. Definitely a must-see for anyone visiting Beijing.

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Museum of the Communist Party of China

The delegation’s final item of official business was to attend the opening ceremony of the Third Dialogue on Exchanges and Mutual Learning Among Civilisations and the First World Conference of Sinologists, held at the China National Archives of Publications and Culture. Held under the auspices of the IDCPC, it was hosted by the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU). Chinese Vice President Han Zheng attended and addressed the opening session, where he also read a letter of greetings sent by President Xi Jinping. Other speakers in the opening session included former Spanish socialist Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and party and state leaders from the Central African Republic, Mauritania and Malaysia.

All in all, it was a remarkable and inspiring trip, from which we learnt a great deal. From all of our visits and discussions, and from everything we witnessed, it is evident that the Chinese people are living better than ever, and are marching forward with confidence towards an even brighter future. We return with greater resolve than ever to tell the truth about China, to promote the successes of Chinese socialism, and to mobilise the broadest popular opposition to the New Cold War and the imperialist project of encircling and containing China.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/07/19/r ... -to-china/

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Biden keeps lying about the US “not trying to surround” China
In the following brief article, Caitlin Johnstone unpicks President Biden’s recent claim that the US’s military escalation in the Pacific is not about surrounding China but about “maintaining stability in the Indian Ocean and in the South China Sea.” Caitlin points out the obvious: that Biden is lying. The US’s 313 military bases in East Asia, its initiation of AUKUS, its transfer of nuclear-capable bombers to Indonesia, its provocations in Taiwan and more all form part of a broader project of encircling and containing China. Frankly, “only a drooling idiot would believe the world’s most powerful empire is militarily surrounding its top geopolitical rival as an act of defence.”

Caitlin observes that the Chinese leadership understands these dynamics very well and is under no illusions as to the US’s intentions. When Biden says that the US is not trying to contain China and that the US is engaged in acts of defence, the purpose is to dupe the public in the West and generate support for an incredibly reckless military strategy that offers nothing of value to ordinary people.

The author concludes by advising readers to ignore the words of US officials and instead focus on their actions. “Ignore what officials say about wanting peace and not trying to surround China and supporting the One China policy etc. Just watch all the US war machinery that’s being rapidly added to that region.”
President Biden had a recent interview with CNN’s Fareed Zakaria during which he defended his controversial decision to send cluster munitions to Ukraine and suggested that the US can continually support Ukraine the way it supports Israel rather than adding it to the NATO alliance.

About halfway through the interview Biden said something about China that’s worth flagging, because the claim he makes is self-evidently false, and it’s not the first time he’s made it.

Describing the conversations he’s been having with China’s President Xi Jinping, Biden said the following:

“We’re going to put together the Quad which is India, Australia, the United States and Japan. I got a call from him [Xi] on that. He said why are you doing that. I said we’re not doing that to surround you, we’re doing that to maintain stability in the Indian Ocean and in the South China Sea. Because we believe the rules of the road about what constitutes international air space, international space and the water should be maintained.”

Biden uttered this same bogus talking point about not trying to surround China last month at the private fundraising event where he made headlines by calling Xi a “dictator”:

“But what he was really upset about was that I insisted that we — we reunite the Qu- — so-called Quad. He called me and told me not to do that because it was putting him in a bind. I said, All we’re doing — we’re not trying to surround you, we’re just trying to make sure the international rules with air and sea lanes remain open.”

Biden is lying. The US is deliberately surrounding China with war machinery and has been for years, and has rapidly escalated its efforts to do so during Biden’s term. There are currently no fewer than 313 US military bases in East Asia by the Pentagon’s own admission, with the Biden administration adding four new ones in the Philippines. Biden’s war machine has been busy instituting the AUKUS alliance which is specifically set up to menace China, moving nuclear-capable bombers to Indonesia, signing a military deal with Papua New Guinea, working to station missile-armed marines at Japan’s Okinawa islands, staging provocations in Taiwan, and getting into increasingly confrontational encounters with Chinese military vessels and aircraft off China’s coast as part of its dramatically increased military presence in the area.

So of course the US is trying to surround China, as evidenced by the mountains of US war machinery that are being moved into areas surrounding China. Biden can babble all he wants about wanting to secure sea lanes and protect international waters, but only a drooling idiot would believe the world’s most powerful empire is militarily surrounding its top geopolitical rival as an act of defense.

And Beijing is under no illusions about this. Xi said in a speech earlier this year that “Western countries — led by the U.S. — have implemented all-round containment, encirclement and suppression against us, bringing unprecedentedly severe challenges to our country’s development.”

So Biden isn’t trying to fool the Chinese government with his “We’re not trying to surround you” schtick — he’s trying to fool you. He’s trying to fool the western public and the allies of the United States, who would get spooked if the US president openly admitted to a deliberate campaign of militarily encirclement against an economic superpower they all trade with extensively.

You simply cannot understand the geopolitics and major conflicts of the 2020s without understanding that the US empire has been actively amassing military threats in the immediate surroundings of its top two rivals — China and Russia — that it would never tolerate anyone else amassing anywhere near the United States. The single dumbest thing the US empire asks us to believe nowadays is that surrounding its two biggest foes with war machinery is a defensive action, rather than an act of extreme aggression.

The best advice I can offer about US-China tensions is to ignore the words and watch the actions. Ignore what officials say about wanting peace and not trying to surround China and supporting the One China policy etc, and just watch all the US war machinery that’s being rapidly added to that region. The US empire is better at international narrative manipulation than any power structure that has ever existed in human history, but what they can’t spin away is the concrete manoeuvrings of solid pieces of war machinery, because they are physical realities and not narratives.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/07/18/b ... und-china/

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A Visit to Xinjiang, China Makes Clear that U.S. Government and Media Have Hoodwinked Public into Believing China Committed Genocide Against the Uyghur
By Sara Flounders - July 20, 2023 2

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Sara Flounders and Arjae Red with Young Pioneers in Urumqi, May 2023. [Source: workers.org]

Politicized Allegations Are False Propaganda Designed to Mobilize Public Opinion Against China in Support of War

U.S. propaganda is powerful. Responding to an increase in U.S. attacks on China, a delegation was organized by the China/U.S. Solidarity Network, which then visited China from May 11 to May 31.

One focus of the trip was a visit to Xinjiang (pronounced Shinjaang) province to gather video footage and interviews that give a more realistic picture of this vast and quickly modernizing, multiethnic region. Footage for the documentary, currently named “Voice of Xinjiang,” focuses on an area with 4,000 years of history, which is at the center of the ancient Silk Road that today is a major hub in China’s ambitious Belt and Road trade program.

The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) is a vast arid, mountainous and high-desert region in China’s far northwest. Xinjiang has significant oil and mineral reserves and is currently China’s largest natural gas-producing region. The province—although the largest in geographic area, covering one-sixth of China’s total land mass—is sparsely populated, having only 2% of China’s 1.4 billion people. Of Xinjiang’s population of 25 million, 60% belong to 13 ethnic minorities.

The two major cities we visited—Urumqi and Kashgar—are more than 1,000 miles from one another. The surrounding fully mechanized farms were part of our visit.

These cities are part of the “Silk Road,” the great historic trade route that connects Eastern Asia to Central and South Asia, the Middle East and Europe. Xinjiang has vital and strategic international importance. It borders eight countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Russia, the Republic of Mongolia, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Within China, it shares borders with three autonomous province/regions: Gansu, Qinghai and Tibet.

Today the population is actively learning new high-tech skills, which play a pivotal role in Xinjiang’s industrial development and its expanded commercial networks of high-speed trains and communications, which reach countries throughout Asia and into Europe and Africa.

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[Source: financetwitter.com]

Vibrant communities, zero “slave labor”

Torrents of U.S. media reports had told us to expect cities under martial law, military forces of occupation and heavily armed police on every corner. The indigenous population, especially the Uyghur people, are described as an impoverished and isolated population, who are allegedly forced into slave labor and doing back-breaking work in the fields or being locked inside concentration camps.

Coming from the New York City area, I expected a police force of at least equal size. The New York City police force is the world’s eighth-largest armed body. On our return, reports of “Stop and Frisk” programs centered on Black and Brown youth dominated the media: “Too many people in New York City are stopped, searched and frisked illegally, federal monitor says.”

What we saw in Xinjiang was vibrant cities—Kashgar and Urumqi—full of tens of thousands of tourists, along with the local population of many nationalities. Huge and colorful marketplaces and bazaars, almost all of them run by Uyghur families, stretched for many blocks. Busy subway lines crossed the cities. Everywhere we saw food markets brimming with inexpensive produce. Restaurants, cafes and street food stalls were packed with local people. In the evenings, the streets were full — not silent and ominous.

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One of many bazaars in Urumqi run by Uyghur. [Source: peoplesdaily.pdnews.cn]

Our observations are backed up by numerous international studies that are ignored in the Western media.

The illiteracy rate in Xinjiang has fallen to 2.66%, lower than the country’s impressive 2.85% national average. At the time of the 1949 Chinese Revolution, illiteracy was 80% throughout China and more than 90% in Tibet and Xinjiang. Today 97.51% of small children are in pre-school programs. Some 98.82% of the youth are enrolled in senior high schools in Xinjiang.

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Residents of various ethnic groups perform at a residential community in the Yizhou district of the city of Hami in northwest China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, to celebrate the 10th good neighborliness festival of the community, September 27, 2021. [Source: en.people.cn]

A useful study of the area’s health and education achievements, as of 2022, can be found on the website of the South Asia Journal at “Excellent Xinjiang Health, Growth & Education Outcomes Contradict Sinophobic US Lies.”

Drives through the countryside revealed fully mechanized agriculture with tractors, planters, drone sprayers, irrigation canals and acres of plastic-topped greenhouses. We did not see any fields with workers doing hand labor of hoeing, picking and trimming. This is confirmed in numerous reports and many photos. The mechanization of cotton production is at 90%.

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Farmers sow cotton in Kashgar’s Yarkant county, Xinjiang, Uyghur Autonomous Region. [Source: chinadaily.com]

In Kashgar, the 15th-century Idkah Mosque can house up to 20,000 worshipers. It is only one of the numerous Islamic centers and mosques, which we saw while walking the city streets and in several villages. Tall, slender minarets and dome-shaped roofs seemed to be a part of every block.

The narrative that China is destroying mosques and Islamic centers is continually pushed in the U.S. and Western media. It is regularly countered, however, by representatives from Muslim countries.

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Idkah Mosque in Kashgar. [Source: wikipedia.org]

Arab and Muslim countries do not agree with U.S. coverage

On April 27, 2021, the China Global Television Network English-language program “The Point with Liu Xin” interviewed ambassadors from Pakistan, Palestine and Syria, after they had made extensive visits to Xinjiang. They accused Western media of intentionally overlooking “the economic, social and cultural rights that Muslim Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities enjoy in the region.”

The Palestinian ambassador to China, Fariz Mehdawi, said: “You know, the average of mosques, if you have to calculate it all, it’s something like 2,000 inhabitants for one mosque. This ratio, we don’t have it in our country. It’s not available anywhere.”

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Fariz Mehdawi [Source: en.tempo.co]

The ambassadors praised the setting up of industries and advanced agriculture, poverty alleviation programs, a focus on education and health, and people-centered policies throughout Xinjiang. Their commentary aligns with what we saw on our visit.

No Arab or Muslim countries have joined in the U.S. attempt to rewrite history and its targeted attacks on China. This is because these countries know that the U.S. government is responsible for 30 years of massively disruptive wars, sanctions, drone attacks and targeted assassinations in a series of Muslim countries, including Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Libya, Syria, Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan.

They know that more than 2.2 million people are incarcerated in the U.S., the largest prison population in the world, and the history of systematic genocide of Indigenous nations in the U.S. is well-known around the world. The U.S. claim that it is a protector of the Muslim population of China’s Xinjiang province reeks of racist hypocrisy.

Just before the COVID-19 shutdown of world travel in 2019, the Council of Foreign Ministers under the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), with 57 member states, one of the largest intergovernmental bodies in the world, had endorsed and commended China’s treatment of its Muslim citizens, following a fact-finding trip to the region.

A week after our trip to Xinjiang, a large delegation from the League of Arab States, including top official representatives from more than 16 Arab/Muslim countries, went to many of the same sites we had visited. Egypt, Bahrain, Algeria, Djibouti, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Somalia, Iraq, Oman, Comoros, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania and Palestine were represented, along with several departments of the Arab League and the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum.

Their June 1 press statement, released by the Embassy of China in Syria, described the top-level delegation’s findings. The statement said: “Through visits to Urumqi, Kashgar and other places, we saw social harmony, economic development, people of all ethnic groups living in harmony in Xinjiang and accelerated progress in various undertakings. We truly understood the truth about the development of Xinjiang and recognized the true purpose of some international forces to smear and even demonize Xinjiang.”

Charge of “genocide” to justify U.S. sanctions

The U.S. corporate media, major U.S. think tanks and strategists have labeled this modernization of Xinjiang “genocide.” The schools, universities and vocational training centers are labeled “concentration camps.” Based on these fabricated charges, intense new sanctions have been rammed through the U.S. Congress against all products and goods coming from the Xinjiang region. U.S. sanctions will impact all of China’s cotton exports.

China is the world’s largest exporter of cotton and, before the sanctions legislation, the U.S. was the largest importer of China’s cotton. All commodities using lithium, nickel, manganese, beryllium, copper and gold mined in Xinjiang will also be impacted by U.S. sanctions. These include the manufacture of solar panels, electric vehicles made by auto companies and other products from chip makers, electronics and energy firms.

The only support for the wild, unsubstantiated charges used to justify new rounds of U.S. sanctions has come from the G7 imperialist countries and their allies.

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[Source: theduran.com]

Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, NPR, Radio Free Asia and other U.S.-funded “human rights” and news organizations unanimously claim that the government of China has carried out “massive and systematic abuse” against Muslims living in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Their reports of “forced labor” and religious and cultural suppression are uncritically and widely circulated by the Western corporate media. These reports were preparation for new rounds of harsher sanctions against Chinese exports.

First signed by President Joe Biden in December 2021, the “Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act” took effect June 23, 2022. Under this latest anti-China measure, all goods made in Xinjiang province are banned, unless the importer can demonstrate the imports were produced “free of forced labor.” (New York Times, April 8, 2022)

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Joe Biden signs the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act in December 2021. [Source: thechinaproject.com]

This latest U.S. anti-China propaganda campaign is based on unsubstantiated claims that Uyghur people have been forced to take up new jobs in industries recently relocated to Xinjiang.

Welcome changes for farmers and herders

We visited Toltay Farm, outside of Kashgar, the home of an extended family, who had for generations been forced to constantly migrate with their herds of cattle, sheep and camels to find forage in an arid land. They are now able to live stable lives, due to new animal husbandry and farming techniques and government subsidies for new equipment.

They now use the crushed fodder that is extracted from a wide variety of farm products. It is grown on irrigated land, criss-crossed with a network of government-built canals. There are acres of greenhouses topped with plastic. The family proudly showed us their herds, now fattening in pens. With the assistance of technology, local herders can watch over their herds and monitor their health by checking their smart phones.

At a local primary school, teachers explained that classes were held in Uyghur and Mandarin.

The state farm has been divided into lots, with some families choosing to farm cotton, vegetables or wheat, while others focus on raising animals. We visited families who leased out their land while they trained in construction or as mechanics and equipment operators. Other families were working in new industries but still living in the villages. Very few had left the region, because their lives were now prosperous and stable.

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Arjae Red, Sara Flounders and Lee Siu Hin, right, with fruit and nut vender, Nazar, in Urumqi, May 2023. [Source: workers.org]

We visited the home of a young veterinarian from a herding family. He described his free education and his care of the small herds belonging to 400 families. At each home we were offered plates of melons, yogurt and fresh bread.

In Urumqi on the side of a road, we visited a Kazak family with a small dairy operation. They buy milk from surrounding families’ herds. The daughter, Sembat, who had just graduated from the agricultural university, ran the store. She insisted we try at least a taste of each of their milk, yogurt and cheese products from horses, camels, goats, sheep and cows. Each taste was sharply different.

Her father described the government program that had opened this new life for them. They invited us into their home, where a traditional yurt, which was erected on its side, was full of beautifully woven pillows and carpets. The yurt is now reserved for family gatherings.

As U.S. imperialism’s hostility to China increases—with military threats, new rounds of sanctions and increasing efforts to inflame hostility against China with wild fabrications—it is crucial to hear first-person reports from people in the region who are proud of the reality of their changed lives.

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2023/0 ... he-uyghur/

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Former Australian PM Criticizes NATO Chief as ‘Supreme Fool,’ ‘American Agent’ for Plaguing Asia
JULY 13, 2023

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NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg speaks during a media conference ahead of a NATO summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, July 10, 2023. Photo: AP.

Former Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating has criticized Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Jens Stoltenberg for being a “supreme fool” and “American agent,” as the military alliance is seeking expansion into Asia.

In a statement released by the public policy journal platform Pearls and Irritations on Monday, Keating pointed out that NATO’s continued existence after and at the end of the Cold War has already denied peaceful unity to the broader Europe, and the Europeans have been fighting each other for the better part of 300 years, including giving two World Wars in the last century.

“Exporting that malicious poison to Asia would be akin to Asia welcoming the plague upon itself. With all of Asia’s recent development amid its long and latent poverty, that promise would be compromised by having anything to do with the militarism of Europe — and militarism egged on by the United States,” said Keating.

He underlined that of all the people on the international stage, the supreme fool among them is Stoltenberg, who by instinct and by policy is simply an accident on its way to happen.

“Stoltenberg conducts himself as an American agent more than he performs as a leader and spokesperson for European security. Whatever his views on and from Europe, Stoltenberg does not represent the second largest European state, France,” Keating noted.

He believes that French President Emmanuel Macron is right to warn NATO away from any expansion into Asia.

“NATO is a military organization, not a civil one, and an organization focused on Europe and the Atlantic,” Keating stressed.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Tue Jul 25, 2023 2:24 pm

Where did the Chinese Foreign Minister go?
July 24, 18:30

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Where did the Chinese Foreign Minister go?

The reasons for the almost month-long absence from the workplace of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the former Ambassador of China to the United States, Qin Gang, are still a mystery to both foreign media and most Chinese citizens. Ukraina.ru is trying to figure out the puzzle by investigating blogger publications that reveal some "intelligence signs" that may shed light on the disappearance of a high-ranking Chinese diplomat.
"How Diplomats Dress: Symbolic Gestures and Their Influence on Public Opinion" - it was with such a subtext, hidden from the eyes of Chinese censorship, that the publication of one of the leading Chinese publicists Zhang Hongliang on the Minzu Fuxing website - "Revival of the Nation" was published.

The last time the presence of the head of the Foreign Ministry and a member of the State Council of the PRC was noted at meetings with the foreign ministers of Sri Lanka, Vietnam and Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov in Beijing on June 25.

“At the very beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict,” the publicist writes, “one significant event attracted the attention of a number of observers.Last year, Chinese Ambassador to the US Qin Gang attended a US military event dressed in US military uniforms. This act of the Chinese diplomat had profound consequences. Critics argue that they saw it as an attempt to surrender their independence, dignity and national identity of China for the sake of this very form. It is worth noting that such behavior is unprecedented even within NATO, not to mention other countries. Not a single foreign diplomat, including the Kuomintang officials of old China (Ed. - before 1949), has been seen doing this."

Then the act of the Chinese Ambassador to the United States has already attracted public attention, the newspaper "Huanqiu Shibao" came out with the headline "He changed clothes!". But at that time, this caused euphoria for many in China, many in the ambassador's act saw an informal agreement and mutual expectations, since both China itself and the United States were still living in anticipation of improved relations.
They even tried to compare Qin Gang with American pilots who fought in the sky of China with Japanese kamikazes: if the Americans used to help China, then it would be appropriate for the Chinese ambassador to honor the memory of US soldiers in American military uniforms.

“But,” Zhang Hongliang continues his thought, “Soviet pilots also provided assistance to China, and there was even a time when Nazi Germany sold weapons to both the Kuomintang and Mao Zedong’s detachments. Neverthelessthere is no documentary evidence that the Chinese ambassadors participated in the events in Soviet or German military uniforms. Thanking the United States for the help and honoring the memory of the American pilots who fought in our skies does not mean that our ambassador should wear the uniform of the US army. "It should be noted that with Xi Jinping coming to the leadership of the country, gradually and on the rise in Chinese foreign policy, a line can be traced to demonstrate China's strength, not weakness, and its unwillingness to compromise in relations with Washington politicians. From the statements of the Chinese leadership, one can understand

thatBeijing will not make unilateral concessions to the United States. China needs to respect the inviolability of borders, preserve independence, dignity and national integrity - this is the red line of Chinese statehood, which Beijing advises not only friendly states, but even the world hegemon not to cross.

Interestingly, if you look back at the events of last year, it becomes clear that immediately after disguising Qin Gang, the President of the US House of Representatives, Pelosi violated the fundamental principle of the Sino-American agreements, the so-called "Shanghai Declaration", by openly visiting Taiwan and questioning Chinese sovereignty over the island.Further - more, it was then that the highest US military officials began to openly declare their readiness for war with the PRC, the NATO bloc for the first time in its history publicly declared the hostile nature of the PRC.

Beijing continues to receive foreign guests. Over the past few days, three foreign politicians have visited the capital of the PRC and met with the top leadership of the country.
It should be mentioned that, following the intensification of the anti-American policy of the current leadership of the PRC, public calls are growing, demanding to resist any manifestations of weakness in relations with the United States. There are more and more supporters of a decisive position in relation to Washington in China.

The same Zhang Hongliang believes thatthe most correct approach at the present time would be the total mobilization of the Chinese nation to prepare for war with the United States. Only in this way, the publicist claims, will American politicians believe in China's complete readiness for the worst-case scenario and the determination of Chinese citizens to fight for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.

"Having the experience of two full-scale wars with China, the US may abandon preparations for a war with us and return to the negotiating table." says Zhang, who believes that China should not succumb to the recent threats of war voiced by Kissinger during his visit to Beijing.Claims that neither China nor the US can afford to start a war are just US intimidation against an independent and rising China. "China does not need to resort to complex measures, it is enough will to act to make itself known, " the publicist believes.

According to Zhang, the mobilization of the Chinese people for war is easily achievable, while for the United States this remains a difficult task. Following a policy of overcoming social and economic contradictions, turning a foreign war into a people's war is a guarantee of China's victory, even without participating in actual hostilities.

This will force the US to abandon its plans to force NATO countries into war against China. Ultimately, the fate of Chinese statehood depends entirely on the people themselves, victory, defeat and survival will be determined by their choice - whether the interests of circles associated with the West or ordinary citizens of the country will prevail.

Here is an article, in the end of which the name of the head of the PRC Foreign Ministry, who disappeared from the public field of view, is not even mentioned. But, as they say, there is no smoke without fire. Zhang Hongliang, a lecturer at one of the most famous Chinese educational institutions, the Central University of Nationalities, and a well-known supporter and propagandist of the ideas of Mao Zedong at home and abroad, is one of the recognized and influential thinkers of modern China. It is hardly worth ignoring his statements. Therefore, as Ukraina.ru previously reported, it is very likely that the reason for the disappearance, and, most likely, the removal of Foreign Minister Qin Gang from his post, lies in his deviation from the CCP line in relations with the United States.

(c) Sergey Zuev

https://ukraina.ru/20230724/1048197480.html - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/8516941.html

Google Translator

******

CIA Has Been Working to Overthrow the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Since Its Inception in 1949
By Jeremy Kuzmarov - July 24, 2023 0

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John T. Downey, center, walks into Hong Kong from China, where he was imprisoned for more than 20 years, on March 12, 1973. [Source: slate.com]

New book details saga of two CIA officers, Jack Downey and Richard Fecteau, who were imprisoned for 19 years in China following a botched covert operation in the “Asian Bay of Pigs.”
Six years ago, The New York Times reported that the Chinese government systematically dismantled CIA spying operations in the country starting in 2010, killing or imprisoning more than a dozen sources over two years and crippling intelligence gathering there for years afterward.

While one might regard China’s actions as harsh, the CIA has been working in vain since 1949 to overthrow the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which was established with the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over the Guomindang (GMD) in China’s civil war.

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[Source: amazon.com]

A new book by John Delury,[1] Agents of Subversion: The Fate of John T. Downey and the CIA’s Covert War in China (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2022), tells the story of two CIA officers, Jack Downey and Richard Fecteau, who were imprisoned for nineteen years after they were captured in a botched covert operation in China’s Changbai Mountains straddling the border with North Korea in November 1952 during the Korean War.

Downey was a freshly minted Yale University graduate from Connecticut (class of 1951) and Fecteau, a 27-year-old graduate of Boston University.

Both men played varsity football for their respective schools and were great athletes.

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John Downey after his release from captivity in 1973. [Source: slate.com]

Their CIA unit ran Chinese Third Force agent teams out of Manchuria; their mission was to penetrate Communist China and foment insurrection.

Many of the Chinese agents were former Guomindang fighters. The CIA was trying to mold them into a democratic third party alternative to both the CCP and Guomindang who were considered to be two sides of the same authoritarian coin.

Guomindang leader Jieng Jieshi had been set up by the U.S. as the dictator of Taiwan (Formosa), though was viewed in liberal circles as a political embarassment because of his corruption and brutality.

On the fateful night of their capture, Downey and Fecteau rode in a C-47, manufactured by Douglas and operated by the CIA’s proprietary airline, Civil Air Transport (CAT).

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CIA’s proprietary airline, Civil Air Transport (CAT). [Source: wikipedia.org]

The crew’s mission had been to retrieve a secret agent, Li Junying, a 44-year-old Guomindang officer who had been dropped into China in August with the purpose of linking up with a pair of five-man teams to foment counter-revolution against Mao Zedong and the PRC.

Li had fled to Hong Kong after Jiang’s defeat in China’s civil war from where he had been recruited by the CIA into the clandestine Third Force and then transported to a secret base on the Western Pacific island of Saipan for paramilitary training before being moved to another CIA facility near the U.S. Navy airfield outside Tokyo.

Downey and Fecteau had planned to extract Li with a device that involved a hook snagging a line between two upright poles on the ground.

Li was connected to the line by a harness fastened to his backpack. Once the hook caught the line, and the agent was jerked off the ground, Downey and Fecteau were to reel Li into the aircraft like a fish. The CAT pilots would then whisk him back to the CIA’s Atsugi Base in Japan for debriefing.

