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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Mon Apr 22, 2019 11:32 am

Revealed: The U.S. military's 36 code-named operations in Africa
Nick Turse and Sean D. Naylor Nick Turse and Sean D. Naylor ,Yahoo News•April 17, 2019


Many Americans first became aware of U.S. military operations in Africa in October 2017, after the Islamic State ambushed American troops near Tongo Tongo, Niger, killing four U.S. soldiers and wounding two others.

Just after the attack, U.S. Africa Command said U.S. troops were providing “advice and assistance” to local counterparts. Later, it would become clear that those troops — the 11-man Operational Detachment-Alpha Team 3212 — were working out of the town of Oullam with a larger Nigerian force under the umbrella of Operation Juniper Shield, a wide-ranging counterterrorism effort in northwest Africa.

Until poor weather prevented it, that team was supposed to lend support to another group of American commandos who were trying to kill or capture Islamic State leader Doundoun Cheffou as part of Obsidian Nomad II.

Juniper Shield and Obsidian Nomad II were not isolated efforts but part of a panoply of named military operations and activities U.S. forces have been conducting from dozens of bases across the northern tier of Africa. Many of these operations are taking place in countries that the U.S. government does not recognize as combat zones, but in which U.S. troops are nonetheless fighting and, in several cases, taking casualties.

Between 2013 and 2017, U.S. special operations forces saw combat in at least 13 African countries, according to retired Army Brig. Gen. Don Bolduc, who served at U.S. Africa Command from 2013 to 2015 and then headed Special Operations Command Africa until 2017. Those countries, according to Bolduc, are Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Somalia, South Sudan and Tunisia. He added that U.S. troops have been killed or wounded in action in at least six of them: Kenya, Libya, Niger, Somalia, South Sudan and Tunisia.

Yahoo News has put together a list of three dozen such operations across the continent.

The code-named operations cover a variety of different military missions, ranging from psychological operations to counterterrorism. Eight of the named activities, including Obsidian Nomad, are so-called 127e programs, named for the budgetary authority that allows U.S. special operations forces to use certain host-nation military units as surrogates in counterterrorism missions.

Used extensively across Africa, 127e programs can be run either by Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), the secretive organization that controls the Navy’s SEAL Team 6, the Army’s Delta Force and other special mission units, or by “theater special operations forces.” These programs are “specifically designed for us to work with our host nation partners to develop small — anywhere between 80 and 120 personnel — counterterrorism forces that we’re partnered with,” said Bolduc. “They are specially selected partner-nation forces that go through extensive training, with the same equipment we have, to specifically go after counterterrorism targets, especially high-value targets.”

Using documents obtained via the Freedom of Information Act, interviews, published reports and a Defense Department list of named U.S. military operations that leaked online, Yahoo News put together the following list of 36 operations and activities that are (or were until recently) ongoing in Africa.

Where possible, Yahoo News has also listed the bases that support these operations, relying mostly on information sheets about those locations obtained via the Freedom of Information Act. Yahoo News does not claim that this list is comprehensive.

While the Defense Department has acknowledged the names, locations and purposes of some of these operations, others are far lower-profile. Almost all are unknown to the general public:


ARMADA SWEEP: A U.S. Navy electronic surveillance effort conducted from ships off the coast of East Africa, Armada Sweep supports the U.S. drone war in the region.

Bases used: Unknown

ECHO CASEMATE: This operation covers a series of activities in the Central African Republic. It began in 2013 as a support mission for French and African forces deployed to the troubled Central African Republic for peacekeeping purposes and continued as an advise-and-assist mission to those African peacekeeping forces. However, U.S. forces neither accompanied their partners in the field nor formally trained them. The operation also covered the introduction of contractors and Marines to secure the U.S. Embassy in Bangui and the deployment of a small U.S. special operations contingent to assist the U.S. ambassador in missions to counter the Lord’s Resistance Army. In the first days of the operation, the U.S. military airlifted hundreds of Burundian troops, tons of equipment and more than a dozen military vehicles into the Central African Republic, according to Africom. The U.S. military continued transporting French forces in and out of the Central African Republic, and the mission was still underway in early 2018.

Base used: Abeche, Chad

EXILE HUNTER: One of a family of similarly named counterterrorism efforts that U.S. special operations forces have conducted in East Africa. Exile Hunter was a 127e program in which elite U.S. troops trained and equipped an Ethiopian force for counterterrorism missions in Somalia. Bolduc says he shut it down in 2016 because the Ethiopian government was uncomfortable about the force not falling under its command. However, a February 2018 Defense Department list of named operations suggests it had been resurrected.