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CAT pilot Norman Schwartz. [Source: cia.gov]

Delury writes that, if the idea of this mission “sounded like something out of a [James] Bond film, that’s because it later became one. In the final scene of Thunderball (1965), Sean Connery’s 007 delays an embrace with Domino in order to attach her to a harness as she looks on quizically. The next moment, they are whisked away into the air using a modified version of the no-landing pickup known as the ‘skyhook system.’”

According to Delury, Bond made it look easy but, in real life, it did not work out so well.

When the CAT-47 approached Sandao Gully, Downey and Fecteau could make out a triangle of small fires, Li’s ground signal for the go-ahead. However, it was not Li Junying lying on the snow-packed ground—he was in the custody of the Chinese public security officers who had been alerted to his clandestine subversion mission—but rather People’s Liberation Army (PLA) troops.[2]

The CIA after-action report concluded that the Third Force operatives “had been turned immediately after being dropped into China” and Downey’s mission was a trap.

As the plane neared the ground and Downey and Fecteau prepared to drop their hook, these troops opened fire on the C-47, which careened down to the hard earth, crashing down into a bank of trees.

The two CAT pilots, Norman Schwartz, a Louisville, Kentucky, native and recipient of the Distinguished Flying Cross in the Pacific theater of World War II, and Robert Snoddy, a Purple Heart winner from Oregon, were killed though Fecteau and Downey emerged from the crash with just bruises and scrapes.

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A close up image of Norman SchwartzNorman Schwartz [Source: cia.gov]

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Robert Snoddy with his arms resting on a desk.Robert Snoddy [Source: cia.gov]

A grainy photograph captures the moment when the two CIA spies were caught red-handed, hands behind their backs, in the winter wilderness of Red China, day one of the the longest known imprisonment of American intelligence officers by a foreign government.

After their capture, a Chinese security guard told Fecteau and Downey in English: “Your future is very dark.” Which indeed it was.

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Richard J. Fecteau is weighed and measured by a nurse on January 21, 1955, during his captivity in China. [Source: slate.com]

The two men were interrogated for five months and then kept in prison for 19 years. They endured spartan living conditions, solitary confinement and physical and psychological distress by their captors who wanted to make them loyal to the CCP.

The CIA initially claimed that Downey and Fecteau had disappeared on a commercial flight from Japan to Korea over the Japan Sea and even staged a rescue operation over the fake crash scene.

After a long campaign by their mothers to free them, Fecteau was released from captivity in December 1971 and Downey two years later, in March 1973, after President Richard Nixon had visited China and moved to normalize diplomatic relations under a détente policy.[3]

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Nixon shakes hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai after landing in Beijing in February 1972 on his historic visit. [Source: wikipedia.org]
From Yale to a Far Eastern Jail
By that time, the zealous anti-communist political culture of the early Cold War that had led Downey and Fecteau to join the CIA had receded.

Downey had been particularly influenced by his experience at Yale, an institution that had deep missionary ties to China, an identity as a bulwark of liberal values in Cold War America, and which was an important recruiting ground for the CIA.[4]

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[Source: etsy.com]
According to James Lilley, a CIA officer appointed as U.S. Ambassador to China by President George H.W. Bush, Downey was one of about 100 classmates who signed up for the Agency in 1951.

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James Lilley [Source: latimes.com]

Some of these young men were looking for better odds to survive the Korean War than as infantrymen, while others were drawn in by the growing allure of the secret agent in the popular culture of Cold War America.[5]

After graduation, Downey trained to be a paramilitary CIA officer at Fort Benning, Georgia, and at the CIA’s training camp outside Williamsburg, Virginia, Camp Peary, known as “the Farm.” There he learned spycraft and para-military techniques and sat through lectures on “the international virus of communism,” and methods of psychological warfare.

[Image]https://i0.wp.com/covertactionmagazine. ... C615&ssl=1[/img]
“The Farm,” Camp Peary in Williamsburg, Virginia. [Source: cryptome.org]

After passing his course, Downey was sent to Japan to train ex-Guomindang agents based in Hong Kong to carry out covert operations against the PRC under Operation Merlin.

In the spring of 1952, he visited a secret CIA para-military training facility in Saipan and selected eight men from Manchuria to head back with him to CIA regional headquarters in Atsugi, Japan, where three more members joined his secret team.

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[Source: pinterest.com]

Atsugi was the hub for the CIA’s North Asia operations and for training of hundreds of Third Force agents in guerrilla tactics.

It was the center of what Delury describes as a “web connecting frontline stations in Seoul and Pusan, supply depots and training facilities in Okinawa, refugee recruitment operations in Hong Kong, myriad endeavors of Western Enterprises (a CIA front company) on Taiwan, and the training camp on Saipan.”[6]

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Exterior of Atsugi Naval Air Facility where the CIA established headquarters during the Cold War. [Source: pinterest-jp]

On August 14, 1952, Downey flew his first CAT mission into China, which involved dropping two crates stuffed with a transmitter receiver, weapons, rations, medicine, gold bars and notes of encouragement for Li Junying’s team.

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Donald Gregg [Source: wikispooks.com]

Downey was told that, if he was ever caught, he had to say the mission was unauthorized and that he just went along for the fun and games.

CIA officer Donald Gregg had dinner with Downey the night before the November follow-up mission where Junying was to be picked up with the hook. Gregg remembered that “Jack was in high spirits as at last [he was] going to see some action.”[7]

Downey and Fecteau became involved only at a late stage of the planning, and had to be hurriedly trained for the unorthodox operation, which was to be their last.

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The mothers of Richard Fecteau, left, and John Downey, right, on their way to visit the men in Chinese prison camps. [Source: thetimes.co.uk]

Democratic Third Force

The promotion of a democratic Third Force alternative to right-wing authoritarian governments—like that led by Jieng in Taiwan—and communists, was an extension of American efforts to promote a non-communist left in Europe and Latin America.

It was the brainchild of liberal intellectuals like Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., who wrote the book The Vital Center, and was supported in Asia by liberal China scholars John King Fairbank of Harvard University (Schlesinger’s brother-in-law) and Owen Lattimore, a John Hopkins University professor falsely accused by Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) of heading a communist spy ring.[8]

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Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. [Source: beaconjournal.com]

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John King Fairbank [Source: alphahistory.com]

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Owen Lattimore [Source: wikipedia.org]

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[Source: pinterest.com]

Graham Greene’s Cold War novel, The Quiet American, showed the underlying imperialist pretensions of American proponents of the Third Force in Vietnam who subscribed to the illusion that they could manufacture a political candidate in a foreign country suiting their tastes out of whole cloth.

In reality, America’s liberal imperialists resembled their counterparts from the European colonial empires who trampled on the sovereignty of Third World countries that multinational corporations were intent on exploiting, and adopted devious and violent methods to try to advance their political aims.


The lead character in Greene’s novel, Alden Pyle, characteristically sets up terrorist attacks that are to be blamed on the left-wing forces the U.S. wants to discredit in an attempt to engender public support for a corrupt general with very limited public support.

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Enthusiastic “third-force” spook Alden Pyle (Brendan Fraser) reading “The Dangers to Democracy” by his (fictitious) literary hero York Harding, in the 2002 Phillip Noyce screen adaptation of Graham Greene’s The Quiet American. [Source: screenagekicks.wordpress.com]
Greene’s novel was prescient in dissecting the imperial illusions undergirding U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam and China—as Delury’s book shows.

The persons recruited into the Third Force by the CIA to carry out clandestine operations into China were primarily ex-Guomindang officers with shady reputations who had only marginal popular support at best within China.

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Zhang Junmai (aka Carsun Chang). [Source: wikidata.org]

Delury suggests that the U.S. saw great promise in Zhang Junmai (aka Carsun Chang), a protégé of Liang Qichao, a Ching dynasty reformer who had formed the China Democratic League which had to operate underground in China for years due to the authoritarian strictures of the Guomindang.

General George C. Marshall had relied on Chang and members of his Democratic League as mediators in an attempt to broker peace between the Guomindang and CCP, referred to them as “splendid men.”

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[Source: wikipedia.org]

However, John Stuart Leighton, the U.S. Ambassador to China from 1946 to 1949 who knew Carsun from Yenching University, wrote in his memoir that third-party efforts like his were “woefully impractical” and “pathetic.” They “lacked funds and a constituency, and the people acted so individualistically and suspicious and jealous of one another and timid” that they “lacked capacity for cohesion and effective action.”

“Not unlike our own discredited practice of spoils of office,” Leighton further wrote, “these minor parties wanted jobs for their members, nor were the new ministers and their subordinates any improvement over the displaced Guomintang.[9]

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John Stuart Leighton [Source: newsen.pku.edu]

CIA-Backed Counter-Revolution

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[Source: amazon.com]

In 1952, Chang published a book called The Third Force in China. He then co-authored a 12-point manifesto on behalf of the Hong Kong-based Fight League for a Free and Democratic China, which “resolved to overthrow the totalitarian and party-dictatorship as practiced by the Chinese Communist regime” and replace it with a “liberal democratic government and socialist economic system.”

Chang’s writings attracted the support of the CIA, which provided financing for Third Force groups that were trained at the secret CIA training camp in Saipan that Downey had visited, and then parachuted into China on spy missions, in which they sometimes carried out terrorist acts, including the sabotage of critical infrastructure.

The operations were modeled after those of the Office of Stategic Services (OSS) Jedburghs that went behind Nazi lines in World War II, and CIA rollback operations in Eastern Europe which parachuted ex-Nazi collaborators behind Soviet lines in Eastern Europe in failed efforts to foment insurrections against pro-Soviet governments that had taken root there.

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Jedburgh teams suit up in England prior to boarding a “Carpetbagger” B-24 Liberator drop aircraft, August 1944. [Source: soc.mil]

In Taiwan, the CIA helped establish para-military training camps under the direction of Jieng Jieshi’s son, Jiang Jingguo (Chiang Ching-kuo), who believed that “to talk peace with the Chinese Communists is to invite death.”

The CIA-backed operation out of Taiwan, code-named Octopus, involved aerial surveillance, leaflet drops and commando infiltrations of the Chinese mainland along with para-military covert action.

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Jiang Jingguo [Source: thediplomat.com]

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Tai Shu-ching, who claims to have flown 78 secret missions over China in the 1950s and 1960s, displays records from his glory days. [Source: taipeitimes.com]

The CIA-front organization Western Enterprises Inc. employed 600 personnel in Taiwan who “provided guerrilla training, logistical support, over-flight capabilities, facilities for propaganda coverage of the mainland by radio and leaflet balloon and doing others tasks,” according to CIA Officer Joseph Smith.

James Lilley remembered that the CIA received “virtually unlimited funding for its collaborative efforts with Taiwan’s intelligence and special operations units.”[10]

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Covert operator. [Source: taipeitimes.com]

Operation Paper, run out of Burma, involved training and equipping ex-Guomindang soldiers and ethnic minority groups who financed themselves through control of the regional opium trade.

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Ex-Guomindang General Li Mi, who was head of the CIA’s army in Burma that carried out subversion operations in China. [Source: generals.dk]

The Burmese government was outraged that the U.S. was covertly supporting a renegade Chinese army inside its borders, and took the matter up before the United Nations.

According to CIA analysts, restive frontier regions in China seemed most ripe for resistance to the PRC along with the Muslim-majority Xinjiang Province in the far northwest bordering the Soviet Union. The CIA also tried to exploit the grievances of the Tibetan lamas, supporting Tibetan Khamba tribesmen who revolted against the PRC.

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CIA’s secret Tibetan army. [Source: info-buddhism.com]

According to internal CCP reports, one bizarre scheme called for lepers from Hong Kong, armed with U.S. weapons, to be infiltrated by boat at night and wreak havoc on villages in Guangdong Province.

Optimistic assessments in Washington estimated that U.S.-backed Nationalist para-military operations were “immobilizing as many as two hundred thousand Communist troops that might otherwise be free to join the fight in Korea.”[11]

However, many infiltration parties disappeared without a trace. According to CIA records, of 212 Third Force agents of subversion air-dropped into China during the Korean War years, 111 were captured and 101 killed.[12]

Chairman Mao’s Minister of Public Security, Luo Ruiqing, had worked to create a nationwide surveillance infrastructure to ferret out the saboteurs that included large numbers of checkpoints, and residency card and household registration systems.

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Luo Ruiqing [Source: wikipedia.org]

Citizens were also mobilized to monitor one another, with the Maoist practice of self-criticism encouraging individuals to create their own dossiers.[13]

Delury writes that “the threat posed by subversive operations helped the CCP make the case in relentless propaganda railing against special agents sent by the American imperialists and the bandit Chiang.”

The covert mission also seemed to bear out Mao’s quip that “the United States of America supplies the money and guns and Chiang Kai-shek the men to fight for the United States and slaughter the Chinese people.”[14]

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John Downey and Richard Fecteau receive an intelligence award at CIA headquarters in Langley in 2013. [Source: america.aljazeera.com]

Chinese leader Xi Jinping celebrated the centenary of the CCP in July 2021 by invoking the memory of how “in the process of socialist construction, we overcame subversion, sabotage and armed provocation by imperialist and hegemonic powers.”

Xi warned that “the Chinese people will never allow foreign forces to bully, oppress or enslave us….Whoever nurses delusions of doing that will crack their heads and spill blood on the Great Wall of steel built from the flesh and blood of 1.4 billion Chinese people.”[15]

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[Source: scmp.com]

The latter indeed is the fate in store for Americans if U.S. government plans for war with China proceed and the subversion operations of the early Cold War are revitalized.


1.John Delury is a Professor of Chinese Studies at Yonsei University in Seoul, South Korea. ↑

2.Other members of the secret teams of agents were either captured, turned or killed, and their guns, gold and counter-revolutionary paraphernalia were seized. Thanks to the cooperation of the radio operator, the CIA had no idea anything was awry with their covert mission in the Manchurian wilderness. ↑

3.Downey became a judge in New Haven specializing in juvenile detention after graduating from Harvard Law School and ran unsuccessfully for Lieutenant Governor of Connecticut in 1978 as a Democrat and for the U.S. Senate in 1982. He married a Chinese woman, Audrey Lee, who had lived near where he had been incarcerated in Shenyang, having a son with her. Fecteau went on to work at his alma mater, Boston University, as an assistant athletics director. ↑

4.Downey majored in English at Yale. Before that he went to the elite Connecticut-based prep school, Choate, from which he graduated in 1947. ↑

5.John Delury, Agents of Subversion: The Fate of John T. Downey and the CIA’s Covert War in China (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2022), 94, 95. Delury mentions Hollywood icon Gary Cooper’s scientist-turned-spy character in the Fritz Lang film, Cloak and Dagger (1946). ↑

6.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 173. ↑

7.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 195. ↑

8.As China experts, both Fairbank and Lattimore had attempted in the dark era of McCarthyism to provide a grounded assessment of the political situation in China and detailed the political strength of the Maoists and weakness and corruption of the Guomindang and cautioned against U.S. political interference in China. Later, both effectively criticized U.S. policy in Vietnam. Delury compares these two, in many ways admirable men, with Yale Professor of China Studies David Nelson Rowe, who adopted hawkish views toward China, calling for the U.S. to bomb it during the Korean War. Rowe staunchly supported the Guomindang government in exile in Taiwan, wrongly predicted the PRC’s demise in 1959, and testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) against his fellow China experts, including Lattimore, accusing them of communist sympathies. In the late 1960s, Rowe testified as a Republican minority witness at hearings on the Vietnam War chaired by Senator William Fulbright (D-AR). He criticized the Kennedy and Johnson administrations for escalating the war too slowly and for bombing North Vietnam too sparingly, impeding victory. Rowe also alleged that the main professional association of Asia experts, the Association for Asian Studies, was a pro-communist organization, heir to the allegedly subversive Institute of Pacific Relations, against which he had testified in the Senate back in 1952. ↑

9.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 129. ↑

10.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 154. ↑

11.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 157. ↑

12.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 182. The PRC Ministry of Public Security claimed that 124 special agents had been captured and 106 killed from 1951 to 1954. ↑

13.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 177, 178. Mao at the time launched a broader campaign to suppress counter-revolutionaries which resulted in thousands of people being thrown into prison or killed. ↑

14.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 181, 182. ↑

15.Delury, Agents of Subversion, 111. ↑

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2023/0 ... n-in-1949/

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China Imposes the Principle of National Sovereignty on the Papacy
Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on JULY 24, 2023
Adnan Akfirat

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Pope Francis has voiced on several occasions his desire to visit China. Photo: AFP

China has achieved a historic victory in the preservation of oppressed nations’ national sovereignty: the People’s Republic of China persuaded the Papacy to agree to nationalize the appointment of clergy.

China brought the Papacy to its knees during the height of US imperialism’s agenda of leveraging religious, sectarian, gender, and ethnic divides for international intervention and subversion.

According to government figures, the People’s Republic of China has 44 million Christians. This figure appears in the State Council Information Office’s White Paper on “China’s Policies and Practices to Protect Religious Belief,” which was released on April 3, 2018. According to Christian sources, the figure is greater. In China, the majority of Christians are Protestants, with fewer Catholics and very few Orthodox Christians.

In China, there are 11,000 priests employed by 6,300 Catholic parishes and 6,700 Protestant churches. In the largest Chinese cities, there are 15 Christian seminaries. In some smaller cities, there are also a lot of Bible training facilities and institutions. Christians particularly populate the eastern and central regions of China, including Anhui, Zhejiang, Fujian, Henan, Hebei, Shanghai, and Jiangsu today.

These figures include “Patriotic” Catholics and Protestants. Churches operating underground and their affiliates are not included in this number.

Freedom of religion in the constitution of People’s Republic of China

Article 36 of the Chinese Constitution recognizes freedom of religious belief. It goes on to define how freedom of belief can be exercised as follows:

“No State organ, public organization or individual shall compel citizens to believe in or disbelieve in any religion, nor discriminate against citizens who believe in or disbelieve in any religion.”

The state’s position on religion is also set out in the Constitution as follows:

“The State protects normal religious activities. No one may use religion to disrupt public order, harm the health of citizens or interfere with the State’s education system.”

The most important sentence for our topic is the protection of believers in China from foreign interference:

The approach to religion in the People’s Republic of China follows the basic rule of the national democratic revolution: Religion is left to the conscience of individuals. This principle applies indiscriminately to all religions in China: Buddhism, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. Chinese mystical philosophies such as Confucianism and Taoism, which are not considered religions, are also treated in the same way.

Sects subject to centralized religious authority, such as Catholicism, and some “Islamic organizations,” such as the Muslim Brotherhood, the Rabaa, the Islamic State, and the Gulen Terrorist Organization, do not recognize China’s secularism premise. They use religion to undermine independence and national sovereignty.

Religions and sects are also used by US imperialism to hinder China’s independence and sovereignty and to sow domestic strife. It stimulates believers and leads them into battle with China’s socialist government for this goal. Until today, the Papacy has likewise followed imperialist policies.

The papacy was at war with China

Since its inception, the People’s Republic of China has refused to acknowledge the Pope’s “ecumenicality,” or universality. It has refused to recognize the Holy See’s or any other foreign authority’s appointment of bishops and priests to serve in China.

The Holy See does not recognize the People’s Republic of China. The Vatican regards Taiwan’s government as China’s representative. The Holy See has not yet consecrated Chinese-appointed bishops.

Pope Francis has chosen to allow the appointment of the Bishop of Shanghai, who was selected by China without the consent of the Vatican. “Catholic News Agency” criticized that “Pope Francis has violated the China-Vatican agreement.” (1)

Bishop Joseph Shen Bin was appointed to Shanghai in April 2023. The Holy See described this as the second unauthorized appointment by Chinese authorities.

The Vatican first signed a temporary two-year agreement with Beijing on bishop appointments in 2018, which was renewed in 2020 and 2022. In response to critics of the latest approval, Vatican Secretary General Cardinal Parolin said the Vatican was “determined” to continue dialogue with China. (2)

Wall Street Journal criticizes Pope’s decision

The Diocese of Shanghai was a center of Catholic counter-revolutionary activity in the 1950s. After the revolution, Bishop Ignatius Kung Pin-Mei led the establishment of the anti-regime Catholic movement that would become the “Underground Catholic church”. On the night of September 8, 1955, Bishop Kung was arrested, along with about a thousand of his followers, for opposing the regime and refusing to renounce the Papacy. Kung was imprisoned for 30 years until he left for the United States in 1988.

More recently, the Auxiliary Bishop of Shanghai, Thaddeus Ma Daqin, denounced the Chinese Patriotic Catholics Association during his consecration Mass on July 7, 2012; later that night he was placed under house arrest at Sheshan Seminary, where he remains today.

The Wall Street Journal, mouthpiece of the US ruling classes, criticized the Pope’s recognition of China’s sovereignty and his decision to establish good relations with China. “The deal represents a rare concession by the Pope of the privilege of appointing bishops. Critics, including the former bishop of Hong Kong, Cardinal Joseph Zen, say the deal is a betrayal of the country’s underground Catholics loyal to the pope.” (3)

The position of religions under socialist rule

Following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese administration, led by Mao Zedong, sought to bring religious adherents into line with socialism. Premier Zhou Enlai discovered a solution in May 1950 during a meeting with Chinese Protestants. A “Christian Manifesto” was written, criticizing imperialism and proposing the establishment of a Chinese Protestant church free of foreign influence. It was founded on a plan of establishing an indigenous church based on the “three principles of autonomy”: self-government, self-sufficiency, and self-distribution.

The Guangyuan Manifesto, published in December 1950 by Chinese Catholics, stated that they were “determined to sever all relations with imperialism, to do our utmost to reform ourselves, and to establish a new Church, independent in its administration, resources, and apostolate.”

When China gained its independence, Pius XII, the pope at the time, proclaimed that he would no longer bless Chinese Christians and that their church could no longer claim to be “Catholic.”

After great controversy, in July 1957, allegiance to the Papacy was abandoned and the “Association of Patriotic Catholics” was founded. In 1958 the first Catholic bishops were appointed without recourse to the Pope. In June 1958, Pope Pius XII refused to recognize appointments made without Vatican approval. The issue of the appointment of bishops has been a major problem in China-Vatican relations ever since.

CFR report: “Christianity flourishes in China”

Christianity, the religion of capitalist imperialism, is spreading as a tool of cultural domination of Western imperialism. Undoubtedly, “Moderate Islam”, which US imperialism has produced in the CIA laboratory, also receives similar support.

The cost for China’s deviation from the Mao line, which began in 1978, is being paid in the form of the Christianization of a considerable number of Chinese individuals.

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), which formulates US foreign policy strategies, published a report on the spread of Christianity in China. (4)

The Report describes the change that has come with the policy of Opening Up and Reform as follows:

“China has witnessed a religious revival over the past four decades, with a particularly significant increase in the number of Christian believers. The number of Chinese Protestants has increased by an average of 10 percent per year since 1979. By some estimates, China is on track to have the largest Christian population in the world by 2030.”

“Free market” brought Christianity to China

In the 17th century, the introduction of Christianity in China was part of the colonial imperialist campaign to conquer China. Christian missionary groups propagated the gospel while assisting their masters in plundering China. As a result of this process, China lost its sovereignty and became a semi-colony. Christianity and the “Free Market” ideology are inextricably linked.

Following the implementation of the market economy in 1978, social institutions in both rural and urban communities disintegrated. Religion arose as a new social order, mostly through conversion. “Whatever the exact number, the fact is that Protestantism has become a dynamic part of China’s religious landscape, especially in its major cities and among the best-educated people,” says Ian Johnson in “The Return of Religion after Mao.” (5)

With the election of Xi Jinping as General Secretary of the CPC, attempts to restore the damage created by the market economy started. Efforts were made to integrate religions into the Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. The Chinese government amended religion rules to strengthen national security as well as prevent radicalism and foreign infiltration. The new restrictions, which went into effect in early February 2018, aggressively enforce bans on underground religious organizations and bar their funding.

President of the Chinese Protestant Association: The West wants to use Christianity to destroy China

The Western Press and Christian organizations in the US have been lambasting China for cracking down on illegal religious activities. “In China they are closing churches, imprisoning pastors, and even rewriting scripture.” (6)

On March 11, 2019, Xu Xiaohong, President of the “Association of Pro-Three Autonomy Patriotic Christians”, the supreme body of Protestant churches in China, warned at the annual meeting of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, which he attended as a deputy, that “anti-China forces in the West are using Christianity to influence our country’s social stability and even try to destroy our country’s political power.” (7)

Secularism also benefits religions

In Türkiye, many people are inundated with news about China’s persecution of Islam. However, China is one of the countries that has taken the clearest stance against Islamophobia at the international level. In China, Islam is respected just like all other religions. There are no obstacles to the individual practice of faith. Mosques are open, and halal food restaurants and butchers can be found everywhere. Hajj pilgrimages are possible. Theological education is available. China is struggling against those who want to use Islam or Christianity to change China’s political and social system and the US imperialism behind them.

Türkiye, which has experienced the scourge of the Gulen Terrorist Organization, should support China’s struggle to protect its independence and sovereignty. Because secularism is the most important safeguard that ensures that religions serve their original function today.

Footnotes:

1.https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news ... china-deal
2.Ibid.
3.https://www.wsj.com/articles/pope-franc ... a-9eec803e
4.https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/christianity-china
5.Ibid.
6.https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/ ... tion-bible
7.https://www.reuters.com/article/us-chin ... SKBN1QT03C

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/07/ ... he-papacy/

Hahaha, the old 'Investiture' deal is back and this time Papa gets the shit end of the stick.
https://www.britannica.com/summary/Inve ... ontroversy

And I think the CFR is blowing smoke, as usual.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Sat Jul 29, 2023 2:41 pm

How Targeted Poverty Alleviation Has Changed the Structure of Rural Governance in China
BY WANG XIAOYI

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Wang Xiaoyi

Wang Xiaoyi (王晓毅) is a professor at the Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. His research focuses on poverty alleviation, rural governance, and the many aspects of rural development, from rural industries in coastal southeast China to social life in the grasslands and pastoral areas of northwest China, with a strong practical orientation. He has also worked in poverty alleviation and environmental protection work for numerous international organisations and Chinese social organisations.

‘How Targeted Poverty Alleviation Has Changed the Structure of Rural Governance in China’ (精准扶贫如何改变乡村治理结构) was originally published in Wenhua Zongheng (文化纵横), issue no. 3 (June 2020).

Unlike the Chinese government’s conventional poverty alleviation efforts, the targeted poverty alleviation (精准扶贫, jīngzhǔn fúpín) program, launched in 2013, has exhibited the distinct characteristics of campaign-style governance. This program set the eradication of extreme poverty as the central objective around which socioeconomic policy was coordinated in poor, rural areas. At the end of 2020, after eight years of arduous work, this goal was achieved.

To fulfil the designated aims of targeted poverty alleviation within the established deadlines, local governments vigorously mobilised human and material resources and implemented exceptional measures.1Wei Chenglin and Zhao Xiaofeng, ‘Regular Governance, Campaign-styled Governance, and the Targeted Poverty Alleviation Program’ [常规治理、运动式治理与中国扶贫实践], Journal of China Agricultural University (Social Sciences Edition) [中国农业大学学报(社会科学版)] 35, no. 5 (2018).
FOOTNOTE
In many localities, governments employed quasi-military methods to advance targeted poverty alleviation efforts, disrupting many existing conventions. Although campaign-style governance often features extraordinary measures and can yield extraordinary results, some research suggests that this style of governance is difficult to sustain into regular periods of governance. Regardless, campaign-style governance can still have an important impact on conventional governance structures.

This article will examine the impact that targeted poverty alleviation’s campaign-style governance has had and will have on rural governance. First, the article provides an overview of the existing problems in rural governance. Second, the article analyses the extent to which the campaign has changed the existing structure of rural governance. Finally, the article assesses whether the mechanisms of governance adopted under targeted poverty alleviation will be able to adapt to normal conditions after the campaign ends and have a lasting impact on rural governance. This article argues that, due to the success of targeted poverty alleviation in addressing weaknesses in rural governance and achieving its objectives, the campaign has the potential to effect long-term changes through institutionalisation of its practices and methodologies.

The Dilemmas of Rural Governance
Before the implementation of the targeted poverty alleviation strategy, both rural governance and poverty alleviation policies faced serious dilemmas. The repeal of agricultural taxes in 2006 led to the disintegration of rural society, numerous difficulties in the traditional systems of rural governance, and the detachment between the power and resources of community-level governments and their social responsibility.2China had long levied an agricultural tax, dating back to the Zhou dynasty (周朝, 1046–256 BCE), roughly 2,600 years ago. For many centuries, this was the country’s most important source of fiscal revenue. As China developed its industry and commerce, it relied less on the agricultural tax for revenue and, in 2006, it was eliminated completely and created a vacuum in government presence in the countryside.
FOOTNOTE
The distribution of poverty alleviation resources targeted primarily at counties and villages that were designated as poverty-stricken or poor produced awkward dynamics where local governments and village organisations vied for such designations to gain access to resources as well as imbalances in resource allocation, where poor households in undesignated villages were overlooked. As a result, tensions have existed to varying degrees between rural villages and between rural villages and the state.

Rural villages are often thought of as living communities, where rural residents maintain the village through practices based on shared values and reciprocity as well as strong local institutions. In the Chinese sociologist and anthropologist Fei Xiaotong’s (费孝通) conception of rural China and US political scientist and anthropologist James C. Scott’s depiction of the moral economy of the peasant, rural life is represented as largely distanced from the state. However, in reality, China’s villages have not been so distant from the state. While villages have featured characteristics of living communities, they have also existed under the rule of the state. Moreover, as the state’s governance capabilities have improved, it has tended to increasingly govern villages directly. The strength of the state’s rural governance has largely been determined by its ability to administer its rules and authority on the villages.

Small and large communities are often thought of as being in a zero-sum relationship, where state intervention reduces the autonomy of small communities and the autonomy of small communities minimises the state’s influence on villages. However, thus far in the twenty-first century, the relationship has not been so clear in China, as both small and large communities have struggled in rural governance.

As living communities, China’s villages weakened and even disintegrated in the decades following the rural reform initiated in the 1980s. The rural reform had two key elements: the implementation of the household responsibility system (包产到户, bāochǎn dào hù) in agricultural production and the establishment of village committees (村民委员会, cūnmín wěiyuánhuì). The first measure replaced the collective farming system implemented during the land reform process of the 1950s and allowed individual households to contract land and have greater autonomy over their agricultural production, laying the foundation for the market economy in rural areas. Meanwhile, the second measure aimed to rebuild the village community through villagers’ self-governance. However, the success of these two measures diverged significantly. On the one hand, land contracting and household production advanced continuously, with farmers’ individualisation being driven by the market economy and the greater autonomy and social mobility of village members; on the other hand, numerous difficulties were encountered with the village committees. These bodies were created to protect villagers, but amid the disintegration of village communities, village leaders in most areas either stopped serving as village organisers or took advantage of their positions to secure private benefits. The number of village organisations capable of providing leadership decreased significantly and villagers were often unable to hold village officials accountable; meanwhile, village officials also struggled to serve villagers and to effectively implement government policies intended to benefit farmers at the community level.

At the same time that small communities grew weaker, the state’s effectiveness in rural governance also decreased during the three decades following the rural reform, reaching a low point in the early twenty-first century. The repeal of agricultural tax collection in 2006 marked the beginning of the policy of ‘industry nurturing agriculture, cities supporting rural areas’ (工业反哺农业、城市反哺农村, gōngyè fǎnbǔ nóngyè, chéngshì fǎnbǔ nóngcūn), intended to direct more resources from the urban centres into rural areas to both advance their development and infrastructure as well as improve social welfare, through the implementation of various protections, subsidies, and grants for rural communities and individuals. In practice, however, the state struggled to realise these aims. Although transfer payments from the central government to poverty-stricken areas greatly increased and the state improved its provision of social welfare, the state struggled to define clear policy goals and to develop effective mechanisms to allocate resources to target populations.3Ji Shao and Li Xiaoliang, ‘A Study on the Changes in Rural People’s Income in China during the past 70 Years: An Institutional Reform and Institutional Innovation Perspective’ [建国70年来我国农村居民收入变化研究——体制改革、制度创新视角], Inquiry into Economic Issues [经济问题探索], no. 11 (2019).
FOOTNOTE
For example, subsidies aimed at encouraging grain production had a limited impact on farmers’ enthusiasm as the central government struggled to define grain-producing farmers and only granted subsidies according to the size of farmers’ contracted land. Similarly, the rural subsistence allowance system, intended to meet the basic living needs of low-income households, encountered several obstacles, including difficulties in collecting data on household income and identifying eligible households, along with corruption, with rural officials providing preferential treatment towards family members and friends and even using the allowance as a bargaining tool against farmers. As a result, the rural subsistence allowance was not efficient in being directed to those most in need. To put it simply, it was difficult for the state to realise its rural development and welfare goals through the existing administrative system.

The allocation of poverty alleviation resources should have been guided by precision and fairness, however, in practice, the allocation was influenced by many other factors. The central government focused on providing support to poverty-stricken areas, issuing special poverty alleviation funding to adjacent poor areas and those counties, villages, and households designated as key poverty-stricken targets. Following the Seven-Year Priority Poverty Alleviation Program, which aimed to lift 80 million people out of absolute poverty from 1994 to 2000, poverty alleviation resources were mainly channelled to the designated key poverty-stricken counties. This produced an adverse consequence, where rural counties competed against each other to be designated as poverty-stricken, a phenomenon referred to in China as ‘fighting to wear the “poverty hat”’ (争戴贫困帽子, zhēng dài pínkùn màozi); a few county governments even celebrated their entry into the list of poverty-stricken counties. Unfortunately, it was often the case that the identification of poverty-stricken counties or villages was not only a matter of low income or lagging development, but was also influenced by pressures from various and, at times, rival interest groups. With various interest groups and parties vying for resources, it was difficult to effectively realise poverty alleviation goals.

After completing its first ten-year plan for poverty alleviation from 2001 to 2010, the approach of the central government shifted, as it raised the poverty line significantly, first in 2010 and then again in 2013, and set a clear timetable to eradicate absolute poverty and complete the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects by 2020.4In 2010, China nearly doubled its national poverty line from 1,196 yuan per year (in 2008 prices) to 2,300 yuan per year (in 2010 prices). In 2013, with the initiation of targeted poverty alleviation, China raised its poverty line to 4,000 yuan per year (in 2013 prices).
FOOTNOTE
Under the new standard, the scope of poverty alleviation expanded greatly as the population considered impoverished increased more than five-fold, from less than 30 million people to 160 million people; the incidence of rural poverty similarly increased from less than 3 percent to over 17 percent; and the number of poverty-stricken counties increased to 832. In addition, the qualitative standard for poverty alleviation was also raised, now aiming for ‘two assurances and three guarantees’ (两不愁三保障, liǎng bù chóu sān bǎozhàng), meaning that, by 2020, the rural poor would be assured adequate food and clothing, and guaranteed access to the public education system, basic medical services, and safe housing, including running water and electricity (some localities also developed specific guarantees based on local conditions, such as a guaranteed supply of safe drinking water in arid areas). To lift such a large number of poor people out of poverty in a short amount of time, the state had to greatly increase the amount of resources that it allocated to the task. From 2015 to 2020, poverty alleviation funding from the central government increased on average by 20 billion yuan (approximately $2.8 billion) per year. More importantly, the types of poverty alleviation funding were diversified, including integrated funds, social funds, and various financial instruments. The total amount of resources invested by the state in poverty alleviation was unprecedented, although it generated new challenges for rural governance. However, realising the poverty alleviation goals was more complex and difficult than simply increasing incomes, and required fundamental changes to the system of rural governance in poor areas.

Rural Governance under Targeted Poverty Alleviation
In 2013, Communist Party of China (CPC) General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed the concept of targeted poverty alleviation. Shortly thereafter, in 2015, he specified that this policy required precision in the following six areas: first, in the identification of the poor, ensuring that the recipients of support were, in fact, those in need; second, in the alignment of projects and aid to the needs of the poor; third, in the provision and use of funding; fourth, in the implementation of measures appropriate for each household; fifth, in the dispatching of party officials to carry out poverty alleviation measures in individual villages; and, sixth, in the evaluations of whether poverty alleviation had met expectations. To ensure that targeted poverty alleviation was successful, a number of fundamental changes had to be made to the existing system of rural governance, including the creation of new system for information collection and analysis that was more transparent for villages and farmers; the establishment of a mechanism for direct governance by the state in villages, with a large number of officials assigned to be directly involved in the daily governance of villages; and the institutionalisation of mechanisms for villagers’ participation in public affairs. These changes have improved the state’s governance and provision of social welfare in rural areas.

The strategy of targeted poverty alleviation depended upon high-quality data collection. Beginning in 2014, detailed investigations were conducted to identify each poor household, their specific causes of poverty, and the specific poverty alleviated measures to implement; the information gathered was used to generate an electronic database with files on each poor household, village, county, and region across the country. Poor households were individually registered in the database and provided with a poverty alleviation handbook, containing a summary of their basic conditions and causes of poverty, their poverty alleviation plan, and the contact information for the official responsible for their household. The central government had previously tried to develop a poverty alleviation registration system, including a trial program in eight provinces in 2005, however, due to limitations in human and material resources as well as the state’s investigative capacity, these efforts were not successful. The large-scale administrative mobilisation under targeted poverty alleviation allowed this task to finally be completed.

The electronic registration system improved China’s poverty alleviation efforts in two ways. First, the more accurate identification of poor households and villages allowed resources to be better directed to the appropriate recipients and measures to be specifically targeted to recipients’ needs. Second, the data collected provided the central government with a more up-to-date picture of conditions at the community-level and, consequently, a better understanding of rural areas, helping its decision-making, formulation of specific policies, and evaluation of poverty alleviation efforts.

Some critics have argued that the digitisation of poverty alleviation governance has detached the process from village life and community-level governance, while others have pointed out that digitisation and technological mechanisms cannot address issues of community-level governance.5Wang Yulei, ‘Going Digital to the Countryside: Technology-Based Governance in Rural Targeted Poverty Alleviation’ [数字下乡:农村精准扶贫中的技术治理], Sociological Studies [社会学研究], no. 6 (2016).
FOOTNOTE
In addition, due to the central government’s strong reliance on data in their decision-making, community-level poverty alleviation workers spent a significant amount of time engaged in administrative tasks related to data collection, such as filling in forms, which took away from their actual anti-poverty work and, in some areas, resulted in excessive formalism; this eventually prompted the central government to issue directives to reduce unnecessary data collection.

As targeted poverty alleviation progressed, however, the process of data collection, quality of the data obtained, and implementation of the data into governance all improved. First, by implementing procedural reviews to verify data after its initial collection, the data gradually became more accurate and objective. Second, the dynamic updating of data has also improved information quality. The goal of the registration system was to verify the general statistical estimates of the number of poor households, by conducting investigations on the ground. As targeted poverty alleviation advanced and the number of poor households decreased, the statistical estimates became less reliable, and the importance of precise household-to-household data increased. Since 2017, the poverty registration database has no longer been limited by the general statistical estimates and has been dynamically adjusted based on the findings of on-the-ground investigations. Third, the poverty alleviation registration system laid the foundation for information-based rural governance; going forward, as community-level governments gain further experience in data collection and are able to integrate data from different governmental departments and levels, information will play an increasingly important role in rural governance.

Information-based governance increased public transparency in rural areas, but was not able to improve the effectiveness of targeted poverty alleviation on its own; it was supported by a shift in the priorities of local governments and a greater distribution of resources to the community level. Following the rural reform of the 1980s that spurred China’s rapid economic development, local governments prioritised economic efficiency and focused their resources on rapidly developing sectors; meanwhile, the central government prioritised the development of urban areas and generally focused on the maximisation of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The targeted poverty alleviation campaign sought to reorient governmental priorities, at both central and local levels, placing the eradication of poverty in poor areas at the top of the agenda. From the top down, local government and CPC leaders were directed to regard poverty alleviation as their principal task, which led to a shift in the aims, resource allocation, and work of local governments and party committees. With poverty alleviation being made the first priority in poor areas, economic development had to serve this end, rather than narrowly pursue growth.

Along with this reprioritisation, the central government increased its distribution of resources to lower levels of government. These resources have not only included funds and supplies, but more importantly, human resources. Greater numbers of personnel have been required to address the weak administrative organisation of poor villages and advance targeted poverty alleviation, as traditional local institutions lacked the capacity both to distribute large amounts of resources to households and villages and to implement the new methods of governance associated with the campaign. Village organisations in poor areas were severely understaffed, often with three officials at most, and thus, were incapable of managing large amounts of resources or administering complex procedures. Related to this, these organisations had a very deficient knowledge base, and were overwhelmed by the influx of new poverty alleviation concepts, methods, and technological processes, such as the large-scale data collection about poor households and the selection of industries and markets to invest in. In addition, most village officials were enmeshed in their community’s social relationships, resulting in biases which undermined objective decision-making; to fairly distribute the large amounts of poverty alleviation resources that poor villages received from the central government, external support was necessary.

To address the shortage of human resources in rural areas, increase the administrative capacity in lower levels, and strengthen rural governance, the CPC dispatched resident work teams (驻村工作队, zhù cūn gōngzuò duì) and first party secretaries (the lead party official in an area) to live in and assist poor villages. Since 2013, more than three million officials from higher levels of government, state-owned enterprises, and other public institutions, have been dispatched as part of 255,000 resident work teams to live in villages for at least two years and work on targeted poverty alleviation.6The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, Poverty Alleviation: China’s Experience and Contribution (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2021), 35.
FOOTNOTE
Some researchers have questioned the impact of resident work teams, contending that they have lacked sufficient understanding of local situations and experience in agricultural production, and also faced resistance from local authorities; however, on the whole, the research indicates that resident work teams have brought more poverty alleviation resources into rural areas and gradually played a steering role in targeted poverty alleviation efforts.7For a more critical assessment on resident work teams, see Xu Hanze and Li Xiaoyun, ‘On the Practical Plight of the Residency Support System and Its Consequences in the Context of Targeted Poverty Alleviation’ [精准扶贫背景下驻村机制的实践困境及其后果], Journal of Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics [江西财经大学学报], no. 3 (2017). On the integration and leadership of resident work teams in rural areas, see Xie Yumei, Yang Yang and Liu Zhen, ‘Targeted Integration: Selection, Operation, and Practice of the First Secretaries for Resident Work Teams in Poor Villages’ [精准嵌入:“第一书记”驻村帮扶选派、运行与实践], Journal of Jiangnan University (Humanities and Social Sciences) [江南大学学报(人文社会科学版)], no. 2 (2019).
FOOTNOTE

The dispatching of resident work teams to poor villages under targeted poverty alleviation was a continuation of the existing policy of pairing assistance (对口帮扶, duìkǒu bang fú), under which lower levels of governments support each other. Rather than being tasked with merely providing assistance, the resident work teams were given the responsibility of realising poverty alleviation in their villages, including managing poverty alleviation resources, visiting poor households, carrying out registration and data collection, and implementing anti-poverty measures. Resident work teams were generally required to stay in their assigned village for more than twenty days each month, and therefore, participated in the entire process of poverty alleviation. To address initial difficulties that resident work teams faced in carrying out poverty alleviation governance, in 2015, the CPC began to assign first party secretaries in most poor villages to concurrently serve as the heads of their village’s resident work team. This measure ironed out the institutional difficulty of integrating resident work teams into village decision-making. Improving the social governance of villages became a critical responsibility of first party secretaries, perhaps even more important than their duty to promote the economic development of villages.8First party secretaries played an important role in village governance under targeted poverty alleviation, although their specific roles varied regionally. In Shandong province, for instance, first party secretaries had three main responsibilities: poverty alleviation, public outreach, and rural party-building. Meanwhile, in Guizhou province, the responsibilities of first party secretaries were divided into six categories: helping community-level organisations build infrastructure, training local talent, cultivating local industries, strengthening collective economies, improving management mechanisms, and resolving disputes.
FOOTNOTE

The large-scale movement of personnel to poverty-stricken villages exemplified the campaign-style governance of targeted poverty alleviation. While resident work teams differed in terms of their work, methods, and involvement in village affairs, from a broader, institutional perspective, through this mechanism the state was able to directly influence village-level governance. As such, targeted poverty alleviation did not merely consist of the central government channelling resources to rural areas, but rather was an extension of state power to the village level. From the identification of poor households to the setting of poverty alleviation standards, numerous measures formulated by the state were implemented at the village level.

Alongside greater state involvement in village administration, greater emphasis was also placed on villager participation. In theory, villagers’ self-governance was supposed to be the foundation of rural communities, from the establishment of village committees, elected and supervised by villagers, in the 1980s, to the central government’s promotion of community participation in poverty alleviation in the 1990s. In practice, however, many obstacles impeded the realisation of self-governance. For example, although village governance is based on a system of one person, one vote, political decisions were often intertwined with and influenced by the interests of families, factions, and other powers. Furthermore, due to the deterioration of rural communities as well as the lack of resources and supportive social environment, it was difficult to promote and safeguard democracy within villages. As a result, public participation in poverty alleviation was little more than a formality.

Targeted poverty alleviation strengthened the voices to villagers, especially those from poor households. First, enhanced public transparency and openness improved villagers’ participation, mainly through the identification of poverty-stricken households and the evaluation of poverty alleviation efforts. Designated poor households were given more poverty alleviation resources; although this has provoked disputes among villagers, especially when income differences were not evident, public transparency proved to be an effective remedy to these conflicts. Under targeted poverty alleviation, the confirmation of poor households required a public announcement and was subject to villagers’ approval. Villagers’ satisfaction was also an important factor in the evaluation of poverty alleviation efforts; here, villager participation was not abstract, but had a precise scope and form, encouraging high levels of participation. Second, and more importantly, the strict top-down inspections of poverty alleviation efforts created a channel for villagers’ opinions to reach upper levels of government, promoting accountability through the application of pressure from upper-level officials on lower-level officials (a mechanism of villager participation that differed from traditional models and conceptions). In the period of targeted poverty alleviation, villager participation and centralised authority were mutually reinforcing; the centralised authority strengthened the voice and participation of villagers through the application of pressure on local officials, while villager participation allowed the central government to evaluate local officials and ensure their aims were pursued at the community level.

Ultimately, targeted poverty alleviation established a new mechanism of rural governance in poverty-stricken rural areas, bridging the gap between official policy makers and the subjects of poverty alleviation policies. This mechanism led to the central government being better informed on conditions at the community level and, through top-down pressure, to greater participation for villagers, resulting in governmental policies being more thoroughly translated into grassroots actions and results.

The Potential for Lasting Changes in Rural Governance
The new mechanism of rural governance developed in the process of targeted poverty alleviation, played a crucial role in achieving the eradication of extreme poverty at the end of 2020 and effectively addressed long-standing rural political issues. However, whether these changes can be carried over from the targeted poverty alleviation campaign to conventional periods of governance and have a lasting impact on rural areas, depends on whether this mechanism can adapt to changing circumstances. There are three important factors that indicate that the structural changes in rural governance will endure.

First, the distribution of national administrative resources to lower levels of government is a major trend that will continue after the end of the targeted poverty alleviation. Prior to the campaign, the local talent pool and institutional structure in most villages were insufficient to support long-term development, and poor villages lacked the capacity to manage the influx of resources for poverty alleviation. In recent years, the state’s provision of administrative resources to rural areas has strengthened community-level institutions, supported the return of rural talents to their communities from urban areas, encouraged prominent villagers to participate in rural governance, and developed rural collective economies to help villages retain their developing talent and attract talent to return from cities. However, China is still in the process of rapid urbanisation; the rural population will continue to flow outwards, and the return of talents to rural areas has just begun. In this context, the distribution of administrative resources to lower levels is indispensable for maintaining rural social order and realising effective rural governance.

Second, the state will play an increasingly important role in rural areas, in terms of infrastructure construction and the provision of public goods. During the period of targeted poverty alleviation, the state has mainly focused its support on poverty-stricken rural areas, however, as part of the broader rural revitalisation strategy, more rural areas will benefit from the state’s resources. In this process, public transparency regarding recipient households and villages will remain important to avoid disputes and to prevent the distribution of resources from becoming influenced by local power struggles. As a result, it will be necessary for the state to build upon the poverty alleviation registration database and develop an general rural information system; for example, to identify the population living in relative poverty, information on both poor and non-poor households is needed because relative poverty can only be defined through a wide-ranging comparison across the rural population. In summary, as the state invests more resources in rural areas, it will increasingly need and rely upon information systems.

Third, rural development gravitates towards the areas where there are high levels of villagers’ participation in public affairs. In the context of a large outflow of young talent and an aging population, rural communities have been hollowed out; as such, strong institutional guarantees are required to secure villagers’ participation. The mechanism for villagers’ participation under targeted poverty alleviation was based on greater public transparency in rural affairs, the creation of an effective channel for feedback from the grassroots to top-level officials, and strict evaluation of and accountability for rural administrators. In this way, bottom-up participation was guaranteed by top-down support, although the process differed from traditional modes of villagers’ self-governance. Today, the objective is not to recreate traditional systems of village governance, but to develop mechanisms for participation that facilitate the effective distribution of state resources to rural areas. Therefore, participation must not be limited to the granting of superficial rights to villagers; more importantly, there must be concrete institutional guarantees that ensure villagers can and do participate.

The mechanisms of governance under targeted poverty alleviation have promoted important changes in rural governance, but they cannot simply be replicated going forward, in ordinary periods of governance. After successfully completing the tasks of targeted poverty, some formerly poverty-stricken counties have attempted to adapt the governance mechanisms of the campaign – in particular, the program of resident work teams – into their conventional system of governance. However, these efforts have encountered two main difficulties.

The first difficulty is the high cost of campaign-style governance measures. For instance, to complete the poverty alleviation registration system and ensure its high quality, more than two million staff were mobilised to work for eight months to just review the data. Meanwhile, the program of resident work teams required the redeployment of more than three million public servants to work full-time in villages, which not only incurred high costs in terms of subsidies, training, supervision, and the construction of accommodations, but also in terms of causing significant disruptions to the other governmental institutions, which had to undertake additional poverty alleviation responsibilities. In addition, the rotation of resident work teams between different villages made it difficult to ensure continuity in work and for officials to accumulate localised experience and knowledge. From both a financial and human resources perspective, the governance mechanisms of targeted poverty alleviation incurred a high cost and cannot easily be carried over in conventional periods of rural governance.

The second difficulty lies in the low level of institutionalisation of targeted poverty alleviation governance mechanisms and the challenges of balancing different governmental responsibilities. Campaign-style governance focuses on a single goal, adopting various and, at times, extraordinary methods to achieve this goal, some of which can be unsustainable and can even result in imbalances or unfairness. During the period of targeted poverty alleviation, the central task in poor areas was poverty alleviation, with a significant amount of human and material resources invested into meeting targets and shoring up weaknesses. This inevitably resulted in those tasks that fell outside of this objective, being overlooked. For example, following poverty alleviation registration, resources were often concentrated on registered poor households and, at times, the needs of other farmers were neglected. In some cases, poor households were relocated to situations where they would have a stable income and were not only provided with housing, but also with real estate to set up small businesses, giving them far more assets than the average farmer. The temporary and short-term measures employed in campaign-style governance are difficult to replicate in ordinary periods due to their lack of institutionalisation.

The governance mechanisms and extraordinary measures of targeted poverty alleviation need to be appropriately adapted to conventional governance, to continue promoting living standards and balanced development as part of rural revitalisation. In this process of adaptation, it is necessary to institutionalise the rural information system, the distribution of administrative resources to rural areas, and the participation of villagers, in a manner that reduces operational costs, while maintaining their advantageous features.

First, it is necessary to regularise and institutionalise data collection and analysis in rural areas. In the 1950s, the central government established an agricultural economic management system that collected and aggregated rural data for a number of decades, however, this data lacked objectivity and was eventually replaced by statistical sampling surveys. However, while statistical sampling can assist macro-governmental decision-making, it is not suited to micro-governance. Within the new framework of poverty alleviation registration, information systems from various governmental departments, such as civil affairs, public security, and finance, can and should be integrated to establish a unified rural information network, thereby systematising information-based rural governance.