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti

JUKEBOX LOTUS: Operation Jukebox Lotus began as the crisis response to the September 2012 attack in Benghazi, Libya, that killed U.S. Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens and three other Americans, but continued until at least 2018. It gives Africa Command broad authority to conduct a variety of operations in Libya as required and is specific to neither special operations nor counterterrorism.

Bases used: Faya Largeau and N’Djamena, Chad; Air Base 201, Agadez, Niger

JUNCTION RAIN: A maritime security effort in the Gulf of Guinea involving African and U.S. Coast Guard boarding teams operating from U.S. Navy ships or those of African forces. In 2016, the hybrid teams conducted 32 boardings, resulting in $1.2 million in fines levied for more than 50 maritime violations, as well as the recovery of a diesel fuel tanker that had been seized by pirates. Last year, operations with the Senegalese and Cabo Verdean navies resulted in at least 40 boardings — mostly of fishing vessels — and $75,000 in fines handed down for two fishing violations.

Base used: Dakar, Senegal

JUNCTION SERPENT: A surveillance effort in Libya that, as part of the 2016 campaign of airstrikes against Islamic State positions in the Libyan city of Sirte, gave Joint Special Operations Command specific authorities to coordinate assets in order to develop targeting information for the campaign

Bases used: Unknown

JUNIPER MICRON: In 2013, after France launched a military intervention against Islamists in Mali code-named Operation Serval, the U.S. began Operation Juniper Micron, which involved airlifting French soldiers and supplies into that former French colony, flying refueling missions in support of French airpower, and assisting allied African forces. Juniper Micron was ongoing as of October 2018, with plans for it to continue in the future.

Bases used: Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; Istres-Le Tube Air Base, France; Bamako and Gao, Mali; Air Base 201 (Agadez), Arlit, Dirkou, Madama and Niamey, Niger; Dakar, Senegal

JUNIPER NIMBUS: Juniper Nimbus is a long-running operation aimed at supporting the Nigerian military campaign against Boko Haram.

Bases used: Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; N’Djamena, Chad; Arlit, Dirkou and Madama, Niger

JUNIPER SHIELD: The umbrella operation for the mission that resulted in the deadly ambush in Niger, Juniper Shield is the United States’ centerpiece counterterrorism effort in northwest Africa and covers 11 nations: Algeria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal and Tunisia. Under Juniper Shield, U.S. teams rotate in every six months to train, advise, assist and accompany local partner forces to conduct operations against terrorist groups, including ISIS-West Africa, Boko Haram and al Qaida and its affiliates.

Bases used: Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; Garoua and Maroua, Cameroon; Bangui, Central African Republic; Faya Largeau and N’Djamena, Chad; Bamako and Gao, Mali; Nema and Ouassa, Mauritania; Air Base 201 (Agadez), Arlit, Diffa, Dirkou, Madama and Niamey, Niger; Dakar, Senegal

JUPITER GARRET: A JSOC operation aimed at high-value targets in Somalia, Jupiter Garret first came to light in a 2012 Washington Post article. It was ongoing as of February 2018

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier and Chebelley, Djibouti; Laikipia, Manda Bay and Wajir, Kenya; Baidoa, Baledogle, Bosasso, Galcayo, Kismayo and Mogadishu, Somalia

JUSTIFIED SEAMOUNT: Another counter-piracy effort in the waters off East Africa

Bases used: Chebelley, Djibouti; Laikipia, Mombasa and Wajir, Kenya; Victoria, Seychelles; Baidoa, Baledogle, Kismayo and Mogadishu, Somalia

KODIAK HUNTER: A 127e program in which U.S. special operators trained and equipped a Kenyan force to conduct counterterrorism missions in Somalia

Base used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Manda Bay, Kenya

MONGOOSE HUNTER: A 127e program in which U.S. special operations forces trained and equipped a Somali force for counterterrorism missions against al-Shabab

Base used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Baledogle, Somalia

NEW NORMAL: An Africa-wide crisis response capability established by the U.S. military after the 2012 attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Libya

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Libreville, Gabon; Accra, Ghana; Dakar, Senegal; Entebbe, Uganda

NIMBLE SHIELD: A low-profile effort targeting Boko Haram and ISIS-West Africa

Bases used: Douala, Garoua and Maroua, Cameroon; Bangui, Central African Republic; N’Djamena, Chad; Diffa, Dirkou, Madama and Niamey, Niger

OAKEN SONNET I-III: A series of three contingency operations in South Sudan. Oaken Sonnet I was the difficult 2013 rescue of U.S. personnel from that country at the beginning of its civil war. Oaken Sonnet II took place in 2014 and Oaken Sonnet III in 2016.