Second, it is necessary to institutionalise the distribution of administrative resources to lower levels. The state must continue to provide financial and human resources to support rural governance, including incorporating rural service into the responsibilities of national civil servants. Currently, the central government distributes administrative resources to lower levels in various ways, the most common of which are the baocun (包村, bāo cūn) system of designating township officials as responsible for assisting the economic and social development of specific villages, as well as the dispatching of first party secretaries and resident work teams to poor villages under targeted poverty alleviation. The combination of these two measures, the baocun and resident work teams, could establish a sustainable village-level administrative system and promote long-term changes in the structure of rural governance. The village-level administrative system should not merely be considered to consist of the existing village officials and village organisations, but more broadly envisioned as the extension of the national administrative system to rural villages. Therefore, rotations in village governance should be systematically incorporated into the responsibilities of higher-level officials and civil servants, but in a manner that is sustainable and does not overburden institutions.

Third, it is necessary to institutionalise villager participation. Village committees should be strengthened as institutions for self-governance and as vehicles for villagers to participate in public affairs and democratic decision-making. On the one hand, the bureaucratisation of village committees must be reversed so that they can be more closely connected with the people and not simply function as extensions of the central government; on the other hand, the supervisory role of village committees and their coordination with village-level administrative authorities must be strengthened, so that they can become people’s organisations.

As a significant social mobilisation, campaign, and experiment, targeted poverty alleviation has innovated China’s rural governance model. The lasting impact of targeted poverty alleviation will depend not only on the changes that have already taken place but also on how these changes can be adapted and institutionalised into rural governance going forward.

Notes
1Wei Chenglin and Zhao Xiaofeng, ‘Regular Governance, Campaign-styled Governance, and the Targeted Poverty Alleviation Program’ [常规治理、运动式治理与中国扶贫实践], Journal of China Agricultural University (Social Sciences Edition) [中国农业大学学报(社会科学版)] 35, no. 5 (2018).

2China had long levied an agricultural tax, dating back to the Zhou dynasty (周朝, 1046–256 BCE), roughly 2,600 years ago. For many centuries, this was the country’s most important source of fiscal revenue. As China developed its industry and commerce, it relied less on the agricultural tax for revenue and, in 2006, it was eliminated completely and created a vacuum in government presence in the countryside.

3Ji Shao and Li Xiaoliang, ‘A Study on the Changes in Rural People’s Income in China during the past 70 Years: An Institutional Reform and Institutional Innovation Perspective’ [建国70年来我国农村居民收入变化研究——体制改革、制度创新视角], Inquiry into Economic Issues [经济问题探索], no. 11 (2019).

4In 2010, China nearly doubled its national poverty line from 1,196 yuan per year (in 2008 prices) to 2,300 yuan per year (in 2010 prices). In 2013, with the initiation of targeted poverty alleviation, China raised its poverty line to 4,000 yuan per year (in 2013 prices).

5Wang Yulei, ‘Going Digital to the Countryside: Technology-Based Governance in Rural Targeted Poverty Alleviation’ [数字下乡:农村精准扶贫中的技术治理], Sociological Studies [社会学研究], no. 6 (2016).

6The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, Poverty Alleviation: China’s Experience and Contribution (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2021), 35.

7For a more critical assessment on resident work teams, see Xu Hanze and Li Xiaoyun, ‘On the Practical Plight of the Residency Support System and Its Consequences in the Context of Targeted Poverty Alleviation’ [精准扶贫背景下驻村机制的实践困境及其后果], Journal of Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics [江西财经大学学报], no. 3 (2017). On the integration and leadership of resident work teams in rural areas, see Xie Yumei, Yang Yang and Liu Zhen, ‘Targeted Integration: Selection, Operation, and Practice of the First Secretaries for Resident Work Teams in Poor Villages’ [精准嵌入:“第一书记”驻村帮扶选派、运行与实践], Journal of Jiangnan University (Humanities and Social Sciences) [江南大学学报(人文社会科学版)], no. 2 (2019).

8First party secretaries played an important role in village governance under targeted poverty alleviation, although their specific roles varied regionally. In Shandong province, for instance, first party secretaries had three main responsibilities: poverty alleviation, public outreach, and rural party-building. Meanwhile, in Guizhou province, the responsibilities of first party secretaries were divided into six categories: helping community-level organisations build infrastructure, training local talent, cultivating local industries, strengthening collective economies, improving management mechanisms, and resolving disputes.

Bibliography at link.

https://thetricontinental.org/wenhua-zo ... overnance/

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On the resignation of Qin Gang
July 28, 19:24

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On the resignation of Qin Gang.

Digging into the kitnet, the reasons gradually begin to clear up, well, or the points of view of the whale become visible. publicists who dare to write about the reasons for the resignations of Foreign Minister Qin Gang and Chairman of the People's Bank of China Yi Gang.

Apparently, the losses from the activities of retired ministers had a detrimental effect on the country's foreign and domestic policy for many years. Based on what I have read, we will continue to understand the ups and downs of Chinese politics. The author, chur, do not kick what I read, then as I understood it, I told it to you.

The case of the pro-Western sentiments of the now former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the PRC and the activities of Yi Gang as chairman of the People's Bank of China is becoming more and more detailed. For now, let's talk about what has already become known about the reasons for the removal of Qin Gang from his post and why former Minister Wang Yi again headed the Chinese Foreign Ministry. Slowly we will reach Yi Gan.

After working in the apparatus of the Chinese Foreign Ministry for more than 30 years, in 2018, Qin Gang began his rapid rise through the ranks, and in December last year he took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, becoming a member of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. It is difficult to assess the level of his dedication and awareness of China's foreign policy issues, but given the damage that he could bring to national security, information about the real state of affairs in Beijing, of course, will be kept with seven seals. One can only guess about the scale of sabotage, but for a better understanding, we will give just one example from the recent past, compare the main foreign policy guidelines of the former Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Qin Gang himself.

As we rememberat meetings with the Russian leadership, back in 2021, Foreign Minister Wang Yi spoke, as they call it in China, about the principles of the three “not”, based on which China will build relations with Russia. As Wang Yi stated, the strategic cooperation between Russia and China "has no end, no restricted areas, no altitude limit." With the beginning of the NMD, it was these assurances that encouraged the citizens of our country - in the confrontation with NATO, China is with us! But by the end of the year the situation had changed. It is worth remembering the dissonance that we experienced when the promises of Wang Yi, who took up a new position, turned out to be directly opposite to what the new head of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Qin Gang, said in a conversation with the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry S. Lavrov.The replacement by Qin Gang of the principles of the three “nos” of Wang Yi, who advocated an indestructible bond between China and Russia, especially in relation to the United States and NATO countries, with the new principles of the three “nos”, hit the image of China as our ally, which had begun to build in us in our heads. Although we did not show strong disappointment, but Qing'ang's three nos are "no alliance, no affiliation, no confrontation and anti-third parties." – for many of us, especially those who have been seriously engaged in China for a long time and are working to strengthen relations between our countries, understand the importance of de facto allied relations in this world situation, sounded like thunder from a clear sky.

I also remember the concern of my Chinese colleagues and friends - they were also amazed and did not know how to comment on the course announced by the new minister. The move seemed to put China on the side of the United States in Russia's battle with the collective West, hurting Russian sensibilities and sowing seeds of distrust of Beijing's policies in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Therefore, the opinion about the seriousness of the consequences of Qin Gang's actions for China is not empty words, the extent of the damage is enormous, and China will need time to quietly correct the mistakes.

The Chinese publicist and staunch Maoist Zhang Hongliang, commenting on the resignation of Qin Gang on July 26, wrote in one of the articles: “China has constantly emphasized that in conflicts between major powers, the decisive factors are not military power, economics or technology, but moral principles.The change by China of the principles of three "not" to three "no" means a betrayal of moral values, damaging the prestige of our country at the international level and making us morally weak. China's obsession with self-interest and the financial economy has already taken a toll on our morale, and diplomatic betrayal of friendly countries further damages our reputation. How to be in the current situation? We must acknowledge the mistake and take concrete action, stand, as previously stated, shoulder to shoulder and back to back with an ally, overcome difficulties together and jointly defeat a common enemy - the United States, which creates constant problems for both us and Russia.

Time will tell how events will develop. But looking through these days of Internet publications, the confidence is still growing that Chinese society is dominated by forces advocating an alliance with Russia in confrontation with the United States and NATO. There is an understanding in China that if society and the state machine cannot cope with the hidden danger left by the activities of Qin Gang, then China is unlikely to be able to avoid a war with the United States and its satellites in the region. Therefore, in simple terms, the removal from the post of a minister leading a pro-Western, conciliatory policy and deliberately alienating China from Russia, as well as the reappointment of Wang Yi to the post of Foreign Minister, should have a positive impact on the development of relations between our countries.Given the complexity and complexity of the situation around Qin Gang, one should not expect loud statements from official Beijing, but it seems that in the near future we will witness a gradual strengthening of cooperation between our countries.

https://sinologist.livejournal.com/704517.html - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/8527590.html

Google Translator

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Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen seemed openly insincere when she tried to say the controls were not aimed at China’s broader economy. Premier Li Qiang, who met Yellen, responded that she was “overstretching.”

The U.S. ‘Act of War’ against China
Originally published: Struggle-La Lucha on July 26, 2023 by Gary Wilson (more by Struggle-La Lucha) | (Posted Jul 28, 2023)

The July 12 New York Times Magazine headlined: “‘An Act of War’: Inside America’s Silicon Blockade Against China.”

The report is about the October 2022 “export controls” against China:

Last October, the United States Bureau of Industry and Security issued a document that–underneath its 139 pages of dense bureaucratic jargon and minute technical detail–amounted to a declaration of economic war on China.…

The Oct. 7 controls essentially seek to eradicate, root and branch, China’s entire ecosystem of advanced technology. ‘The new policy embodied in Oct. 7 is: Not only are we not going to allow China to progress any further technologically, we are going to actively reverse their current state of the art,’ [Gregory] Allen [of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington] says. C.J. Muse, a senior semiconductor analyst at Evercore ISI, put it this way: ‘If you’d told me about these rules five years ago, I would’ve told you that’s an act of war–we’d have to be at war.’


The U.S. export controls (the act of war) on computer chips aim to cripple China’s ability to produce or purchase high-end chips, which are crucial for the development of advanced technologies such as supercomputers and artificial intelligence (AI). Some call this a Silicon Curtain in the New Cold War against China.

The U.S. controls (again, an act of war) are not narrowly targeted at curbing Chinese military development, as claimed by the Biden administration. On her recent visit to China, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen seemed openly insincere when she tried to say the controls were not aimed at the broader economy. China’s Premier Li Qiang, who met Yellen, told her that she was “overstretching.”

The export controls are broad. As the New York Times reports, they seek to undermine China’s entire ecosystem of advanced technology, including its AI industry. The semiconductor industry is seen as a means to achieve this goal.

The semiconductor industry is a global industry that the U.S. has dominated and controlled, as U.S. Big Oil has dominated the global energy industry.

The Pentagon’s semiconductor project
The semiconductor industry began as a project of the Pentagon’s Semiconductor Technology Advanced Research Network (STARnet), part of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA). The industry in the U.S. was and is, to this day, heavily financed by the Pentagon and the U.S. government.

The CHIPS Act, passed by Congress and signed by President Biden in August 2022, pumped an additional $280 billion in new funding for the research and manufacture of semiconductors in the U.S. That was followed by a DARPA announcement in January 2023 that it was putting almost half a billion dollars into a project to help advance the semiconductor industry in the U.S.

None of this, by the way, was created or developed by any capitalist entrepreneur. Capitalism does not create anything on its own; it just finds a way to exploit new technology to make a profit. And many of the biggest, highest profit-making capitalist industries were created and funded by the government in various ways, including most of the technology industry, the internet, the pharmaceutical industry, the automobile industry, and even Big Oil.

The semiconductor industry is a knowledge-intensive industry. It is built on shared knowledge and resources. Initially, semiconductor companies were built on open innovation. Because of its complexity, development, and production required the collaboration of research centers, universities, scientists, engineers, and many others to develop the techniques and methodologies required.

The pace of innovation in the semiconductor industry has been incredibly rapid. New chip designs are constantly being developed, and the capabilities of chips are constantly increasing. This is due to a number of factors, including:

The increasing complexity of chips. Chips are becoming increasingly complex, with billions of transistors packed into a tiny space. This complexity requires the use of advanced manufacturing techniques and the development of new materials.
New materials and manufacturing techniques. The semiconductor industry is constantly developing new materials and manufacturing techniques to improve the performance and efficiency of chips. For example, new materials, such as gallium arsenide, silicon carbide, and graphene, have allowed for the development of faster and more powerful chips.
The increasing availability of computing power. The increasing availability of computing power has allowed chip designers to develop more complex and sophisticated chip designs.
Global means global
Global means that chips are designed and manufactured in many countries around the world, not just the U.S. This means:

A global workforce of scientists, engineers, technicians, and other skilled workers. The semiconductor industry requires a large pool of skilled labor. This labor is not evenly distributed around the world. Most of the semiconductor industry is now concentrated in China, Taiwan, and South Korea.
As a global industry, production depends on a complicated matrix of manufacturing, warehousing, shipping, and transportation. This global supply chain is highly interconnected and spans across many countries. Every chip has been produced from parts developed and produced in a dozen or more countries. This necessitates collaboration and sharing to ensure smooth operations and product quality.
The U.S. export restrictions (an act of war) are designed not only to prevent further advances in China’s technology sector but also to actively reverse its technological development. The controls are intended to eradicate China’s advanced technology ecosystem and hinder its progress in economic growth and development.

U.S. export controls, introduced by the Trump administration and now expanded by the Biden administration, have already had devastating consequences for Chinese companies like Huawei, which was heavily impacted by the chip bans imposed by the Trump administration in 2019. Huawei, once the largest smartphone seller in the world, saw its revenues plunge and its market share drastically decline as a result of these measures.

Biden expands what Trump started
The Biden administration has continued the Trump administration’s campaign against Chinese technology companies, but it has taken a more expanded approach. The Trump administration imposed broad sanctions on Chinese companies, including Huawei, ZTE, and Hikvision. The Biden administration has focused on whole industries, such as telecommunications and semiconductors.

In the words of Gregory Allen at CSIS,

The Trump administration went after companies. The Biden administration is going after industries.

The Biden administration’s actions against China’s technology sector are an attempt to slow down the entire Chinese economy. China is heavily reliant on semiconductors, and the Biden administration’s actions are making it more difficult for China to acquire the technology and components it needs to produce its own chips.

The fact that China spent more on computer chip imports than it did on oil in April is a clear indication of how important semiconductors are to the Chinese economy. Chips are used in a wide range of products, from smartphones to cars to industrial machinery.

But the New Cold War and its Silicon Curtain cannot reproduce the old Cold War.

In the Cold War, the United States and the European imperialist powers in NATO were the biggest manufacturers in the world. This gave them dominance in terms of economic power and military strength.

Now, socialist China has emerged as a major manufacturing power. Today, China is the world’s largest manufacturer, including the semiconductor industry. China is the largest trade partner for 70% of the countries in the world.

This has led to a decline in the United States relative power. The United States is no longer the dominant producer in the world.

In addition, the U.S. used to have a significant advantage in the global energy market, due to its control of West Asia’s hydrocarbon resources. However, in recent years, China has become a major player in the global energy market, and OPEC has become less reliant on the United States. The U.S. has greatly reduced oil imports because of domestic shale oil (fracking) and gas production. This means that OPEC is no longer as dependent on the United States as it once was. This has led to a loss of control for the United States in the global energy market.

https://mronline.org/2023/07/28/the-u-s ... nst-china/
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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Sun Jul 30, 2023 11:55 am

China Is the Leading Force for World Peace
JULY 28, 2023

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By Carlos Martinez – Jul 26, 2023

The Forum on Global Human Rights Governance, themed Equality, Cooperation and Development: The 30th Anniversary of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action and Global Human Rights Governance, was held in Beijing in mid-June 2023.

Jointly hosted by the Information Office of China’s State Council, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the China International Development Cooperation Agency, the forum attracted over 300 participants from nearly 100 countries and international organizations, including United Nations (UN) agencies.

In a congratulatory letter to the forum, Chinese President Xi Jinping “stressed the need to respect all countries’ sovereignty and territorial integrity, jointly follow the path of peaceful development, act on the Global Security Initiative, and create a secure and peaceful environment for realizing human rights.”

Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez attended the forum remotely, addressing a panel about the Global Security Initiative and human rights protection. We publish his remarks below.

A version of Carlos’s presentation has been published in Beijing Review.

A few weeks ago, US president Joe Biden called upon his fellow G7 leaders to stand against China’s “aggression”. A few days ago, Mike Turner, the chair of the US’s House Intelligence Committee, referenced “unbelievable aggression by China.”

Indeed, it is entirely normal in Western politics and media to hear China referred to as “aggressive”, “belligerent” and “expansionist”; as a country which is trying to impose its will on the world by means of force, by means of bullying.

Such an accusation, coming from the major imperialist powers, is nothing if not ironic.

After all, it’s well known that the US has been at war for 228 out of its 247 years of existence.

At this moment, there are nearly a thousand US troops in Syria, in violation of international law and Syrian sovereignty. This very year, the US has carried out several air strikes against Syrian government targets.

The US continues to be involved in the disastrous war in Yemen, which has created the world’s largest humanitarian crisis.

In recent memory, the US has waged brutal wars on Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and Yugoslavia.

It has active duty military troops stationed in nearly 150 countries, and it maintains 800 overseas military bases.

Its military expenditure is approaching a trillion dollars a year – meaning that a country with 4 percent of the global population accounts for 39 percent of the world’s military spending.

In relation to the crisis in Ukraine, the US’s policy from the start – indeed, before the start – has been to pour fuel onto the fire and to provoke conflict.

Sixteen months into Russia’s special military operation, it’s patently obvious that the only path to peace in the region lies through dialogue, not through escalation. And yet the US continues to provide more and more sophisticated weaponry to Ukraine, whilst doing everything it can to sabotage substantive peace talks.

Besides military aggression, the US is also the pre-eminent world power in terms of economic coercion and unilateral sanctions. It currently imposes unilateral sanctions on China, the DPRK, Iran, Syria, Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Eritrea, Zimbabwe, and several other countries. Columbia University economist Jeffrey Sachs describes the US as “by far the world’s biggest deployer of unilateral coercive measures.”

Let’s compare all this with China’s record.

Since its founding in 1949, China has maintained an extraordinarily peaceful record.

Between 1950 and 1953, over a million Chinese volunteers fought in the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea. And between 1965 and 1969, hundreds of thousands of Chinese troops contributed to the defence of Vietnam.

Besides these wars, plus brief border disputes with India and Vietnam, China has been at peace.

And of course, it should be remembered that the character of China’s involvement in the wars in Korea and Vietnam is fundamentally different to that of the US’s involvement. The US was waging unjust, genocidal wars of imperialist aggression. China was waging just wars of self-defence, sovereignty, solidarity and independence.

China has not been waging war against Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and Yugoslavia. In relation to the Syrian War, China has consistently stood against external interference, against sanctions, and in support of dialogue, reconciliation and reconstruction.

By mediating a rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, China has contributed significantly to the possibilities for peace in Yemen.

The overwhelming majority of people in the whole Middle East recognise that “the US bombs, while China builds.”

China is involved in extensive projects to build schools, hospitals, energy infrastructure, telecoms infrastructure and transport systems in Iraq – a country that was flattened by the US and its allies’ bombs, a country that lost a million people as a result of a US-led war for oil.

As I mentioned earlier, the US accounts for 39 percent of total global military spending (with 4 percent of the population). China by comparison accounts for 10 percent of global military spending, with 18 percent of the world’s population.

Meaning that China’s per capita military spending is around 20 times smaller than that of the US – in spite of the fact that China has 14 land borders to the US’s two; and in spite of the fact that China, not the US, faces a sustained campaign of encirclement and military intimidation.

And although China is also a nuclear power, China has around 350 nuclear warheads, in comparison to the US’s five and a half thousand. Furthermore, China is the only country to operate an unconditional no-first-use of nuclear weapons policy, which has been in place since China’s first successful nuclear weapons test in 1964.

While the US has been pouring fuel on the fire in Ukraine, China has been working to help put out the fire. The only major government to maintain good relations with both Russia and Ukraine, China has designated a special envoy to help facilitate negotiations, and has put forward a position paper directed towards building a lasting peace, calling for a resumption of negotiations and an end to unilateral sanctions.

Where the US pushes coercion and sanctions, China adheres to international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter.

While the US seeks to expand NATO, and even with the creation of AUKUS to construct a global NATO, China participates in global and regional bodies directed at peaceful cooperation.

China’s Global Security Initiative is a reflection of this orientation towards peace and development.

The GSI proposes a security architecture based on mutual respect; mutual benefit; respect for sovereignty; cooperation on global challenges; and opposition to bloc politics, unilateralism, Cold War and confrontation.

This is a modern reiteration of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which first put enunciated publicly by Premier Zhou Enlai in 1954. These principles reflect China’s basic geostrategic positioning as a socialist country of the Global South.

China opposes imperialism, because China has suffered under imperialism. One of the most important accomplishments of the Chinese Revolution has been precisely to end imperialist oppression of China.

China opposes interference and destabilisation, because China has suffered from interference and destabilisation. Indeed even today it faces interference by the imperialist powers in relation to China’s internal affairs, including Taiwan, Hong Kong and Xinjiang.

Whereas the West thrives on war, China thrives on peace.

The aggressive, expansionist behaviour of the US, Europe and Japan has been driven by the imperatives of capitalism: growth at all costs. Relentless expansion; the domination of markets, resources, land and labour. This has been the secret of the West’s success, and the source of the Global South’s misery.

China’s development on the other hand is not built on the oppression of other countries, or on the profits of the military-industrial complex, but on the hard work of the Chinese people and the strategic brilliance of the Chinese leadership.

China’s history, its economic structure, its development level and its ideological orientation combine to make it a force for peace, for global development, for mutually-beneficial cooperation and exchanges with the peoples of the world.

Indeed, as the largest developing country and the largest socialist country, China is the leading global force for peace, development and multipolarity.

Thank you.

https://orinocotribune.com/china-is-the ... rld-peace/

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Arming Taiwan is an insane provocation
In this incisive article written for AntiWar.com, John V Walsh exposes the utter recklessness of the US’s policy of increasing arms supplies to Taiwan.

Walsh describes the US’s longstanding First Island Chain strategy – a collection of military bases, weapons and troops deployed specifically in order to project US power and to contain and encircle the People’s Republic of China – and notes that Taiwan is at the center of this strategy. Indeed Taiwan is considered by Washington’s hawks as “America’s unsinkable aircraft carrier”.

Walsh observes that while the US officially adheres to the One China Policy, which recognizes that Taiwan is part of China, it has been arming Taiwan for decades and is increasingly flagrant in its encouragement of secessionist forces. For obvious reasons, this is a red line for Beijing. “A secessionist Taiwan, as an armed ally of the US, represents to China a return to the Century of Humiliation at the hands of the colonial West.”

The US should adhere to international law and stop interfering in China’s internal affairs. “Taiwan and Beijing can settle their disagreements by themselves. Frankly put, disagreements between the two are none of America’s business.” Furthermore, the US should put an end to provocations and militarism in the region, and take China up on its oft-repeated offer of mutually-beneficial cooperation between the two economies.

Those in the West who are concerned with building a lasting peace should pressure their governments to stop interfering in China’s internal affairs, and to stop arming Taiwan.
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The Island of Taiwan has been turned into a “powder keg” by the infusion of U.S. weaponry, pushing the Taiwanese people into the “abyss of disaster.” These are the words of the Chinese Defense Ministry in reaction to the recent $440 million sale of U.S. arms to the island. And now the U.S. is also giving, not selling, arms to Taiwan, courtesy of the U.S. taxpayer.

The “First Island Chain” Strategy of the U.S.
Taiwan is but one in a series of islands along the Chinese coast, often called “The First Island Chain,” which now bristles with advanced U.S. weapons. These are accompanied by tens of thousands of supporting U.S. military personnel and combat troops. The “First Island Chain” extends from Japan in the north southward through Japan’s Ryukyu islands which include Okinawa, to Taiwan and on to the northern Philippines. (U.S. ally, South Korea, with a military of 500,000 active duty personnel and 3 million reserves is a powerful adjunct to this chain.) In U.S. military doctrine the First Island Chain is a base to “project power” and restrict sea access to China.

Taiwan is at the center this string of islands and is considered the focal point of The First Island Chain strategy. When the fiercely hawkish Cold Warrior, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, conceived the strategy in 1951, he dubbed Taiwan America’s “unsinkable aircraft carrier.”

Taiwan is now one source of contention between the U.S. and China. As is often said but rarely done, the pursuit of peace demands that we understand the point of view of those who are marked as our adversaries. And, in China’s eyes, Taiwan and the rest of these armed isles look like both chain and noose.

How would the U.S. react in a similar circumstance? Cuba is about the same distance from the U.S. as the width of the Taiwan Strait that separates Taiwan from the Mainland. Consider the recent U.S. reaction to rumors that China was setting up a listening post in Cuba. There was a bipartisan reaction of alarm in Congress and a bipartisan statement that such an installation is “unacceptable.” What would be the reaction if China armed Cuba to the teeth or sent hundreds of soldiers there as the U.S. has done to Taiwan? It is not hard to imagine. One immediately thinks of the U.S. sponsored invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs and later the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Clearly, the arming of Taiwan is a provocative act that pushes the U.S. closer to war with China, a nuclear power.

The Secessionist Movement in Taiwan
According to the One China Policy, the official policy of the U.S., Taiwan is part of China. The UN took the same position in 1971 with passage of Resolution 2758 (also known as the Resolution on Admitting Peking) which recognized the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the legitimate government of all of China and its sole representative in the UN.

In recent decades a secessionist movement has developed on the island of Taiwan, a sentiment represented by the DPP (Democratic Progressive Party). Currently Tsai Ing-wen of the DPP is President. But in the local elections of 2022, the DPP lost very badly to the KMT (Kuomintang) which is friendly to the Mainland and wishes to preserve the status quo or “strategic ambiguity,” as it is called. Tsai built the DPP’s 2022 campaign on hostility to Beijing, not on local issues. And at the same time, her government passed legislation to increase the compulsory service for young Taiwanese males from 6 months to a year. Needless to say, this hawkish move was not popular with the under 30 set.

Polling in 2022 showed that an overwhelming majority of Taiwanese now want to preserve the status quo. Only 1.3% want immediate unification and only 5.3% want immediate independence. Compared to previous years, a record 28.6 percent of those polled said they preferred to “maintain the status quo indefinitely,” while 28.3 percent chose the status quo to “decide at a later date,” and 25.2 percent opted for the status quo with a view to “move toward independence.” Thus, a total of 82.1% now favor the status quo! Not surprisingly, every prominent presidential candidate professes to be in favor of the status quo. However, DPP candidates also contend there is no need to declare independence since in their eyes Taiwan is already independent.

The stated policy of the People’s Republic of China is to seek peaceful reunification with Taiwan. Only if the secessionist movement formally declares independence does Beijing threaten to use force. Clearly the Taiwanese do not wish to find themselves in the position of Ukrainians, cannon fodder in a U.S. proxy war.

Here we might once more consider how the alleged enemy of the U.S., China, sees things and might react to a formal act of secession and declaration of independence by Taiwan. And again, we might be guided by our own history. When the Confederate States seceded from the Union, the U.S. descended into the bloodiest war in its history with 620,000 soldiers dead. Moreover, a secessionist Taiwan, as an armed ally of the U.S., represents to China a return to the “Century of Humiliation” at the hands of the colonial West. Given these circumstances, arming Taiwan clearly creates a “powder keg.” A single spark could ignite it.

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the U.S. is trying to gin up a proxy war that would engulf East Asia, damaging not only China but other U.S. economic competitors like Japan and South Korea. The U.S. would come out on top. It is the neocon Wolfowitz Doctrine put into play. But in the nuclear age such stratagems amount to total insanity.

If some Taiwanese hope that the U.S. will come to its aid, they should ponder carefully the tragedy of Ukraine. Somewhere between 150,000 and 200,000 Ukrainian soldiers have lost their lives so far and millions more turned into refugees. A similar U.S. proxy war in Taiwan could easily turn into a full-scale conflict between the world’s two largest economies, certainly triggering a global depression and perhaps a nuclear exchange. And U.S. President Joe Biden has committed to send troops to fight the People’s Liberation Army should hostilities break out. So, the situation is even more perilous than the one in Ukraine!

No Arms to Taiwan
When all this is considered, arming Taiwan is asking for trouble on a global scale. Taipei and Beijing can settle their disagreements by themselves. Frankly put, disagreements between the two are none of America’s business.

So, we Americans must stop our government from arming Taiwan. And we need to get our military out of East Asia. It is an ocean away, and no power there is threatening the U.S. We do not have Chinese warships off our Pacific Coast, nor do we have Chinese troops or Chinese military bases anywhere in our entire hemisphere.

China calls for peaceful coexistence and a win-win set of relationships between us. Let’s take them up on that.

And let’s bring all those troops, submarines, bombers, rockets, and warships out of East Asia before they stumble into a conflict or become the instrument of a false flag operation. We should keep in mind the Gulf of Tonkin Incident, a fake report of a Vietnamese attack on a U.S. ship that led to the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, a de facto declaration of war against Vietnam. In the end millions lost their lives in Southeast Asia in that brutal, horrific war. Even that will look like a schoolyard squabble compared to the conflagration unleashed by a U.S.-China war.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/07/28/a ... ovocation/

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How to understand Kissinger and China’s high-level diplomacy
In this article, which was originally published on CGTN, Friends of Socialist China co-editor Danny Haiphong explains the significance of the recent visit to China by veteran US statesman Dr. Henry Kissinger and assesses some reactions to it.

Kissinger, who recently celebrated his 100th birthday, and who has visited China more than 100 times, pioneered the establishment of ties between the People’s Republic of China and the USA, together with President Richard Nixon, Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai.

Danny points out that Kissinger’s latest visit comes at a watershed moment in the two countries’ relationship. And, whilst US officialdom sought to belittle the visit, at least publicly, sourly observing that someone who is now a private citizen enjoys better access to Chinese leaders than their US counterparts, whilst some others on the left imagine that Chinese leaders are unaware of Kissinger’s historical role regarding Vietnam, Laos, Chile and other countries, both of them fail to take account of the overriding importance of China/US relations, not only for the people of the two countries, but for all humanity.

Kissinger’s warm reception, Danny notes, sent a strong message that China is ready to engage in dialogue with the US so as to get relations back on the right track. Kissinger has recently warned of the dangers of US relations with both China and Russia degenerating into open conflict. Against this background, Danny notes: “The era of hegemony for any country is… coming to an end. Kissinger’s visit placed a spotlight on the choices in front of the US elite.”
At the age of 100, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger traveled to Beijing and met with Chinese President Xi Jinping and other top officials on July 20, 2023, amid a watershed moment in China-U.S. relations.

The visit caused a great level of confusion among the Western media and members of the U.S. political class. Some outright dismissed the significance of the visit. Others expressed a “sour grapes” mentality. National Security Council Spokesperson John Kirby demonstrated this reaction best in his claim that it was “unfortunate that a private citizen can meet with the defense minister and have a communication and the United States can’t.”

Outside of the political class, social media users in the U.S. have gone so far as to claim that China misunderstands Kissinger’s true role in the world. Critics remarked that while Kissinger played a major role in normalizing ties between China and the U.S., his tenure within the foreign policy establishment has also been characterized by aggressive U.S. interventions in Vietnam, Laos, Chile, and several other countries. Thus, few on the U.S. side have attempted to truly understand China’s side.

Kissinger’s visit marked an important opportunity not only for China but also humanity as a whole. China-U.S. relations are not simply bilateral in nature. The relationship between these massively influential countries makes an impact on everyone, and everything, living on this planet.

What are the key takeaways, then, from the latest Kissinger visit?

First, high-level diplomacy is not a zero-sum game. President Xi called Kissinger an “old friend” because he has visited China over 100 times and is remembered for his leading role in bringing China-U.S. relations to their highest point.

China has followed diplomatic protocol with the U.S., consistently emphasizing in both word and deed mutually beneficial and peaceful relations with the United States. However, Kissinger’s visit was urgently necessary because of the U.S.’s commitment to containing China and therefore undoing diplomatic relations via a zero-sum approach.

Besides, Kissinger’s warm reception sent a strong message to the U.S.-side that China is ready to engage in dialogue to restore ties on the correct path. It is therefore the responsibility of the United States to reciprocate in kind. High-level meetings with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, and Climate Envoy John Kerry have marked a positive period for dialogue between the two sides.

However, these conversations have yielded few concrete results. The U.S. has not ceased any of its unilateral policies toward China such as the trade war or its continued sanctions on China’s Defense Minister Li Shangfu which have stalled talks on matters of defense cooperation.

Lastly, Kissinger’s latest visit to China is a clear indication that hubris and hegemony have become a ball-and-chain in progress. Cold wars plant the seeds of a hot war. Kissinger’s concern over the possibility of major power conflict is not unfounded historically. The first Cold War not only brought the world dangerously close to nuclear conflict but also caused great suffering for poorer nations caught up in the West’s project of “containing” communism. However, unlike the first Cold War, the policy of aggression toward China has harmed the U.S.’s standing in the world rather than bolstered it.

As President Xi correctly notes, the world is experiencing changes not seen in a century and China has played a positive role in them. U.S. hostility toward China has put its foreign policy at odds with the majority of nations that share a common interest with China in peaceful and prosperous development.

Over the course of the last five to 10 years of worsening China-U.S. relations, the emergence of a multipolar world has accelerated. Multilateral arrangements such as China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership have grown rapidly as more countries seek sovereign development through greater regional and global integration. More countries are seeking alternatives to the U.S. dollar and the unfair economic relationships that have emerged from its dominance.

The era of hegemony for any country is therefore coming to an end. Kissinger’s visit placed a spotlight on the choices in front of the U.S. elite that seek to preserve U.S. hegemony at all costs. The choices are as follows: set relations with China on the correct path for the sake of stability and common prosperity or continue on the path of self-isolation and destruction through provocation. China has made clear that its preferred path is diplomacy. Now it is up to the U.S. side to decide whether it is capable of walking on this path.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/07/27/h ... diplomacy/

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The Washington Post Is Tarnishing The Courts Of Hong Kong

The Washington Post invents some crude reasoning to explain a new aggressive anti-China move by the Biden administration.

Biden, testing Xi, will bar Hong Kong’s leader from economic summit

SAN DIEGO — The White House has decided it will bar Hong Kong’s top government official from attending a major economic summit in the United States this fall, according to three U.S. officials familiar with the matter, in the latest test of President Biden’s bid to reset relations with China.
The summit in questions is the yearly meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) to which 21 Pacific Rim entities belong. China, Taiwan (Chinese Taipan) and Hong Kong are members since 1991. The location of the summit rotates through the membership entities.


Chief Executive John Lee, along with 10 other Hong Kong and Chinese officials, was placed under sanctions by Washington in 2020 after implementing a national security law, imposed by Beijing, that enabled the targeting of pro-democracy leaders, tarnished the reputation of the courts and earned international condemnation as leaders sought to silence dissent.

Lee, then Hong Kong’s security chief, was elevated last year to chief executive, handpicked by Beijing to continue what critics say is a broader campaign of repression in the once-semiautonomous city.


Let me first take issue with the description of the effects of the national security law, specifically the claim that it 'tarnished the reputation of the courts'.

Courts do not make laws but use the law to make judgments. How then could a new law or a change of a law have tarnished the courts?

A recent judgment by the a Hong Kong court proves that the Hong Kong security law has not done that at all.

The official hymn of Hong Kong is the Chinese national anthem “March of the Volunteers”. After the riots in Hong Kong which led to the implementation of the national security law some protest backers came up with a new one called “Glory to Hong Kong”. (They probably consulted with Bandera followers who suggested 'Slava Ukraini' which means 'Glory to Ukraine'.

Searching Google and some other such service for `Hong Kong national anthem' brings up the protester hymn. This has led to some embarrassing moments when it was unintentionally played at international sport events.

Any use of the song in Hong Kong is prohibited and can lead to criminal prosecution. But the justice department in Hong Kong wanted to add a civil injunction against any one who makes the protest song available.

But a judge, hand-selected by Lee for national security issues, took the new law down:

A Hong Kong court has dismissed the justice secretary’s request to ban the promotion of a protest song popular during the 2019 anti-government unrest, questioning the effectiveness of the move.
In blocking the injunction bid, the High Court on Friday said the publication and distribution of “Glory to Hong Kong” was already punishable under existing laws, adding a ban might not compel internet search giant Google and other technology firms to take down the tune.
...
Justice minister Paul Lam Ting-kwok lodged the application last month in a bid to bar anyone from promoting the protest tune through “broadcasting, performing, ­printing, publishing, selling, ­offering for sale, distributing, disseminating, displaying or reproducing in any way”.

Authorities believed the ban could provide greater leverage in demanding that internet service providers remove content related to the song.

But Mr Justice Anthony Chan Kin-keung said in his 30-page judgment that the government’s expectations were misplaced.
...
While acknowledging Lee’s view that the song would undermine national security if it were allowed to spread further, Chan rejected the argument that the court should defer to the executive branch on the merits of the intended ban just because it related to the country’s safety.

“It is too sweeping a statement,” he said. “Here, the court is asked to exercise its exceptional powers which affect innocent third parties. The court cannot abdicate its responsibilities.”

Chan pointed to the city’s “extensive and robust” criminal law system in questioning the effectiveness of a civil injunction in deterring offences.


Now again, has the new national security law in Hong Kong really 'tarnished the reputation of the courts'?

To me its seems it has not. In fact the court ruled against a misuse of the 'national security' argument in much sharper form than U.S. courts would probably do.

It was the Washington Post which, by making the claim, actually tried to 'tarnish the reputation of the courts' in Hong Kong.

That Chief Executive John Lee was put under U.S. sanction is one of the typical abuses U.S. foreign policies create. It is also not the real reason for keeping him away from the APEC summit.

What the Biden administration really intended with this move was to piss off President Xi of China:

The snub by the United States, which in November will host the annual summit of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation leaders in San Francisco, comes in the midst of a tenuous thaw in the two powers’ frosty bilateral relationship. It could, some analysts say, induce Chinese leader Xi Jinping to skip the APEC summit — where a meeting with Biden has been anticipated./i]

If Biden, as the Washington Post's opening claimed, really has made a bid to reset relations with China, he would not have taken such a step. One does not try to find better relations by constantly acting against the interests of the other side.

To keep Lee away from the summit is one of the typical kindergarten moves the Biden administration is becoming famous for. The cumulation of such moves under Blinken and Biden has created a strong block of countries that stand united in opposition to U.S. policies and to a large number of the rest of the world developing more sympathy for them.

As Kishore Mahbubani once told his listeners during a speech in Harvard:

The era of western domination of world history was a 200 year aberration, it's coming to an end.
As a result of that you've got to learn to understand non-western perspectives in the world."

"As someone who travels to 30, 40 countries a year, when I come to the US and I go to my hotel room and turn on the TV, I feel like I've been cut off from the rest of the world.

The insularity of the American discourse is actually frightening ...


It is time for the U.S. to grow up.

Posted by b on July 29, 2023 at 16:21 UTC | Permalink

https://www.moonofalabama.org/2023/07/t ... .html#more
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Sun Aug 06, 2023 10:22 pm

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The Chinese need to stay poor because the US has done so much to destroy the planet
In this insightful article on the Real-World Economics Review Blog, Dean Baker deconstructs the standard anti-China narrative in relation to climate change.

Firstly, he deals with the idea that, when comparing countries’ greenhouse gas emissions, population size is of no importance; what matters is absolute emissions. Baker points out that this logic could easily be applied to justify obscenely high emissions levels for any country with a relatively small population – but if all small countries were to consume such a quota, the climate crisis would be a great deal worse that it is now. The only reason US politicians insist on talking about absolute rather than per capita emissions is that, “measured in per capita terms, the United States is among the worst emitters on the planet.”

Baker also discusses the implications that “historic emissions somehow entitle a country to future emissions.” Pointing out that historical greenhouse gas emissions correlate closely with economic development, the author reiterates the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities: that the advanced, wealthy countries must take the lead when it comes to reducing emissions and developing green technology. Towards this end, the US could and should “adopt a policy of making all the technology that it develops fully open-source, so that everyone in the world could take advantage of it, without concerns about patent monopolies or other protections. That would help to speed the process of diffusion so that clean technologies could be adopted more quickly around the world.”

In reality, the US ruling class shows no sign of taking such a measure. Thankfully, as Baker points out, China has taken the lead on renewable energy, electric vehicles, green public transport, forestation and biodiversity protection. “The Chinese government apparently has far more concern for the future of the planet than its critics in the United States.”
That line is effectively the conventional wisdom among people in policy circles. If that seems absurd, then you need to think more about how many politicians and intellectual types are approaching climate change.

Just this week, John Kerry, President Biden’s climate envoy, was in China. He was asking the Chinese government to move more quickly in reducing its greenhouse gas emissions. President Xi told Kerry that China was not going to move forward its current target, which is to start reducing emissions by 2030.

I know from Twitter that many people think that Kerry’s request was reasonable and that Xi is jeopardizing the planet with his refusal to move forward China’s schedule for emission reductions. This is in spite of the fact that China is by far the world leader in wind energy, solar energy, and electric cars and that all three are growing at double-digit annual rates.

The basic complaint is that China must start reducing its emissions now because of the crisis facing the planet. To my Twitter friends, the problem is that China is the world’s biggest emitter of greenhouse gas. It doesn’t matter that it has four times the population of the U.S. and emits less than half as much on a per person basis. Nor does it matter that its economy is growing rapidly as it tries to catch up to the living standards enjoyed in the United States and other wealthy countries.

This complaint against China hinges on two sorts of arguments that would be dismissed as nonsense if they were used against the United States.

Population size doesn’t matter. We care about how much China is emitting on the whole, not per person.
Levels don’t matter, we only care about rates of change.
Taking these in turn, a line I heard endlessly (maybe it came from Chatgpt) is that the climate doesn’t care about per capita emissions, it only cares about total emissions. I have no idea what people were thinking when they wrote this.

Would it be okay if Djibouti, with a population of just over 1 million had fifty times the emissions it has now, because the climate only cares about total emissions, not per capita? After all, even with fifty times its current emissions, Djibouti would only be admitting a small fraction of what the U.S. emits.

If we said this about every country with a relatively small population, we would have enormously more emissions than is now the case. I assume anyone who actually cares about the future of the planet would not say that it’s okay for small countries to have per capita emissions that are many times larger than the U.S.

Measured in per capita terms, the United States is among the worst emitters on the planet. We only have a prayer of preventing a horrible climate disaster because just about every other country emits far less per capita.

The second argument raises the question of whether historic emissions somehow entitle a country to future emissions. Just writing that sentence seems close to crazy, but that is in fact what many of my Twitter friends seem to believe.

If we only care about changes and not levels, we are effectively saying that high levels of past emissions allow us to have high levels of future emissions. This line becomes even more absurd when we consider that, in general, higher GDP has been associated with higher levels of emissions. In other words, at least historically, as countries have gotten richer, they have emitted more greenhouse gases.

In the context of China, which is no longer poor, but still a rapidly growing developing country, limiting its future emissions growth would effectively be saying that the country doesn’t have the right to reach U.S. standards of living. This sort of restriction applied to poorer countries would be even more onerous. It would mean that poor countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and South Asia should be denied the opportunity to improve the living standards of their populations because they had not had high emissions in prior years.

The story gets even worse when we consider that the only reason that the planet now faces a climate crisis is that the United States and other wealthy countries have been spewing vast amounts of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere for decades. If we all still had 19th or 18th century living standards, global warming would not pose an imminent crisis.

Our China critics are effectively saying that China, and implicitly other developing countries, must be denied the opportunity to improve the living standards of their people because we messed up the planet so badly. That might make sense in intellectual circles here, but that is not an argument that is likely to impress people in China or anywhere outside those circles.

Fortunately for the planet, China actually is moving ahead rapidly in promoting clean energy and electric cars. It is now projected to have its emissions peak in 2025, after which they will be headed downward. This is the result of aggressive policies that it has undertaken to control its emissions, policies that are far more aggressive than anything we have put in place here.

The Chinese government apparently has far more concern for the future of the planet than its critics in the United States. If we did want an opportunity to put our money where our mouth is, the United States could adopt a policy of making all the technology that it develops fully open-source, so that everyone in the world could take advantage of it, without concerns about patent monopolies or other protections.

That would help to speed the process of diffusion so that clean technologies could be adopted more quickly around the world. But doing this could actually mean money out of the pocket of intellectual-types here. For that reason, don’t expect to see any discussion of open-sourcing clean technologies in any reputable publication here. Hurting poor people in the developing world might be a fair topic for debate, not taking away money from relatively affluent people here.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/02/t ... he-planet/

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Former vice-president of China's top court sentenced to 15 years in prison
By YANG ZEKUN | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2023-08-04 18:50

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Photo/IC]

Shen Deyong, former vice-president of China's Supreme People's Court, was sentenced to 15 years in prison and fined 6 million yuan ($836,173) for taking bribes of about 64.56 million yuan.

The Ningbo Intermediate People's Court in Zhejiang province heard his case in May and issued the verdict on Friday. It didn't reveal whether Shen will appeal or not.

Shen's bribes' proceeds and assets seized shall be recovered and handed over to the State treasury, and the insufficient assets shall be continued to be recovered, said the court.

From 1995 to March 2022, Shen took advantage of his positions, including as vice-president of the High People's Court of Jiangxi province, vice-president of China's top court, a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China, and head of the Committee on Social and Legal Affairs of the 13th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, to assist individuals and companies in case handling, job promotion and contracting projects.

Then Shen, directly and through relatives, received cash, gold products, vehicles and other properties, totalling 64.56 million yuan.

Shen's acts have committed the crime of taking bribes, receiving a large amount. He confessed his criminal acts including those that hadn't been known by investigators and revealed the crimes of others, and most of the involved illicit gains have been recovered, leading to meritorious performance, said the court.

However, in view of the fact that Shen has long held an important position in the Supreme People's Court, as a law enforcer, he violated the law, interfered with judicial activities and the promotion and adjustment of cadres, seriously damaging the image of the judiciary and causing a negative social impact. Thus, he is not worthy of a lenient punishment, said the court.

A native of Jiangxi, 69-year-old Shen joined the Party in 1972 and started his career in 1977. As a law school graduate, he had been engaged in the country's judicial system for many years.

He served as the vice-president of the Supreme People's Court twice, from December 1998 to November 2006 and again from April 2008 to June 2018.

He served as the head of the Committee on Social and Legal Affairs of the 13th National Committee of the CPPCC from June 2018 to June 2022.

Shen was subject to investigation in March 2022, removed from his public post in June, and expelled from the Party in September.

The Supreme People's Procuratorate approved the arrest of him in September. Ningbo People's Procuratorate was tasked to review this case and initiated a public lawsuit against him in December.

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/20230 ... 1a60d.html

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AUGUST 2, 2023 BY M. K. BHADRAKUMAR
Wheel has come full circle in Myanmar

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Guerrilla fighters, trained, equipped and financed by Western intelligence to overthrow military rule in Myanmar (File photo)

Aung San Suu Kyi, the iconic figure of Myanmarese politics, has been moved from prison to house arrest. This may seem a baby step, but make no mistake, the journey of a thousand steps begins with one step, as the ancient Chinese philosopher Lao Tzu had said.

This development signifies stirrings in the air, a willingness to explore dialogue, and must be welcomed by neighbouring countries — in particular, India, China and Thailand.

If the past is any guide, the military leadership in Myanmar has either been talking to Suu Kyi behind the scenes or is hoping to re-engage her in a meaningful conversation. The fact that Thailand’s foreign minister Don Pramudwinai paid a secret visit to Nay Pyi Taw three weeks ago and met with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Suu Kyi in prison suggests pivotal undercurrents.

Don travelled on a special military plane. Evidently, the powerful Thai military was on board, which is only to be expected as the generals in Bangkok are also locked in an existential struggle of sorts with the very same western powers who are igniting a guerrilla war in Myanmar.

The paradox is, Western intelligence agencies are fuelling an armed rebellion against the Myanmarese generals in power from the hideouts in Thailand while also promoting a colour revolution and regime change in Thailand itself. The Myanmarese and Thai militaries traditionally kept close fraternal ties.

Don described his trip to Nay Pyi Taw as “an approach of the friends of Myanmar, who would like to see a peaceful settlement”. Interestingly, his trip took place just days before the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in Jakarta on July 11-12. The timing suggests that Don’s mission provided a vital input for the ASEAN deliberations on Myanmar.

The ASEAN faces a Hobson’s choice. To reconcile with the military coup in Myanmar is a bitter pill to swallow. On the other hand, the western pressure to isolate Myanmar is a road to nowhere; the generals in Nay Pyi Taw simply hunkered down. And in the process, ASEAN unity got eroded.

The ASEAN cannot be unaware that it is in Washington’s crosshairs, since the group stubbornly refuses to take sides in the US’s rivalry with China. The QUAD members once swore passionately by “ASEAN centrality,” but today a fragmented ASEAN suits US interests in the Indo-Pacific — ‘you are either with us, or against us.’

All these subplots make the geopolitics of Myanmar very complex. But it is possible to be cautiously optimistic. Importantly, the joint communique issued after the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting avoided polemical references to Myanmar and even complimented the authorities in Nay Pyi Taw over their implementation of the pilot repatriation project with Bangladesh to facilitate 7,000 Rakhine refuses to return by the end of this year.

The ASEAN joint communique stated: “We reaffirmed ASEAN’s continued support for Myanmar’s efforts to bring peace, stability, the rule of law, promote harmony and reconciliation among the various communities, as well as ensure sustainable and equitable development in Rakhine State…

“We discussed the developments in Myanmar and reaffirmed our united position that the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) remains our main reference to address the political crisis in Myanmar. We strongly condemned the continued acts of violence, including air strikes, artillery shelling, and destruction of public facilities and urged all parties involved to take concrete action to immediately halt indiscriminate violence, denounce any escalation, and create a conducive environment for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and inclusive national dialogue.” [Emphasis added.]

The ASEAN didn’t openly identify with Don’s trip to Myanmar but, significantly, the joint communique made it a point to mention that “a number of ASEAN member states viewed as a positive development” the initiative by Thailand, without elaborating or specifying which states were in support.

Equally significant, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia which are known to have taken a strong stand against any engagement with Nay Pyi Taw that could be perceived as recognising Myanmar’s top generals as legitimate leaders, piped down their rhetoric. The Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi, host of the summit in Jakarta, avoided commenting on Don’s meeting with Suu Kyi.

Meanwhile, the military leaders in Nay Pyi Taw are watching keenly the political developments in Thailand, which point toward emasculating the colour revolution sponsored by the West.

The Thai military is making sure that Pita Limjaroenrat, a rich playboy retreaded through Harvard University and pitchforked to the vanguard of the colour revolution in Bangkok will not get the requisite majority support in the parliament to form a government.

Pita’s electoral alliance is unravelling leaving him in limbo. The second biggest constituent of his electoral alliance, Pheu Thai party, is seeking a modus vivendi with the politico-military establishment in Bangkok (backed by the monarchy) to work out a power-sharing arrangement that nips in the bud Washington’s best-laid plans to turn Thailand into a vassal state an anti-China base — an Ukraine in Asia on China’s doorstep.

Pita had made it abundantly clear that once in power, he would do all he could to evict the generals in power in Myanmar. Indeed, the Western strategy is to turn Thailand into a staging post to destabilise the countries along China’s “soft underbelly” — Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar. Washington pinned high hopes on Pita who also possesses, curiously, the communication skills comparable to Ukraine’s Zelensky.

However, the Thai military is digging in, with support from the monarchy, to thwart the Western game plan to “lock in” their country as a base camp of the Indo-Pacific strategy to encircle China. The heart of the matter is that although the US-Thai alliance is decades-old and served mutual interests, times have changed, and today, the two countries share few strategic interests.

Relatedly, the military-backed elites in Bangkok are interested in closer ties with Beijing, whom it sees as a more reliable defence and economic partner. A strategic drift has been building up over the recent decades and Thailand no longer shares strategic interests with the US.

Perceptions changed in 1998, when the US failed to bail out Thailand during the Asian economic crisis. Thailand does not view China as a revisionist power or a military threat. Instead, Bangkok considers Beijing as the country’s largest economic partner, and an ally. Succinctly put, American and Thai strategic concerns are sharply out of alignment.

Suffice to say, the political developments in Thailand and Myanmar are intertwined. The Thai establishment’s advice to the Myanmarese generals would be, conceivably, to “weaponise” electoral politics as they are doing in Bangkok and defang and assimilate the opposition, so as to keep the wolves away. It seems the generals in Nay Pyi Taw heeded Don’s message.

The ASEAN too is not wanting matters to be taken to a point of no return and will be quietly pleased that Don’s consultations broke the political stalemate in Myanmar. After all, both the Myanmarese military leadership and Suu Kyi are staunch nationalists and cannot be happy with the state of their beloved country becoming prey to predatory foreign powers.

Suu Kyi’s absence worked well for the western proxies to try to usurp the democratic leadership in the country. Her return poses a dilemma for the Western powers.

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Sat Aug 12, 2023 2:05 pm

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Fish and Chips: microchips and the nuclear contamination of seafoods
In this brief commentary submitted to us, James De Burghe, a British socialist who is a long-term resident in China, takes a look at two current areas of contention between China and the imperialist powers. Fish and chips have both become factors in international relations, but not, he argues without imposing costs on the United States and Japan.
The USA’s attempt to throttle Chinese economic growth by interfering with the supply chain of materials, equipment, and technologies, that are crucial to the development of microchips is a clear breach of both World Trade Organization (WTO) rules as well as of international law generally. It is yet another provocation aimed at China by the US and follows on from a list of other sanctions designed to hamper China’s economic growth. However, the impact of these sanctions has damaged US companies that were based in China developing advanced electronics. The US action went so far as to make it illegal for any US citizen to work in any Chinese company developing microchips. Now after a year of failed diplomacy China has hit back by restricting the sale to the US of rare earths needed to produce microchips. The results are predictable. Janet Yellen, the US Treasury Secretary, rushed to China and loudly declared the ban to be an unfair trading practice. These somewhat childish and certainly hypocritical outbursts by senior US politicians are becoming all too frequent as it finally registers wth the US that they are losing both the propaganda and economic war against China.

Seafood is a key part of the Chinese diet and the country has imported a great deal of fish and other aquatic products from Japan over the last two decades. A significant part of that trade is now in jeopardy as the Japanese government plans to dump radioactive wastewater into the Pacific Ocean. On July 4, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) published a report announcing that Japan’s dumping plan meets the IAEA’s safety standards.

Within days of the report being released, scepticism was mounting. And it sparked a strong backlash in countries in the Asia Pacific region that will be impacted by the scheduled dumping.

Chinese experts told the Global Times newspaper, that “the risks associated with the dumping of nuclear-contaminated wastewater from Fukushima are real. From the perspective of the interests of all humankind, there should have been better options considered, but Japan has disregarded them and chosen the most favourable approach for itself.

“Deng Ge, secretary general of the CAEA [China Atomic Energy Authority], noted that according to the IAEA report, the Advanced Liquid Processing System (ALPS) method used by Japan cannot remove all radioactive nuclides from the nuclear-contaminated wastewater. Based on previous operation results, it has been proven that the ALPS method is ineffective in removing radioactive nuclides such as tritium and carbon-14. The effectiveness of ALPS in removing other radioactive nuclides also requires further testing and verification through experiments and engineering.”

As Japan plans to release hundreds of tons of the wastewater into the Pacific Ocean over the next few years, it is inconceivable that these radioactive nuclides, with their known propensity to cause cancers and other major health hazards, will not enter the human food chain or indeed damage the ocean’s flora and fauna. The trouble is that by the time we find this out it will be too late to do anything about it.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/11/f ... -seafoods/

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The new cold war is being fought at the planet’s expense
The following editorial from the Morning Star addresses recent absurd claims by British politicians and journalists that Chinese electric vehicles are being (or may be) used to spy on Britain. The author points out that this laughable notion is in fact part of “a weird trade protectionism operated on behalf of a foreign government (the United States)”, itself a component of a broader campaign of China containment.

The editorial observes that “major problems facing humanity require international co-operation — and China’s leading position in green technology makes co-operation in this field essential.” Given that China is home to nearly half of all electric vehicles and two-thirds of high-speed rail worldwide, and given that it “installed more renewable energy last year alone than the US has in its whole history”, coordination with China on environmental issues is a matter of urgent and obvious interest to the people of Britain and indeed the rest of the world. And yet the imperialist ruling classes continue to adhere to their Cold War slogan of better dead than red.
THE summer parliamentary recess once meant “silly season” for the newspapers because there was no politics to report.

Today it is politicians themselves publicising nonsense. MPs’ scaremongering that importing electric vehicle technology from China will allow our cars to spy on us is laughable.

The gaggle of ministers and backbenchers running to the Telegraph with their national security concerns do not, of course, suggest that China’s dominant position in the renewables industry says anything positive about it.

China might be home to nearly half of all electric vehicles worldwide, two-thirds of high-speed rail, and have installed more renewable energy last year alone than the United States has done in its whole history. It might account for 60 per cent of wind power manufacturing and 75 per cent of solar.

Anything to learn from this? The advantages of economic planning? Of targeted public investment in strategic sectors?

No, the MPs show no concern with investing in the British renewables sector. Their priority is to keep China out — even if it means ditching green tech.

Rules suggesting car-dealers hit a minimum quota of 22 per cent of sales being of electric vehicles by next year should be scrapped, they say.

Mournfully they hint that perhaps even the plan to ban sales of new petrol and diesel cars by 2030 must be cast aside, in case it proves a Trojan horse for Beijing.

The most reactionary wing of the Conservative Party has scented an opportunity since their Uxbridge by-election victory — assigned by both Tories and Labour to the unpopularity of London Mayor Sadiq Khan’s ultra-low emissions zone.

The PM quickly painted himself as the champion of motorists. He trumpeted daily reliance on cars by a majority of British households as evidence that cars are fantastic, not that something needs to be done about our public transport system. Advocates of buses, trains or bicycles are ivory-tower dwelling elitists, says a man who criss-crosses England by private jet.

By the end of July the Express was reporting plans of a “major rebellion” by Tories against any phase-out for petrol and diesel cars. Back-bench MP Nick Fletcher calls low-traffic neighbourhoods a “socialist plot” — if electric cars can be depicted as a communist conspiracy, so much the better for Big Oil.

Of course, MPs are not just hyping the China threat to protect fossil fuel interests.

The new cold war is a much wider phenomenon. This is not the first time Britain has shot itself in the foot in order to “decouple” from China: in 2020 the government scrapped its agreement with Huawei to deliver 5G, a move former business secretary Vince Cable pointed out was not based on security concerns but blind obedience to the United States.

But major problems facing humanity require international co-operation — and China’s leading position in green technology makes co-operation in this field essential.

Sanctions applied to Chinese solar panel exports based on US allegations of forced labour slowed commissioning of new solar energy plants in the US by an estimated 25 per cent last year.

We are hobbling emissions reduction based on rumours — nothing more. Even the much-vaunted “spy balloon” shot down by the US earlier this year never did any spying, Washington quietly admitted a few weeks later.

In the process, we are shoring up US dominance of high-tech and digital platforms — with the transatlantic furore against TikTok being used to drive out a rare non-US-owned digital player and entrench the position of companies like Apple, Google and Facebook, which are repeatedly caught spying on their users.

The new cold war is becoming a vehicle for the right to secure liberal consent to greater censorship, a weird trade protectionism operated on behalf of a foreign government (the United States) and abandonment of environmental targets.

The left should not fall into the same trap.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/11/t ... s-expense/

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Much of Europe is wary of joining the U.S. war on China. This could lead to inter-imperial rivalry, & accelerate class conflict.

BY RAINER SHEA
AUGUST 11, 2023

Above: a recent anti-NATO display in Ghent, Belgium

Biden’s lost Ukraine gamble has forced the hegemon into a state of perpetual bargaining. As a consequence of Washington’s failing to show that it can either economically or militarily crush Russia, it can’t proceed with its original plan of shifting the proxy warfare location from Ukraine to Taiwan, and must now instead make Taiwan into a mere reserve. A hybrid war against BRICS now has to be the foremost priority, and the recent events in the Sehal have now made Africa into the likeliest place where the next imperialist psyops are carried out. This doesn’t mean, though, that the hegemon can afford to leave China be; it means the opposite, as this weakening of U.S. power makes defeating China more important than ever. Which makes the substantial opposition towards hybrid war on China throughout Europe even more of a hindrance towards imperialist interests.

It’s not just the particular neo-colonial interests of Washington which are being put at risk by the widespread awareness that the PRC isn’t worth challenging; it’s also, ultimately, the interests of the other imperial powers, namely France. Even though France is a major source of European hesitancy towards war on China, France is intensifying its warfare against Africa so it can regain the neo-colonial extraction sources it’s recently lost. China is providing Africa with the economic developmental means to be able to become independent from the imperialists; therefore, letting it continue to rise will in the long term make neo-colonialism’s extinction complete. Yet the costs of antagonizing China are so great that even France is refusing to do so.

The trend towards a post-American world order is so powerful that it’s getting certain colonial powers to compromise on their imperialist wars, simply due to how great the benefits are of a good relationship with the PRC. This spring, CGTN reported following Macron’s statements rejecting uncritical support for U.S. foreign policy:

France is China’s third largest trading partner and third largest source of actual investment in the European Union (EU) while China is the largest trading partner of France in Asia and the seventh largest in the world. Significant achievements have been made in cooperation between the two countries in the fields of economy and trade, science and technology, aviation and infrastructure…Both as firm advocates for a multi-polar world and for greater democracy in international relations, China and France have the ability and responsibility to rise above differences and obstacles, keep to the overall direction of a comprehensive strategic partnership that is stable, mutually beneficial, enterprising and dynamic, and practice true multilateralism for global peace, stability and prosperity, Xi said in his conversation with Macron…”France will not pick sides. Instead, France calls for unity and cooperation to keep relations stable between major countries,” said Macron, voicing France’s willingness to contribute to the growth of EU-China relations.

This week, the future of these relations got decided, and the option the EU picked was the most pro-China policy model we could have realistically expected it to adopt. Xinhua reports:

BEIJING, Aug. 6 (Xinhua) — China and the European Union (EU) should conduct more institutional dialogues to inject new and strong impetus into the China-EU comprehensive strategic partnership, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said here on Sunday. Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, made the remarks during a phone conversation with High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell. For his part, Borrell expressed his deep condolences for the recent torrential rains and floods in China, and emphasized that the EU is firmly committed to developing good relations with China. The EU’s Global Gateway strategy and the Belt and Road Initiative are no rivalries but complementary to each other, as both are aimed at promoting global development, he added. Borrell stressed that he looks forward to visiting China as soon as possible and launching a strategic dialogue with the Chinese side to jointly prepare for this year’s EU-China leaders’ meeting and to promote the further development of EU-China relations.

This isn’t what the other most significant European actors are doing. The UK, which got brought under greater U.S. control with Brexit, has been complying with the pressure to become hostile towards China; the same is the case for Germany’s government, even as many of the country’s own biggest capitalists are concerned about the consequences of decoupling from China; this week, Italy left the BRI, which is consistent with the tendency of its recently elected government to do all it can to please Washington. These events can be seen as defeats for the anti-imperialist cause, except when you consider the wider context: that every time a European leader decides to participate in the new cold war, that leader further guarantees their country undergoes accelerated capitalist collapse.

These leaders should enjoy the praise that Washington gives to them; it’s the only real reward that they’ll get for trying to fight against history’s progression towards multipolarity. By refusing the benefits that China and Russia can give their economies; by investing in arms while their people are increasingly in need; they’re cultivating the conditions for workers revolutions within their countries. The new cold war is costly for its participants in a way that wasn’t the case for the colonial wars which gave them their imperialist holdings; those wars were waged by rising world powers, whereas this war is being waged by powers that are reacting to their own decline. And starting on a great new military and economic warfare project while in decline is going to have a crippling effect.

To contribute to the new cold war is to provide a mandate for the movement towards ending imperialism and establishing proletarian democracy. It proves the point that the Baltic members of the World Anti-Imperialist Platform made this year in response to the damages which the proxy war has done towards the region’s workers: “While using military force against other countries, the US has repeatedly employed chemical and biological weapons, cluster bombs, fuel-air explosives, graphite bombs, and depleted uranium munitions, causing damage to cities, people, and the environment as a whole. Such a situation in the world undoubtedly has the heaviest impact on the working class. Liberation from the imperialist dictatorship of the West, led by the United States, is required. Without such liberation, there is no hope for the working class to succeed in their political struggle in their respective countries. However, the common adversary is very powerful, and it is necessary to unite the efforts of those willing to fight against it.”

European communists—and U.S. communists by extension—can argue against wars for maintaining imperial extraction by saying to proletarians of their countries: these wars are materially hurting you vastly more than they’re “helping” you. Neo-colonialism overwhelmingly enriches the capitalists, and the minority of workers within the imperialist countries who belong to a labor aristocracy; the interests of most of the workers are in ending imperialism, and in establishing socialism. This argument is strengthened by the inflation, price gouging of living essentials, supply chain breakdowns, and energy crises that this proxy war is bringing.

Like Stalin wrote in The Foundations of Leninism, imperialism’s wars lead to deteriorating working class conditions, which make proletarian revolution a practical necessity; and part of what produces these disruptive events is the inter-imperialist rivalries which such wars ultimately come to involve. A rivalry like this could appear as the different imperialist players continue on the diverging paths they’ve chosen in regards to China.

France and the EU could come into dispute with the USA, and with the USA’s uncritical sycophants. They could increasingly need to resist the pressures Washington puts upon them to break from China, and this tension could escalate to the point where Washington starts waging hybrid warfare against them. That outcome isn’t guaranteed, since as I said the hegemon is now pivoting towards intensified war against Africa, and that could be something it unites with France on. How much the imperialists mutually undermine their own interests depends on how important Washington judges the war against China to be.

At present, the empire is able to refrain from acting too rashly when it comes to China; it’s responded to its Ukraine defeat both by seemingly giving up on the idea of a Taiwan proxy war, and by letting the PRC have a role in facilitating the process of bringing the Ukraine conflict to an end. It’s done the latter because it expects Russia to betray China, but this comes from liberal hubris; and this was argued by the furthest-right imperialists within the U.S. Senate, who sent a letter this last month saying that Washington should prioritize harming China even more:

We are concerned that the administration – by supporting a role for China in diplomacy over Ukraine – believes it can exploit what it has mistakenly perceived to be daylight between Russia and China…The erroneous assumption that a division is growing between China and Russia simply lays the groundwork for a policy that badly misunderstands PRC interests, and how it views its relationship with the Putin regime. First, openness to PRC diplomatic involvement in Ukraine will set a precedent for allowing PRC involvement in European security issues, the consequences of which would undermine U.S. and allied security interests for decades. It also allows Xi Jinping to present himself as a responsible party not only to European countries, but also to nations that have remained neutral on Russia’s invasion. Second, China’s role in a diplomatic peace settlement in Ukraine will clear the way for its substantial involvement in Ukraine’s reconstruction.

These are costs the hegemon is willing to accept; at least for as long as the far right, with its single-minded desire to destroy China, doesn’t come to power. By the calculations of the liberal technocrats, the biggest kinds of provocations the empire needs to carry out against the PRC at this stage are further efforts to militarize Taiwan; efforts made with the assumption that China or Russia will simply destroy Eurasia’s multipolar progression on their own. Washington can no longer determine the affairs of the globe as much as it used to, so it’s being forced to retreat and make ever-growing compromises. As these compromises allow for China’s influence across Europe to grow, the imperial powers are to come into a greater attitude of unease towards each other. All while the capitalists within these countries come into disputes, either with each other or with their governments, over whether they should accommodate the emerging multipolar world. Our class enemies fighting makes our victory all the more possible.

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Fri Aug 18, 2023 1:16 pm

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Mao Zedong’s ‘A Critique of Soviet Economics’: bringing the ‘political’ back into ‘economy’
We are very pleased to republish this important article by Dr. Joe Pateman, which originally appeared in the World Review of Political Economy (Volume 13 Issue 4).

In his article, Joe presents a detailed analysis of Mao Zedong’s ‘A Critique of Soviet Economics’, which was published in unofficial translation by Monthly Review Press in 1977.

The author argues that, since its inception, Marxism has showcased the scientific superiority of political economy over economics. Mao Zedong, he notes, played an important role in demonstrating this superiority. In ‘A Critique of Soviet Economics’, the Chinese revolutionary leader criticised Soviet political economy for its economic focus, which underestimated the importance of politics and ideology. Mao’s critique addressed both Soviet leader JV Stalin’s 1951 work, ‘Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR’ as well as a more substantial early post-Stalin Soviet textbook on political economy, reserving considerably more stringent criticism for the latter.

It was essential, Mao argued, to explore how the political and ideological superstructure affects the economic base. Only then can political economy scientifically understand the processes of socio-economic development, most notably the socialist revolution and period of socialist construction. Joe’s article further contends that Mao’s arguments retain key insights for the study and development of Marxist political economy today. They remain especially important in the People’s Republic of China. By upholding and enriching Mao’s insights into the critical role of politics and ideology under socialism, the Communist Party of China has ensured the successful development of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Developing his arguments, the author begins by outlining the historical context, contents, and ideological perspective of Mao’s argument. He then examines the work itself, focusing on Mao’s theses concerning the relationship between the economic base and the political–ideological superstructure in the study of political economy, specifically as they relate to the processes of social change, socialist revolution, and socialist construction. Finally, the article argues that Mao’s analysis provides contemporary insights into the theory and study of political economy, the socialist revolution, and the successful construction of socialism in modern China.

Giving a historical context, Joe notes that the approach adopted by Mao can be traced at least as far back as the Yan’an period (late 1935 to early 1947), citing, in particular, the Chinese leader’s articles, ‘On Practice’ and ‘On Contradiction’, along with his lecture notes on dialectical materialism, all of which were written in 1937. He further tackles such issues as the role of politics and ideology in the socialist revolution, that socialist revolutions are more likely to occur in economically backward countries, the role of politics and ideology under socialism, the law of value under socialism, the relationship between industry and ideology, between economic and political rights, between economic and ideological incentives, and the role of politics and ideology in the Great Leap Forward.

Regarding the thesis that socialist revolutions are more likely to occur in economically backward countries, Joe notes that Mao referenced a quotation from Lenin claiming that the socialist revolution would be more difficult for the more backward countries. Although, according to Mao, this view was correct when Lenin expounded it in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it had become obsolete by the mid-twentieth century. In fact, the opposite proposition was now true.

“In connection with this, Mao supported Lenin’s [later] view that the socialist revolution will occur in the countries constituting the weakest links of the imperialist chain, not the strongest ones. In making this point, he emphasised that revolutions sometimes begin in the political and ideological superstructure before extending to the economic base. For the most part, this principle remains true. Most socialist revolutions have occurred in countries with relatively low levels of economic development and/or weak superstructures. Today, the developed Western capitalist countries are the countries least likely to undergo socialist transitions, precisely because they have developed pervasive capitalist ideologies and resilient political systems. The socialist movements are at their weakest in these countries, since many of the workers support capitalist ideology, and because the political systems are durable. By contrast, the socialist movement has been stronger and more successful in Latin America, where the living standards are lower due to slower economic growth, and where the political systems are fragile and corrupt. In these countries, the masses have been more supportive of socialist ideologies.

“Accordingly, when examining the prospects of socialist revolutions in the near future, political economists should focus their attention upon the countries with slow economic growth and weak superstructures, and not the countries of the developed capitalist world. In the short term, the future spread of socialism will occur first in the developing Global South, rather than the developed Global North. Mao Zedong was a leading proponent of this idea.”


Turning to the contemporary relevance of Mao’s work, Joe notes that his critique encouraged the Chinese party to depart from the Soviet approach more completely, and thereby develop an independent Marxist approach to political economy. Upon the basis of Mao’s insights, and under his leadership, the CPC was able to chart its own course of economic development, one that more accurately reflected the application of Marxism-Leninism to China’s unique circumstances.

After Khrushchev took office, Joe continues, the CPSU began to weaken its leading role in society, and it neglected the tasks of party building. This also resulted in the party’s distancing and alienation from the masses. When the CPSU lost its leading role, the Soviet Union collapsed instantaneously. However:

“The remaining socialist states—China, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, and North Korea—have survived the Soviet collapse and have flourished precisely because they have not underestimated the role of politics and ideology in the process of socialist and communist construction. Whilst recognising the importance of economic factors, including the productive forces and relations of production, these countries have also sought to develop strong and stable political systems, whilst imbuing the people with socialist ideology. These two factors—politics and ideology—have been key to the successful functioning and development of the modern socialist states. They have developed their economic systems not in isolation from the political and ideological superstructure, but instead under the close guidance of this superstructure. Once again, this is something that economic analyses have failed to recognise.”

Specifically regarding China, the CPC has consistently maintained Mao’s principles of “politics in command” and the “mass line” as core characteristics of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Since Mao’s death, the CPC has taken seriously the tasks of party building, as well as the principle of enhancing the party’s leading role in every sphere of society. The CPC’s emphasis on developing its leadership capacity is rooted in Mao’s legacy. During every moment of economic development, and at every stage of the gradual reform and opening of China’s economic system, the CPC has led the process, and has retained total oversight over the structural economic development of Chinese socialism. At no point has the CPC decided that economic forces should dominate the political ones in the stabilisation and growth of its socio-economic system.

Hence the author contends that, if Soviet society had managed to preserve a powerful willpower factor associated with the political superstructure, as happened in China, then the economic difficulties of the 1980s would not in themselves have posed a mortal threat to the Soviet system. The Chinese experience of economic reforms shows that in the presence of political will, a socialist society, in principle, is capable of successfully solving any economic problems. He adds:

“Mao’s ‘A Critique of Soviet Economics’ also illuminates the essence of socialism and communism. In contrast to the Soviets, who viewed economic factors as the primary indicators of socialism, Mao argued that the political factors are just as essential. This insight remains relevant today. Since Deng Xiaoping began China’s economic reforms, Western analysts have accused China of abandoning socialism for capitalism. They claim that China is a capitalist country, rather than a socialist one, because it contains private enterprise and markets. This widespread perspective is founded upon the erroneous tendency to define socialism in purely economic terms. As Mao established, however, socialism is not a purely economic phenomenon.

Socialism is also fundamentally a political phenomenon. It entails the political supremacy of the working class, in addition to its economic supremacy. Once the political aspect is considered, it becomes evident that China is in fact a socialist country, since supreme political power is in the hands of one class, the working class, with the Communist Party of China as its leading representative. In China, the working class wields supreme political power, and it uses this political power to regulate and direct the economic sphere of society. As such, there is no basis for the view that China has abandoned socialism for capitalism. This claim is false in both the economic and political senses.”


However, Joe argues that, as well as offering contemporary insights, Mao’s arguments concerning the role of politics and ideology under socialism also contain limitations. “Like Soviet political economy, Mao’s one-sided analysis underestimated the importance of socialist commodity–production relations…Mao’s approach and Soviet policy shared the same fundamental error—they both underestimated the importance of commodity–production relations. In the Soviet case, this error had grave consequences. It contributed to economic stagnation and the collapse of socialism. In the case of China, Mao’s error was not fatal to socialism, though it was a factor in the Great Leap Forward’s failure to advance China’s economy as successfully as possible…Thankfully, however, Deng Xiaoping corrected Mao’s errors when he took office. Whilst upholding Mao’s achievements, Deng showed a greater appreciation for the importance of objective factors in the development of socialist society associated with the dialectics of productive forces and production relations. And now, in a new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, China clearly demonstrates the creative synthesis of Mao Zedong’s ideas aimed at strengthening political power, and Deng Xiaoping’s ideas related to the conscious use of commodity–production relations for the development of the productive forces of a socialist society.”

In conclusion, Joe writes that: “Mao defended his ‘A Critique of Soviet Economics’ not with abstract principles, but by advancing a concrete analysis of modern society, and by pointing to the actual historical experience of socialism, especially the development of socialism in China. His defence of political economy has been vindicated by the success of the Communist Party of China, which has managed to produce the most rapid economic growth in human history. The CPC achieved this growth by retaining the principle of politics in command, by relying on the masses, and by utilising the power of socialist ideology to solve the tasks of communist construction. These principles of political economy draw directly upon Mao’s intellectual labours; and will guarantee the future prosperity and success of China.”

Joe Pateman is currently a Teaching Associate at Sheffield University in the UK. His key research interests include Marxism-Leninism, the politics of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and the black liberation struggle, as well as their interrelationship. He is the co-author of two books and the author of numerous articles published in academic and scholarly journals.

World Review of Political Economy (WRPE) is a quarterly, peer-reviewed journal, published by Pluto Journals as the official publication of the World Association for Political Economy (WAPE). The WAPE Secretariat is based at the Shanghai University of Finance and Economics and the WRPE Editorial Office is located at the Academy of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, in Beijing.
Abstract
Since its inception, Marxism has showcased the scientific superiority of political economy over economics. This article argues that Mao Zedong played an important role in demonstrating this superiority. In his A Critique of Soviet Economics, Mao criticised Soviet political economy for its economic focus, which underestimated the importance of politics and ideology. It was essential, Mao argued, to explore how the political and ideological superstructure affects the economic base. Only then can political economy scientifically understand the processes of socio-economic development, most notably the socialist revolution and period of socialist construction. This article argues that Mao’s arguments retain key insights for the study and development of Marxist political economy today. They remain especially important in the People’s Republic of China. By upholding and enriching Mao’s insights into the critical role of politics and ideology under socialism, the Communist Party of China has ensured the successful development of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

(Very much more, please continue at link.)

https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/16/m ... o-economy/

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US Arms Package to Taiwan Heralds ‘Ukraine Part 2’
AUGUST 17, 2023

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Missile launcher. Photo: Reuters/Richard Chung TW.

Editorial note: As a rule Orinoco Tribune does not re-publish opinion pieces more than 10 days after their original publication, but in this case we are making an exception.

By Brian Berletic – Aug 1, 2023

The United States has announced a new weapons package for Taiwan worth up to 345 million USD. Reuters, in an article covering the package, would suggest it was aimed at providing Taiwan with “security assistance.”

In reality, the transfer of weapons from the US to Taiwan is a violation of Chinese sovereignty under international law, which recognizes Taiwan as an island province of China.

The US State Department on its own official website admits, “the United States does not have diplomatic relations with Taiwan,” and that, “we do not support Taiwan independence.” Yet, the continued support of political parties on Taiwan pursuing independence and the shipment of US weapons to Taiwan to underwrite such aspirations constitutes a blatant violation of Washington’s own agreements with Beijing under the “One China” policy.

Washington’s actions in contravention of both international law and its own agreements with Beijing constitute a clear provocation against China and serve as the central driving factor behind Chinese military expansion, especially in and around the Taiwan Strait.

By violating China’s sovereignty by shipping arms to separatist elements on Taiwan, the United States is neither providing for Taiwan’s security nor underwriting regional stability as Washington often claims its presence in the region, thousands of miles from its own shores, is meant to achieve.

A factor, further undermining Washington’s claims of providing for Taiwan’s “security” through such arms transfers, is the very nature of these packages.

Reuters reports that:

In recent weeks, four sources told Reuters the package was expected to include four unarmed MQ-9A reconnaissance drones, but noted their inclusion could fall through as officials work through details on removing some of the advanced equipment from the drones that only the U.S. Air Force is allowed access to.

Even if the MQ-9A reconnaissance drones, also known as Reapers, included the most advanced technology used by the US Air Force, their utility in providing for Taiwan’s “security,” would be questionable at best. That the US is stripping them of features maximizing their capabilities further demonstrates the lack of sincerity behind US intentions to “secure” Taiwan through such arms shipments.

Western drone technology including US Reaper drones as well as Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones have proven to be ineffective in combat roles against peer or near-peer competitors, namely Russia, as seen during the fighting in Ukraine and Syria.

As part of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, Russian Su-27 warplanes managed to down a US Reaper over the Black Sea simply by dumping fuel in its path, sufficiently compromising its propellers leading to its eventual destruction, CNN reported in March.

Russian warplanes have likewise challenged US Reaper drones flying illegally in Syrian airspace. Air & Space Forces Magazine in a July 27, 2023 article titled, “Russian Fighter Damages a Second MQ-9 Over Syria. So What Should the US Do Now?,” would report:

On July 26, two Russian fighters approached an MQ-9 and one dropped flares, striking and damaging the aircraft’s left wing in several places, according to U.S. officials.

A similar incident several days earlier also damaged a US MQ-9 Reaper.

While US military commanders have insisted they would continue operating the drones in Syrian airspace and “demonstrate some will and some strength,” there is virtually nothing the US can do to stop Russian warplanes from disrupting and even downing US drones short of escorting them with manned warplanes and firing on Russian aircraft.

The drones themselves are incredibly vulnerable to capable peer and near-peer nations like Russia and China and even Iran, who has on multiple occasions disrupted and even hijacked some of the US’ most advanced drones.

The Turkish-built Bayraktar TB2 combat drone shares many similarities with US-made drones. Its use by Ukraine was hailed as a game-changing capability that would decimate Russian ground forces. Just months later, virtually all of Ukraine’s TB2 drones were destroyed.

Russian air defense capabilities as well as its large, modern aerospace forces were more than a match for the type of drone warfare the US had pioneered during its “War on Terror.” What had been lopsidedly effective against irregular forces in the developing world was left wholly inadequate and vulnerable when fielded against the armed forces of a developed industrial power.

China’s air defenses and warplanes are among the most advanced in the world. Some of their most capable systems are, in fact, purchased from Russia, including the proven S-400 air defense system and Sukhoi Su-35S warplanes.

China is more than capable of disrupting or even destroying any MQ-9 Reaper drones Taiwan may acquire as part of this most recent US weapons package, begging the question as to what the US believes it will achieve by sending the drones in the first place.

Other weapon systems the US has pledged to send Taiwan in recent years include the Patriot air defense system, which has likewise been exposed as vulnerable to modern cruise missiles, hypersonic missiles, and drones both in Saudi Arabia’s conflict with Yemen and more recently in Ukraine. In addition to their battlefield deficiencies, the US is simply incapable of manufacturing both the Patriot air defense systems (launchers, radar, and commander units) and the interceptors they use in sufficient numbers to sustain operations in even a moderately-scaled conflict.

The qualitative and quantitative reality behind years of hyped Western military hardware has been fully exposed on and over the battlefields of Yemen, Syria, and Ukraine. Not only is Washington eager to provoke a similar conflict with China, but seeks to do so through a proxy likewise armed with insufficient varieties and quantities of US weapons.

The US sought to use Ukraine to “extend” Russia as a 2019 RAND Corporation paper literally titled, “Extending Russia Competing from Advantageous Ground,” explained. The idea was to continue to antagonize Russia, forcing it to expend resources, thus undermining its sociopolitical and economic stability much in the way the US claims it caused the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Quite clearly, US policymakers miscalculated. Russia’s determination to prevent the “NATO-fication” of Ukraine and its economic and military ability to do so, proved far more formidable than the West imagined.

China, with its much larger military, economy, and industrial capacity, is surely positioned to counter similar tactics used by the US and its allies in regard to undermining its sovereignty over Taiwan and using the island province as part of a wider US policy of encirclement. That Washington continues to pursue its current policy of encirclement toward China despite the military means by which it seeks to do so with have already proven insufficient against Russia in Ukraine indicates a lack of options and, in a sense, growing desperation in Washington.

US foreign policy centers on the singular pursuit of global primacy, despite growing evidence the US no longer possesses the military or economic means to do so. Will Washington continue spending military, political, and economic resources on dwindling returns against a reemerging Russia and a rising China? Or will the US finally abandon its increasingly unrealistic pursuit of global primacy and adopt a more rational policy of working among other nations rather than attempting to impose itself upon all other nations? It is a decision that if Washington doesn’t make for itself now, others will make for it in the near future.

https://orinocotribune.com/us-arms-pack ... ne-part-2/

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China likely to cut more US debt holdings
By LIU ZHIHUA | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2023-08-16 23:45


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A teller counts and arranges dollar notes at an Agricultural Bank of China branch in Qionghai, Hainan province. [Photo/China Daily]

China may continue to reduce its holdings of United States debt, in a move to diversify its foreign reserve assets and ensure foreign exchange market stability amid the rising de-dollarization trend in international trade, experts said on Wednesday.

Their comments came as the latest data from the US Treasury Department showed that as the second-biggest foreign holder of US Treasury securities, China cut its holdings for three consecutive months to $835.4 billion, as of the end of June, down $11.3 billion from May.

On the contrary, Japan and the United Kingdom — the largest and third-largest foreign holders of US debt, respectively — have both increased their holdings, Japan by $8.8 billion to more than $1.1 trillion and the UK by $11.9 billion to $672.3 billion.

"The proportion of US debt in China's foreign exchange reserves is expected to continue decreasing," said Tang Yao, an associate professor of applied economics at Peking University's Guanghua School of Management.

This is because China needs to advance diversification in foreign reserves as it pursues diversification in foreign trade, Tang said, adding that Japan and the UK increased their US debt holdings due to the prospect of profits.

According to Yang Haiping, a researcher at the Central University of Finance and Economics' Institute of Securities and Futures, de-dollarization is expected to help safeguard international trade and investment if the US continues to abuse the dollar's hegemony status.

Ye Yindan, a researcher at the Bank of China Research Institute, attributed China's reduction in US debt holdings partly to faltering global trust in the greenback amid geopolitical tensions including the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

"Many countries have been diversifying international portfolios, and it is difficult to determine if Japan and the UK will continue to increase their holdings later," Ye said.

However, some experts said that economic conditions are the only reason behind China reducing its US debt holdings. They denied that China's move involved any geopolitical considerations.

Zhang Yansheng, chief researcher at the China Center for International Economic Exchanges, said that China's export slowdown in recent months has already influenced its trade surplus, which will likely prompt foreign exchange authorities to take countermeasures.

Jiang Xianling, executive president of the UIBE & CAITEC International Business Strategy Institute, said that China has been reducing its US debt holdings since the second half of last year as part of broader efforts to maintain stability of the foreign exchange reserve market.

Citing a sluggish external demand and supply challenges due to shutting down of many small businesses and export enterprises during the COVID-19 pandemic, Jiang said that tepid exports will narrow trade surplus this year.

That as well as the expanding US-China interest rate differential and the depreciation of the renminbi are major reasons that China needs to reduce its holdings of US assets, said Jiang, who is also a researcher at the Academy of China Open Economy Studies at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing.

Ye, the researcher with the BOC institute, said that China accounts for one-fourth of global foreign exchange reserves, and to well manage such a large-scale reserve, ensuring security, liquidity and appreciation of the reserve assets is the country's key goal as it seeks to advance its financial market opening-up amid external turmoil.

China is expected to proactively advance diversification in its reserves and make innovations in the management of the reserves, and continue to be a responsible long-term investor, Ye said.

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/20230 ... 1c880.html

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AUGUST 16, 2023 BY M. K. BHADRAKUMAR
AUKUS, QUAD transforming alliance-like

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US President Joe Biden, Australian PM Anthony Albanese, Japanese PM Fumio Kishida and Indian PM Narendra Modi held a QUAD meeting in Hiroshima, Japan, 20 May 2023

This week augurs an acceleration of strategic realignments among regional powers amidst the growing signs of a new cold war globally with particular focus on the United States’ containment strategy against China playing out in the Indo-Pacific region. Two back-to-back events on Friday can be deemed major moves in this direction.

First, the US President Joe Biden is hosting a trilateral summit at Camp David on Friday with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, which is expected to result in the signing of a defence, security and technology cooperation agreement between the three countries relating to the Indo-Pacific.

Second, the annual Malabar exercises participated by the navvies of the US, India, Japan and Australia begins on Friday, hosted by Canberra for the first time and surrounded by much hype that a QUAD collective maritime defence alliance is emerging in the Indo-Pacific.

The trilateral agreement to be signed tomorrow at the Camp David summit reportedly includes ballistic missile defence systems and the development of other defence technologies. Since the election of Yoon last year as the president, South Korea-Japan relations have markedly improved, which helps advance their 3-way cooperation with Washington. Evidently, the Biden administration hopes to take advantage of the recovery of Tokyo-Seoul relations to institutionalise some of the dialogue progress that the three countries have achieved.

Admittedly, the 3-way relationship still remains fragile as Yoon’s efforts are not widely popular within South Korea, and Tokyo, unsurprisingly, remains cautious that the process is far from irreversible. Nonetheless, at the talks at Camp David, Biden, Yoon and Kishida may acknowledge the imperative of collective security for the three countries and agree that a threat to one of them would be considered a threat to all.

Conceivably, the Camp David talks signify an effort by the US to form a new military bloc in Asia and an attempt to encourage Japan and South Korea to join the mini military bloc known as AUKUS [Australia-UK-US]. Washington’s intensification of military-technical and scientific-technological cooperation with Seoul and Tokyo makes it easier for them to interact with projects carried out within the framework of AUKUS. This is one thing.

As regards the Malabar exercises commencing tomorrow, which is being hosted by Australia for the first time, its main thrust appears to be to build up QUAD’s operational capability within a collective maritime security strategy in five high-priority areas, including anti-submarine warfare and maritime domain awareness.

Simply put, like AUKUS, QUAD is also transforming, as American ingenuity is working hard to create an alliance-style defence structure on a platform of non-military grouping by strengthening various modes of military cooperation with the intention to make QUAD serve Washington’s interests. Intrinsic to this is the flattering attention President Joe Biden is paying to India — and to Prime Minister Narendra Modi personally — as a most consequential relationship in the US foreign policies.

India’s newfound activism

Interestingly, the US and Australia perceive that the Indian leadership for the first time is showing an ‘‘activism [that] defies conventional skepticism that New Delhi’s preference for nonalignment and its geo-strategic priorities militate against deeper military cooperation with its Quad partners,’’ as an Australian think tanker Tom Corben wrote recently in Nikkei Asia.

That is to say, to quote Corben, Malabar exercises have ‘‘evolved to focus on increasingly sophisticated forms of high-end naval cooperation, particularly maritime domain awareness and anti-submarine warfare… [and] there is a political and strategic window of opportunity for the four countries to make good on this potential.’’ Corben is optimistic that ‘‘bilateral efforts are continuing to open the aperture for tangible Quad maritime defence cooperation.’’

What does it entail? Corben does some kite flying such as India integrating into US-Australia ‘‘force posture initiatives.’’ Earlier in June, he had co-authored a study with two American colleagues at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace titled Bolstering the QUAD: The case for a collective approach to maritime security, which lamented that the QUAD is not ‘‘not living up to its potential as a contributor to regional security and defence in the maritime domain. This is a problem for Indo-Pacific security.’’

In an oblique reference to the Modi government, the US-Australian study, however, drew comfort that whereas political sensitivities and geo-strategic concerns hitherto prevented QUAD countries from embracing a collective security agenda, ‘‘these constraints are beginning to lessen … as its members come to recognise China as a common military challenge that requires a degree of collective action and security coordination to address.’’

The study recommended that ‘‘QUAD should capitalise on this diplomatic opportunity and geo-strategic imperative to pursue a collective maritime security strategy across five high-priority areas: maritime domain awareness; anti-submarine warfare; maritime logistics; defence industrial and technological cooperation; and maritime capacity building.’’

Importantly, the proposed activities of QUAD would:

*work towards an interface protocol to govern information-sharing between all Quad partners, with particular attention paid to a commonality of hardware and software or, at the least, interoperability of different tools;
*selectively integrate Quad countries’ coastal facilities, island territories and regional access locations to conduct more persistent and coordinated MDA [Maritime Domain Awareness] operations; and jointly assess the requirements of hosting and replenishing one another’s MDA assets like maritime patrol aircraft;
*build collective anti-submarine warfare capability by developing higher levels of interoperability to include tracking and “handing off” overwatch responsibility for Chinese submarines transiting geographic areas of responsibility;
*develop the collective capacity to seamlessly refuel, resupply and repair maritime assets from any member on short notice, and formally commit to this agenda at the political and operational levels;
*establish a QUAD Logistics Coordination Cell within the US Navy’s Commander, Logistics Group Western Pacific that incorporates all four partners and performs logistics planning for the Indian and Pacific Oceans, using combined maintenance and resupply capabilities on a regular basis; and,
support a framework and requirement for placing Quad liaisons on one another’s logistics vessels.

Truly radical ‘Machiavellianism’

Evidently, contrary to the Modi government’s theatrical public diplomacy upholding India’s strategic autonomy, an entirely different perception has been generated at the political and diplomatic level with the QUAD partners that ‘‘Barkis is willing’’. Indeed, a certain distancing from Russia on Ukraine war is also discernible lately. Max Weber’s famous description of Kautilya’s Arthasastra, one of the greatest political books of ancient India, as ‘‘truly radical Machiavellianism’’ comes to mind.

The paradox is, against such a complex backdrop of opacity or downright doublespeak — depending on how one views it — a contrarian wind may have begun blowing in the weekend presaging some forward movement at the 19th round of India- China Corps Commander Level Meeting held at Chushul-Moldo border meeting point on the Indian side on 13-14 August 2023.

As of now, the evidence is deemed too conjectural but the joint statement exudes a tone of optimism. The two sides considered it necessary to extend the discussion overnight, which has been estimated as ‘‘positive, constructive and in-depth.’’

The protagonists ‘‘exchanged views in an open and forward looking manner’’ and also ‘‘agreed to resolve the remaining issues in an expeditious manner and maintain the momentum of dialogue and negotiations through military and diplomatic channels.’’

It is reasonable to assess that neither India nor China wants a war and that both will maintain a more constant contact with each other as they search for ways to find a solution from which they can both emerge as winners. The core of the guidance provided by the leadership is that the two countries regard each other as a partner, not an adversary.

Now, this unstable equilibrium reached at Chushul-Moldo border meeting point will not last if the Malabar exercises turn into a geopolitical tool for Washington to transform QUAD. The US is stuck in the old Cold War groove despite the drastic changes in international relations that have taken place since the collapse of the Soviet Union, especially those that required the development of new approaches to maintaining strategic stability and building a new architecture of international security.

Bloc thinking is the opposite of the development of stable, equal, constructive, mutually beneficial relations based on consideration of each other’s interests and aimed at ensuring equal and indivisible security for all. Therefore, its preservation as the main intellectual tool for shaping foreign policy only underscores that the US is not ready, unable or does not intend to build such relations with leading global players such as Russia and China. Implicit in it is a stark message for India, too.

There is no doubt that the US envisages a pronounced military-strategic dimension to AUKUS and QUAD, which means a high probability of transformation of these interstate associations as cogs in the wheel of a full-fledged military-political bloc sooner rather than later. Its ideological basis is a perceived common interest of its participants to counter the rise of China [which Delhi euphemistically calls ‘‘multipolar Asia’’].

Suffice to say, as in the case with the NATO on the European theatre, the function of confrontation is planted in the AUKUS and in QUAD, which will inexorably increase the military potential of Australia and the US in the Asia-Pacific region, causing a serious change in the balance of forces and generating a spike in regional and global tensions.

India is at risk of being caught in the eye of the storm, as it were, although its issues with China are neither one of geopolitical rivalry nor of being a gatekeeper of Western hegemony.

https://www.indianpunchline.com/aukus-q ... ance-like/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Tue Aug 22, 2023 2:44 pm

CHINESE CENTRAL BANK DUMPS BILLIONS OF DOLLARS
Aug 21, 2023 , 12:30 p.m.

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The yuan has recently had an important participation in the commercial and energy exchange of its region (Photo: File)

News circulated last week that Chinese state banks, as well as its Central Bank, had been selling dollars during trading hours in London and New York to buy yuan on foreign exchange markets, both domestic and foreign, a topic that it was treated by the western media as a measure by the Asian country to stop the depreciation of the yuan.

However, the edge that these media do not show is that in reality the Chinese entities are getting rid of the dollars to have more yuan in their coffers and, with this, have greater control over their currency.

It is necessary to take into account that the yuan has recently had an important participation in the commercial and energy exchange of its region and beyond. Having more of this resource available is an advantage at a time when the Asian country's currency is becoming relevant.

China's commercial banks posted a net foreign exchange settlement deficit of 106.2 billion yuan -- about $14.8 billion -- in July, according to data reported by Xinhua . According to the State Administration of Foreign Exchange (SAFE), foreign exchange purchases that month remained below sales, and the net settlement deficit between January and July was 91.8 billion yuan. .

On the other hand, the devaluation of the yuan cannot be seen as a negative event for China, since with this maneuver it would be seeking to make its exports more profitable. If the Chinese currency depreciates, the dollars will be enough to buy more Chinese products, which would boost its foreign trade.

https://misionverdad.com/banco-central- ... de-dolares

Google Translator


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On relations between China and the United States
August 22, 13:10

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On relations between China and the United States

In the 1970s and 1980s the bizarre and uneven triangle of US-USSR-PRC relations constituted the most important segment of international relations. The Americans hoped that after the recognition of the PRC and some detente between the countries, the CPC would take an increasingly hostile stance towards Moscow. They hoped for a renewal of territorial disputes and a return to old grievances. The United States assumed that China would abandon its ideological foreign policy and switch to a "course based on national interests and geopolitics." In other words, the Americans, flirting with China, wanted to break the established strategic parity with the USSR. During the development of the American position on China, national security adviser Brzezinski sent a note to President Carter stating that "Beijing's pro-American position within the triangle is beneficial to the United States."

In American scientific literature, due to its narrow-mindedness, there is still no understanding of the intention of Chinese policy, although, in general, everything lies on the surface if you carefully read Deng Xiaoping and Chinese documents.

During the heyday of Mao's political practice, the Chinese hoped to quickly move to a fundamentally new social organization. Just as everyone laughed at the Stalinist five-year plans, and then adopted them in one form or another, Mao, relying on his "people's communes", wanted to show the whole world how to build a just society. The communes were supposed to transform China, increase its industrial power incredibly and show the whole world the progressiveness of Maoism. And the “cultural revolution” is to change the Chinese beyond recognition. By the way, the European intelligentsia and youth of the 1960s-1970s. were really fascinated by Chinese experiments. Even in the United States, the Black Panther Party appealed to the experience of Maoist China, and what impact Mao's theory and practice had in third world countries, and there is nothing to say, there are still many quite large Maoist organizations there. However, the accelerated construction of socialism stalled and Mao had to retreat.

The reasons for the failure in the CPC rightly considered the country's weak industrial base and the lack of qualified personnel. Due to enthusiasm and mobilization measures, they managed to make some breakthrough, but their internal sources gradually exhausted themselves. The second part of Mao's slogan "three years of hard work - ten thousand years of happiness" still did not come. In this regard, the CCP focused its attention on finding ways and means for technical re-equipment, especially since new high technologies associated with computers began to play an increasingly important role in developed countries. Therefore, all that interested Mao, and then Deng in relations with the United States, was direct and indirect access to technology through the inclusion of China in the world economy. First of all, we are talking about the import of capital with appropriate technologies and trade, which gave the currency, which could be used to buy machine tools, special equipment, technological maps, etc. In the 1980s and 1990s, the image of China is the image of a country with bizarre power, which, on the one hand, did everything to become a “world factory”, on the other hand, literally copied everything. Twenty years ago, everyone laughed at Chinese products, at the low production culture and the complete lack of original ideas, and now even in the USA there is no laughing matter.

All this was quite openly declared by the CCP. Thus, Deng Xiaoping said back in 1979: “For more than two years, we have done a lot of foreign policy work and provided very favorable international conditions for modernizing in four areas ... Now it is even clearer how wise and far-sighted Comrade Mao Zedong was, having developed for us in the last years of his life a strategy of three worlds, an orientation that China should stand in line with the third world and strengthen solidarity with it, attracted the countries of the second world to the common struggle against hegemonism and established normal diplomatic relations with the United States and Japan ... For the accelerated implementation of modernization in four areas, it is necessary to fully use the best international experience, including the possibility of providing foreign capital.”

There was even a separate article by Dan, "In the course of construction, it is necessary to use foreign capital and attract more former merchants and industrialists."

Therefore, the CCP did not plan to play on the US-USSR field for either side. This rather quickly led to a cooling of the ardor of the Americans. Contemporary historiography of US-China relations in the 1980s. looks something like this: the United States tried to create almost an alliance with China, carried out military-technical cooperation, coordinated opposition to the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, exchanged intelligence, etc. True, if you dive into the sources, it turns out that for the most part these are maxims from the memoirs of American politicians and the writings of various "recognized authorities in the field of the history of special services" such as J. Richelson.

The only question that deserves attention, in my opinion, is the question of military-technical cooperation - did the United States really supply weapons and military technology to China as a counterbalance to the USSR? On what terms? It is precisely along the line of military supplies that one can trace the real policy of one side or another behind the waves of the diplomatic game. And we must not forget that one aspect of Deng Xiaoping's modernization was the modernization of the armed forces.

By the way, right before the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and China, Brezhnev handed Carter a letter in which he warned the Americans against military supplies to China, both direct and through NATO countries. Which was a rather strange and even naive move, since such a message directly proved the sensitivity of this issue for the USSR.

In the book of another Chinese defector to the United States, Gao Wenqiang, there is a story about how, back in the mid-1970s, the Nixon administration offered Mao to transfer certain military technologies and intelligence, but he categorically refused, allegedly due to some domestic political considerations. In reality, of course, the Chinese would be happy to get the technology - American, Soviet or any other, as evidenced by the whole practice of military-technical cooperation, espionage and other forms of mastering foreign technologies. After the collapse of the USSR, America itself attacked Soviet military technologies, and in the development of the latest fifth-generation fighter, the F-35, did not hesitate to use the achievements of our Yakovlev Design Bureau from the Yak-141, which did not go into the series. And there’s nothing to say about the Chinese military-industrial complex,

The discussion of military supplies to China in the US leadership took place under Carter, the essence of the American plan is visible in a semi-declassified note from the Brzezinski apparatus, which says: “The key points here are that, firstly, our actions at this stage may affect China’s defense position on for many years to come—thus perhaps reducing the potential harm they can do to us—and, secondly, we are interested in maintaining a military balance along the Sino-Soviet border. But over the past five years, China’s vulnerability has certainly increased significantly.”

If you believe the next researchers of the problem with Chinese names and American citizenship, as well as reports of private requests from the Chinese ambassador, the Chinese asked Carter to purchase more than 50 types of modern weapons at that time, including F-16 and F-15 fighters. But this issue has not received any discussion and resolution.

However, the situation developed under Reagan. Initially, he changed the US position on the transfer of advanced American weapons in general. If before that it was possible to supply modern weapons only to NATO countries, Japan, Australia and New Zealand, now these doors were opening for other countries, primarily for Yugoslavia, India and China.

There is mention in the literature of the report of US Deputy Secretary of Defense LaBerge from 1981 “On the state of arms exports to the PRC”, according to which more than a hundred requests for the acquisition of various weapons came from China, including radar for aircraft and anti-tank missiles. However, the report itself could not be found online.

However, one way or another, the result of the development of a position in the US leadership was the directive of the National Security Council (NSDD-11) of September 22, 1981 "Transfer of technology / weapons to the People's Republic of China." It follows from the directive that the United States is ready to transfer not ready-made weapons systems, but only individual technological solutions, components and ammunition, and only in a non-sensitive area (not nuclear, anti-ship technologies, not delivery vehicles, not electronic warfare, etc.), which are not able to increase the offensive potential of the PLA. All requests must be considered on an individual basis.

As can be seen from the documents, there were no political conditions for arms sales and technology transfer. At the same time, it is publicly known that in the first year of his presidency, Reagan, answering journalists' questions, said that the United States would provide China with certain technologies and defensive weapons. Later, in September 1982, US Secretary of Defense C. Weinberger told the press about the supply of American weapons to China that "the only restriction that must be taken into account is that it is not necessary to transfer such technologies that can be used for nuclear weapons and systems for its delivery”, which, of course, caused an international scandal. Weinberger later explained that he was misunderstood.

The intentions in terms of US military-technical cooperation can be traced to another declassified directive of the National Security Council of 1984. In it, along with the fact that the United States plans to work together with China on its defense capability against the “Soviet threat”, transferring appropriate technologies for military and civilian purposes , states: "In our relations with China, we seek to: support and promote China's independence from the USSR, encourage China's efforts to change and liberalize its totalitarian system, introduce market incentives and mechanisms into the economy, and expand its ties with developed democracies."

In short, the United States entered into military-technical cooperation with China as part of a strategy to change its social order. The transfer of weapons and technologies had to be non-critical so as not to anger the USSR and not create problems for itself in the future.

Finally, in 1984, during the visit of Chinese Defense Minister Zh. Aiping in the United States signed the "Agreement on the exchange of military technology between China and the United States." As part of the agreement, China bought 24 UH-60 helicopters, a power plant for a destroyer, 4 Mark 46 II torpedoes, and launched the production of 155-mm M107 artillery shells. It was also planned: the delivery of six CH-47D helicopters, the modernization of 55 J-8 interceptors, Type 86 combat vehicles (a copy of the BMP-1), Type 59 tanks (a copy of the T-54A), a joint project of the J-7M fighter (based on a copy of the MiG- 21) and the transfer of AN/TPQ-37 radar technology. However, in 1989, the United States broke off cooperation, and all these projects were terminated, the work was not completed.

It is interesting that the Chinese sent UH-60 helicopters to patrol the border with India, the destroyer joined the group in the Taiwan Strait, and the transfer of torpedoes did not fit at all into the installation not to give anti-ship technologies.

The result is the following picture. The US government, for political reasons, went to meet the Chinese and outlined the rules for the transfer of weapons. In the future, negotiations were already underway with private military-industrial complex corporations: c Sikorsky, General motors, Northrop Grumman, Boeing, etc., and the government only coordinated deals. Moreover, unlike the standard scheme for supplying weapons to US allies, when America first credits buyers, and then supplies to their own military-industrial complex companies are paid from this money, the Chinese paid immediately directly, without any delays or installments. Of course, such a negotiating triangle, when the supplier and the buyer are interested in deals, allowed China to achieve good results. They received some weapons and technologies without any conditions, while they themselves provided, as an exchange of technologies for modernization, to put it mildly, outdated models of copies of Soviet technology: T-54 - tank model 1947, BPM-1 - machine model 1966, MiG-21 - fighter model 1959. It is unlikely that the Americans in the mid-1980s. something from a technical point of view did not know about these devices. Realizing that the cunning Chinese and greedy gunsmiths were taking advantage of the situation, Reagan slowed down the implementation of supplies and projects, and then Bush Sr. completely broke the agreement unilaterally. In general, weapons received from the United States and partially obtained technologies look like a violation of the principles of the Security Council directive. that the cunning Chinese and greedy gunsmiths are taking advantage of the situation, Reagan slowed down the implementation of supplies and projects, and then Bush Sr. completely broke the agreement unilaterally. In general, weapons received from the United States and partially obtained technologies look like a violation of the principles of the Security Council directive.

In general, it cannot be said that the military-technical cooperation between China and the United States had a significant impact on the Chinese military-industrial complex, and even more so on the technical re-equipment of the army as a whole. However, in parallel, China actively purchased various technologies and weapons from US allies, as the embargo was weakened. Therefore, the Chinese got something useful for themselves, eventually quite unexpectedly developing a fifth-generation fighter and other samples of modern military equipment.

On the one hand, one cannot ignore the fact that the Soviet factor influenced the decision to supply arms to China. On the other hand, it is clear that the US government feared, above all, the strengthening of the PLA, and tried to minimize military-technical cooperation. But the Chinese convinced the military-industrial complex corporations to conclude, most likely at greatly inflated prices, contracts worth $600 million. Therefore, in five to seven years, we squeezed the maximum out of cooperation for ourselves.

The essence of China's relations with the United States of this period was that America was actively subversive in China, trying to weaken the dictatorship of the CCP through the introduction of market relations and through "soft power". The CCP, in turn, tried to use trade, the import of capital, and military-technical cooperation for technical re-equipment and the rise of industry. The course of "reforms and openness" that Washington staked on did not give the proper level of liberalization and democratization of Chinese society to speak of the weakening of the CCP's power. However, the general social upheaval caused by the change in the economic course from the plan to the market created instability in the country, and there were a lot of dissatisfied people. As a result, in 1989, in Beijing, not without the participation of the CIA, a local Maidan took place, the task of which was to eliminate the dictatorship of the Communist Party. The events in Tiananmen Square immediately showed, first of all, the leadership of the CCP, who is who. The electrified youth and intelligentsia demanded a radical deepening of reforms and democratization. The American press immediately endorsed the protests as democratic and pro-American. Bush senior pointedly addressed the Chinese leadership with the phrase: "The desire for freedom cannot be denied forever." Part of the party leadership supported the protests. From April to June 1989, there was unrest everywhere, various attempts to calm the protests, disengagement in the party, etc. As a result, Deng Xiaoping, who retained the posts of chairman of the military council of the CPC Central Committee and the military council of the PRC, mobilized the party and the army to suppress the speeches.

It is usually believed that America, having seen the brutal suppression of the democratic uprising in Tiananmen, stopped considering the PRC as a neutral and friendly country, imposed sanctions, etc. True, Americans are usually not very interested in “human rights violations” and cruelty in various states allied to them. Therefore, the turn of 1989 in relations between the US and the PRC should rather be regarded as a point in China's attempts to induce China into America's sphere of influence. They played an alliance with the Chinese against the USSR, tried to overthrow the dictatorship of the CCP - it did not work out, they returned back to their previous relations and began to steadily pump up Taiwan, Japan and South Korea with weapons.

If the USSR had not sunk into oblivion, then the international situation in the 1990s would have changed. could turn out quite interesting and definitely not in favor of the United States. But in fact the USSR was destroyed, and the era of American world hegemony began. The CCP's line of "reform and opening up" continued. On the one hand, the intentions and hostility of the United States were exposed, relations were damaged, on the other hand, China had to reckon with the new situation and begin a new process of building relations. China, in the opinion of the CPC, had no significant alternative to American dollars and technologies.

(c) Anatoly Shirokoborodov

https://alternatio.org/articles/article ... dnichestvo - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/8583743.html

Google translator

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Saber-Rattling Leader Given Prestigious Award By CIA-Offshoot
By Jeremy Kuzmarov - August 21, 2023 1

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NED President and CEO Damon Wilson presented the Democracy Service Medal to Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen. [Source: ned.org]

Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen Receives National Endowment for Democracy (NED) Democracy Service Medal for Transforming Her Country into a Launching Pad for U.S. War on China
In the corrupt era in which we live, horrible people are given honors for carrying out policies that have disastrous ramifications.

Henry Kissinger and Barack Obama, Jr., for example, won the Nobel Peace Prize despite helping to initiate violent coups and wars that left millions dead.

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[Source: cagle.com]

Following in that tradition, the NED awarded its prestigious Democracy Service Medal in July to Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen for her supposed achievements in advancing democracy and human rights.

The award came on the heels of the Biden administration’s announcing a $345 military aid package to Taiwan designed to counter China that will include provision of portable air defense systems, intelligence and surveillance equipment, firearms and missiles.[1]

The NED is a CIA offshoot that was founded in the 1980s to promote political propaganda and subversion in countries that the U.S. government targets for regime change.

The most notable feature of Tsai Ing-wen’s rule has been her provocative policies toward China—Taiwan’s largest trade partner by far—which have poisoned Sino-Taiwanese relations and threaten to ignite a war with China that would be devastating to both countries.

Tsai has acquiesced to the U.S. foreign policy strategy of turning Taiwan into a heavily armed “porcupine” that China is supposed to fear.

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[Source: civilsdaily.com]

This strategy is reminiscent of the use of Ukraine as a pawn to achieve larger strategic objectives designed to sustain worldwide U.S. hegemony.

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[Source: youtube.com]

Under Tsai’s stewardship, Taiwan has come to bristle with advanced U.S. weapons, accompanied by tens of thousands of supporting U.S. military personnel and Special Forces.

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Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen, right, listens while inspecting reservists training at a military base in Taoyuan on March 12, 2022. [Source: foxnews.com]

After the announcement of a $440 million arms sale agreement by the Biden administration (prior to the $345 million package which was announced on July 28), the Chinese Foreign Ministry said that Taiwan had evolved into a “powder keg” by the infusion of U.S. weaponry, pushing the Taiwanese people into the “abyss of disaster.”

While Western media depict China as threatening Taiwan, Taiwan’s own constitution recognizes Taiwan as a province of China—a position adhered to at the UN.

Tsai Ing-wen engaged in a deliberately provocative maneuver when she visited New York in late March in what the Chinese considered to be a violation of diplomatic protocol, since China opposed any official interaction between the U.S. and Taiwan.

A Chinese government spokesman said that the real purpose of the visit, during which Tsai met with House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, was to seek a breakthrough and advocate for Taiwanese independence.

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A deliberately provocative maneuver in violation of Chinese diplomatic protocol. [Source: milenio.com]

Tsai further came to the U.S. to “beg for more weapons, more provocations and more supports to antagonize the people of the Chinese mainland,” according to Caleb Maupin, head of the Center for Political Innovation (CPIUSA), which led protests against Tsai’s visit.

Maupin said that Tsai Ing-wen “claims to love the people on the island of Taiwan. But what she’s doing is setting the stage for a military confrontation. It would kill thousands and thousands of people on the island she claims to love.”

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U.S. anti-war organization Center for Political Innovation protests against Taiwan regional leader Tsai Ing-wen’s visit to New York on March 29. [Source: globaltimes.cn]

Tsai has meanwhile sold her people down the river economically in acquiescing to the U.S. strategy of transforming the country into a U.S. dependency.

The Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) has been decoupling from China and Taiwan is in the process of signing a free trade agreement with the U.S. that benefits U.S. interests and further cuts Taiwan off from China, its largest trading partner.

Wang Jianmin, a professor at Minnan Normal University said that the U.S. was trying to fully control Taiwan’s industries and make Taiwan unconditionally dependent on the U.S. Chang Meng Sung, a member of the opposition Chinese Unification Party, added that the free trade agreement, if implemented, will reduce Taiwan to an “economic colony of the U.S.”

In the first quarter of 2023, Taiwan’s economy contracted by 3% under Tsai’s stewardship because of a sharp drop in exports to the Chinese mainland.

Tsai’s unpopularity within Taiwan was underscored when she was forced to resign as head of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (DPP) after it suffered its worst-ever performance in November 2022 elections.

A headline in the China Daily after the election read “DPP defeat shows desire for peace.”

Indeed, the victor in the election, the Guomindang Party, advocates for better relations with China and does not favor Taiwanese independence.

A year prior to the election, the Asia Times published an article entitled “The dark side of Tsai Ing-wen’s democracy” by Brittney Chin-Chen Roy, which emphasized how Tsai had failed to advance government transparency and accountability and suppressed dissent.

Tsai screwed over the Taiwanese people when she gave license to foreign-owned wind farms known for bilking customers to dominate the local market for wind-generated electricity.

She also went forward with a plan to build a liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal near the coastal city of Taoyuan, across the Datan red algal reef, as part of a scheme to buy LNG from the U.S. in exchange for all the weapons supplies.

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Site of planned LNG plant on coral reef that is part of a scheme to buy LNG from U.S. suppliers. [Source: taipeitimes.com]

None of this, of course, was advertised at the NED awards ceremony where NED CEO Damon Wilson praised Tsai for her “steadfast commitment to democracy” and for “fostering democratic unity among like-minded nations.”

The like-minded nations were really ones hostile to China being showered with U.S. weapons as part of an insane foreign policy strategy that leaves the world on the threshold of World War III.


1.On July 28, Chris Pappas (D-NH) and Rep. Jim Banks (R-IN) sponsored a bill requiring U.S. military sales to Taiwan to be expedited and prioritized in the face of a delivery delay of about $19 billion worth of arms. In addition, the bill aims to set up regular U.S.-Taiwan exercises, training and professional exchanges, as well as the establishment of a Taiwan Critical Munitions Acquisition Fund. As part of this, the U.S. government would be authorized to spend $2 billion on Taiwan in foreign military financing a year. The bill also states the U.S. would apply Ukraine munitions production capacity authorities to Taiwan. ↑

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2023/0 ... -offshoot/

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Evil, Scary China Refuses To Passively Let Us Encircle It: Notes From The Edge Of The Narrative Matrix

Most mainstream western reporting on Chinese military activity essentially amounts to “OMG you guys China isn’t just passively sitting there while we militarily encircle it and prepare to attack it!”

Caitlin Johnstone
August 20, 2023

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It’s not the big, glaring, obvious lies that get you. The New York Times is the world’s most destructive propaganda outlet not because it publishes giant ham-fisted whoppers, but because it appears trustworthy. Its reporting looks authoritative. Children are taught in school that it’s what credible news media looks like. This lets the well-crafted propaganda slide into people’s minds, undetected and without resistance.



The western media are so ridiculously deceitful and propagandistic that the fact that popular comedy shows and famous comedians aren’t making fun of them constantly proves those shows and comedians are themselves part of the propaganda network.



Most mainstream western reporting on Chinese military activity essentially amounts to “OMG you guys China isn’t just passively sitting there while we militarily encircle it and prepare to attack it!”

Example:
@abcnews Follow
Hundreds of Chinese satellites are currently passing over Australia collecting intelligence on military training activities involving the United States and other regional partners, according to commercial space data obtained by the ABC.
abc.net.au
China deploys swarm of satellites to monitor military exercises in Australia
Hundreds of Chinese satellites are currently passing over Australia collecting intelligence on military training activities involving the United States and other regional partners, according to...
4:40 PM · Aug 17, 2023

That’s what all the banging on about China’s “military build-up” is doing too; acting like it’s alarming and sinister that China isn’t just passively allowing itself to be surrounded with war machinery amid glaringly obvious western preparations for war without doing anything to defend itself.

China’s still spending vastly less on its military than the United States, both overall and as a percentage of GDP. Yet we’re meant to act like China is the obvious aggressor nation, even as it’s being rapidly surrounded by US war machinery and increasingly militarized US allies.



One thing I’ve learned from interactions with Robert F Kennedy Jr supporters is that many of them sincerely don’t understand why his position of “unconditional support” for Israel is such a deal breaker for many anti-imperialists. They think it’s all about Palestinian rights, but it’s a lot more than that.

Unconditional support for Israel doesn’t just mean supporting apartheid abuses and frequent bombings of Gaza, it means supporting the regular bombing of Syria, the annexation of the Golan Heights, and Israel’s insane warmongering against Iran. Israel is always in a state of war.

“Unconditional support” for Israel means imperialist foreign policy throughout the middle east. This isn’t just conjecture — we already see it in RFK Jr’s other middle east foreign policy like his staunch opposition to the Iran deal.

It’s a nonsensical, self-contradictory position to claim you want to dismantle the empire out one side of your mouth and pledge “unconditional support” for a nation that’s never not at war out the other. If you’re saying both, there’s one you’re not being truthful about.


There’s not enough rage at the US empire for provoking and perpetuating the war in Ukraine. Objections you see to this proxy war are mostly just griping about how much it costs or whether it’s sound strategy or whatever, but how about the fact that human lives are being spent like pennies for the advancement US global hegemony?

Think about how much it hurts to have one death in your family. Think about how much it rocks an entire community to lose even one life to violence. Mountains of human bodies are being piled up in violent deaths, all to secure US geostrategic interests in Eurasia. It’s pure horror.

The empire had multiple opportunities to end this before it started. It had an opportunity to end it in April 2022. It had an opportunity to end it this past November. But it kept shoving it through to advance US interests, and young lives kept being sacrificed to the war god.

Meanwhile US officials openly gloat all the time about how much this war is serving US interests, while anonymously whining to the press that the counteroffensive is failing because Ukrainians are too cowardly to charge through Russian minefields under heavy artillery fire. This should draw white hot rage from everybody.


I'm probably going to be regularly reminding my readers of this paragraph from @IgnatiusPost for the remainder of my writing career. pic.twitter.com/Vahl9S1txR

— Caitlin Johnstone (@caitoz) August 20, 2023


Basically the US empire’s strategy is to use Ukrainian bodies like a giant sponge to soak up as many expensive Russian military explosives as possible.



For western war propagandists Syria was like a dress rehearsal for the war in Ukraine. The lies are being peddled mostly by the same people, using mostly the same methods, funneled up into the same mainstream media platforms. The only real difference is that the empire is on the side of the official government in Ukraine, so it can simply use its officials and its media platforms as on the ground sourcing instead of setting up a bunch of weird little propaganda constructs like the White Helmets etc. Syria marked a new era of imperial narrative management.

https://caitlinjohnstone.com.au/2023/08 ... ve-matrix/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: China

Post by blindpig » Sat Aug 26, 2023 2:05 pm

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US steps up effort to drive a wedge between Vietnam and China
In this article, which was originally carried in People’s World, Amiad Horowitz takes up a recent off-handed comment by US President Joe Biden, that he intends to travel to Vietnam shortly, noting that CNN described it as another attempt to “counter China’s influence.” Amiad further identified this as “part of the US’ new Cold War aimed at China and other socialist and progressive states, [with] leaders in Washington [hoping] to drive a wedge between China and Vietnam.”

Amiad notes that Washington has now been pursuing this policy for years, but with little success. Going along with this, he explains, “would go against the established tenets and guidelines of Vietnam’s foreign policy.”

The US has remained undeterred, but as “the Biden administration amps up the tensions in Asia, the Chinese and Vietnamese governments have chosen to pursue a path of cooperation and peace.”

To illustrate his argument, Amiad refers to high-level diplomatic meetings between the two socialist countries on August 9 and 10 as well as to other recent encounters:

“In fact, as the two largest socialist countries, their relationship takes on a special significance, a relationship of ‘brothers plus comrades’, as a joint statement put it in November last year.”

Immediately following the original publication of this article, on August 16, China’s top diplomat, Foreign Minister Wang Yi met in Kunming the provincial capital of Yunnan, with Vietnamese Deputy Prime Minister Tran Luu Quang.

Wang Yi told his visitor that, as neighbouring countries sharing the same ideology, “the two sides should prepare for the next stage of high-level exchanges.” They should also, Wang added, jointly uphold the ideals and beliefs of the communist party and the cause of socialism.

Tran was attending the Seventh China-South Asia Expo, along with other senior leaders from countries in the region, including Laos, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.

Amiad Horowitz studied at the Academy of Journalism and Communications at Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics. He lives in the Vietnamese capital, Hanoi.
Last Tuesday, in an offhanded remark, President Joe Biden mentioned that he intends to travel to Vietnam “shortly” as part of an effort “to change our relationship” with the country. While no official plan, agenda, or timeline was given, CNN was quick to report that the Biden administration continues to hope it will be able bring Vietnam into the campaign to “counter China’s influence in the Indo-Pacific region.”

As part of the U.S.’ new Cold War aimed at China and other socialist and progressive states, leaders in Washington hope to drive a wedge between China and Vietnam. The two socialist states share a border, and it appears U.S. imperialism is determined to integrate Vietnam into its strategy of encircling China from all sides.

While the United States has pursued this wedge policy toward Vietnam for years, it hasn’t met with much success so far. Any explicitly anti-China agreement with the U.S. would go against the established tenets and guidelines of Vietnam’s foreign policy, which include peaceful coexistence with all states, avoiding entanglement in any military alliances, and never using the threat of violence against another country.

Washington remains undeterred in its effort to draw Vietnam in, however. As the Biden administration amps up the tensions in Asia, the Chinese and Vietnamese governments have chosen to pursue a path of cooperation and peace.

On Aug. 9 and 10, Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Nguyen Minh Vu and Chinese Executive Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Ma Zhaoxu met to discuss bilateral relations between the two countries. The meeting was hailed as a celebration of the ever-developing relationship between the two governments and the two governing Communist Parties, as the two officials discussed deepening political, economic, cultural, and security ties. They even spoke about opening more Vietnamese diplomatic missions in China.

The Chinese and Vietnamese relationship is classified as a “comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership,” which is the strongest relationship category in contemporary Vietnamese diplomacy. In fact, as the two largest socialist countries, their relationship takes on a special significance, a relationship of “brothers plus comrades,” as a joint statement put it in November last year.

Significantly, Communist Party of Vietnam General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong was the first foreign leader invited to Beijing after Chinese President Xi Jinping’s re-election at the end of 2022. The visit was seen by many experts as a sign that U.S. attempts to pressure Vietnam to join its anti-China alliance were doomed to fail.

The General Secretary’s visit was followed in March by meetings between military leaders of the two socialist states, which has led to “‘beefing up’ defense ties.” Then, in June, Vietnam’s Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh visited China. The visit was declared a great success by both Beijing and Hanoi.

While China and Vietnam still have unresolved territorial disputes—a fact the United States hopes to use to incite conflict in the region—both countries have declared a commitment to finding a productive and peaceful resolution to the problem. In fact, the two coast guards even conduct joint patrols near their maritime borders.

Statements and the established diplomatic practice of Vietnam and China demonstrate that both see the maintenance of peace as mutually beneficial. Both have experienced unprecedented economic growth and development during the last few decades of peace, and the people of both countries understand that such growth can only continue under conditions of stability and that war offers nothing but suffering and destruction.

Despite all this, the bipartisan consensus in Washington seems to agree on pushing a destructive agenda in Southeast Asia and driving a wedge between Beijing and Hanoi. The U.S.’ new Cold War against China continues to ratchet up the war danger in the effort to preserve unipolar hegemony.

The best hope for humanity is that the leaderships in Vietnam and China continue sticking to the path of peace and mutual cooperation.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/21/u ... and-china/

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US warships provoke in South China Sea, but don’t help fight fires in Hawaii
In this editorial the Chinese newspaper Global Times addresses the prolonged wildfires that have ravaged Hawaii’s Maui Island, which, as of Thursday August 17, had claimed the lives of 99 people, with more than 1,000 missing.

Global Times contrasts the US’ response to such disasters, citing also that to Hurricane Katrina in 2005 as well as the recent East Palestine train derailment, with its ability to project military power around the world, with its network of over 800 foreign military bases. It quotes a US internet user as observing:

“Our warships can provoke China in the South China Sea, they can shadow China in Alaska, but they can’t come to Hawaii to help Americans.”

Global Times comments: “While the wildfires were raging in Hawaii, what was Washington busy with? It was occupied with imposing investment restrictions on China, preparing for the Camp David summit with Japan and South Korea, and announcing $200 million in new military aid to Ukraine. However, the specific amount of assistance provided by the FEMA [Federal Emergency Management Agency] for the Hawaii wildfires, as announced to date, is a payment of $700 per household… The US government prefers to hype harmless balloon accidents as major security threats, but remains ‘calm’ about the tragic disasters causing significant casualties right in front of it.”
After a week of fierce wildfires in parts of Hawaii’s Maui Island in the US, the death toll continues to rise. As of Tuesday noon local time, 99 people have died and over 1,000 remain missing. This has been labeled by the US media as the deadliest wildfires in the country in a century. The dire situation in the affected areas has inflicted immense psychological shock upon the American people. Reports said local residents have “lost everything,” with some even being “forced to jump into the Pacific Ocean to escape the smoke and fire conditions.” Criticisms of failures in warnings, inadequate disaster relief efforts, and inaction from the stationed US military in Hawaii have fueled “growing anger.”

Such a large number of casualties would be a major disaster in any country, and it is even more shocking when it occurs in the world’s most developed country. The US is prone to natural disasters such as wildfires and hurricanes. However, the country’s patchy response when dealing with these disasters is perplexing. The US has always proclaimed itself as a “world leader” and claims to be capable of responding rapidly to security threats around the globe. It possesses over 800 military bases overseas and projects its military power with aircraft carriers worldwide. But when it comes to domestic disasters or public safety incidents within the US, its response is slow and its ability to cope seems inadequate.

Although Hawaii is not located on the continental US, it remains one of the most critical military bases for the country. Hawaii serves as the headquarters of the US Indo-Pacific Command. The Indo-Pacific Command claims to “govern” over 50 percent of the world’s surface area, but ironically remains indifferent to the disasters that occur in its own location. What has fueled anger among the local community is the fact that the initial relief work was largely organized by residents themselves, with little presence from the National Guard, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), state government, or local authorities. An American internet user sarcastically remarked, “Our warships can provoke China in the South China Sea, they can shadow China in Alaska, but they can’t come to Hawaii to help Americans.” This aptly illustrates the hierarchy of decision-making in the US.

US sluggish and indifferent response to its domestic catastrophic incidents sharply contrasts with its fervent resource mobilization in “competition” with other nations. Leaving a deep impression on us, there was the Hurricane “Katrina” in 2005 that resulted in the loss of 1,836 lives, and the train derailment in East Palestine earlier this year carrying hazardous chemicals. There was also the Florida building collapse in 2021 that claimed 98 lives, and the slow rescue efforts during that time were referred to as “archaeological-style rescue.” A foreign netizen said, “The ‘American-style rescue’ in Hollywood movies is nowhere to be seen, with no American rescue heroes or high-tech equipment.” This observation seems to be perfectly fitting for every disaster in America, including the current Hawaii wildfires.

While the wildfires were raging in Hawaii, what was Washington busy with? It was occupied with imposing investment restrictions on China, preparing for the Camp David summit with Japan and South Korea, and announcing $200 million in new military aid to Ukraine. However, the specific amount of assistance provided by the FEMA for the Hawaii wildfires, as announced to date, is a payment of $700 per household. The few discussions about the wildfires mostly serve as the latest pretext for mutual attacks between the two parties. The American media, which has always emphasized “supervision,” seems to consider all of this as a matter of course, leading to the repetition of the same events without any profound reflection.

The US actively exercises hegemony in its foreign affairs, and its internal mechanisms are very backward, failing to take the protection of citizens’ security as the starting point and foundation of national security. Specifically, the US wastes a large amount of resources meaninglessly in fighting against “imaginary external opponents,” while ignoring the life-threatening threats faced by its domestic population. The US focuses its investment in military power and military-related technological fields in terms of national security, while investing inadequately in domestic infrastructure construction, disaster reduction, and relief efforts that concern people’s wellbeing and national security.

The problems exposed by the deadly wildfires in Hawaii belong to the entire US. We can see that from the “9/11” attacks to the present, the US has witnessed numerous major events related to citizens’ security. However, there has been almost no obvious improvement in the construction of institutional mechanisms for responding to domestic disasters and accidents by the US government. The US government prefers to hype harmless balloon accidents as major security threats, but remains “calm” about the tragic disasters causing significant casualties right in front of it. When the next disaster strikes, the performance of the US government is unlikely to be any better. Every disaster is a reminder to the US, using innocent lives to remind it who its real enemies and challenges are. The US’ disregard for this reminder is the greatest desecration of the lives lost.

https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/22/u ... in-hawaii/

[img]https://socialistchina.org/wp-content/u ... 10.png[img]

China: socialist or capitalist?
This presentation by Friends of Socialist China co-editor Carlos Martinez was given to the Communist Party USA on 20 August 2023 as part of its Marxist Classes series.

Introducing his book, The East is Still Red – Chinese Socialism in the 21st Century, Carlos goes into detail as to the class character of China today.

The book is available in paperback and ePub formats from Praxis Press, and is also available for Kindle. The voucher code ‘Carlos’ provides a site-wide 10 percent discount on Praxis Press.


https://socialistchina.org/2023/08/24/c ... apitalist/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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