Base used: Juba, South Sudan

OAKEN STEEL: The reinforcement of the U.S. Embassy in Juba, South Sudan, to protect State Department personnel during a conflict between rival factions in that country’s civil war, Operation Oaken Steel, which ran from July 12, 2016, to Jan. 26, 2017, saw U.S. forces deploy to Uganda to provide for rapid crisis response during the unrest.

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Moron Air Base, Spain; Entebbe, Uganda

OBJECTIVE VOICE: In 2010, the first head of Africa Command, Army Gen. William “Kip” Ward, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that Operation Objective Voice was an “information operations effort to counter violent extremism by leveraging media capabilities in ways that encourage the public to repudiate extremist ideologies.” Coordinated with other government agencies, this propaganda effort included “youth peace games” in Mali, a film project in northern Nigeria, and, according to his successor, Army Gen. Carter Ham, a “variety of messaging platforms, such as the African Web Initiative, to challenge the views of terrorist groups.” Objective Voice continues today.

Bases used: Garoua and Maroua, Cameroon; Bangui, Central African Republic; Abeche, Faya Largeau and N’Djamena, Chad; Bamako and Gao, Mali; Nema and Ouassa, Mauritania; Air Base 201 (Agadez), Arlit and Madama, Niger; Dakar, Senegal; Entebbe, Uganda

OBLIQUE PILLAR: A program to provide private contractor helicopter support to Navy SEAL-advised units of the Somali National Army fighting al-Shabab in Somalia. The operation was in existence as of February 2018.

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Mombasa and Wajir, Kenya; Baidoa, Baledogle, Kismayo and Mogadishu, Somalia; Entebbe, Uganda.

OBSERVANT COMPASS: An operation to capture or kill Joseph Kony and eradicate his Lord’s Resistance Army, a militia that has committed atrocities since the 1980s. In 2017, with around $780 million spent on the operation, and Kony still in the field, the United States wound down Observant Compass and shifted its forces elsewhere. But the operation didn’t completely disband, according to the Defense Department. “U.S. military forces supporting Operation Observant Compass transitioned to broader scope security and stability activities that continue the success of our African partners,” Pentagon spokesperson Cmdr. Candice Tresch told Yahoo News.

Bases used: Obo, Central African Republic; Abeche, Chad; Dungu, Democratic Republic of Congo; Juba and Nzara, South Sudan; Entebbe, Uganda

OBSIDIAN LOTUS: A 127e activity concentrated on Libya, in which U.S. commandos trained and equipped Libyan special operations forces battalions. One of those units ended up under the control of renegade warlord Gen. Khalifa Haftar, according to Bolduc.

Bases used: Unknown

OBSIDIAN MOSAIC: A 127e counterterrorism effort focused on Mali.

Bases used: Unknown.

OBSIDIAN NOMAD I and II: Two 127e counterterrorism programs in Niger: Obsidian Nomad I in Diffa and Obsidian Nomad II in Arlit. The operational name emerged in the wake of the October 2017 ambush in Niger that killed four U.S. soldiers.

Bases used: Arlit and Diffa, Niger

OCTAVE ANCHOR: A psychological operation focused on Somalia

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Mogadishu, Somalia

OCTAVE SHIELD: An Africa Command psychological operation focused on Somalia, carried out under the aegis of Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa, based at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti.

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier and Chebelley, Djibouti; Laikipia, Manda Bay, Mombasa and Wajir, Kenya; Victoria, Seychelles; Baidoa, Baledogle, Bosasso, Galcayo, Kismayo and Mogadishu, Somalia; Entebbe, Uganda.

OCTAVE SOUNDSTAGE: A JSOC psychological operation focused on Somalia.

Bases used: Unknown

OCTAVE STINGRAY: A JSOC psychological operation focused on Somalia

Base used: Mogadishu, Somalia

OCTAVE SUMMIT: A JSOC psychological operation focused on Somalia

Base used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti

ODYSSEY LIGHTNING: The campaign of special operations-directed airstrikes against Islamic State targets in Sirte, Libya, between August and December 2016

Base used: Naval Air Station, Sigonella, Italy

ODYSSEY RESOLVE: Another component of the 2016 special operations campaign of air strikes against the Islamic State in the Libyan city of Sirte, Operation Odyssey Resolve consists of intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance flights. It was ongoing as of February 2018.

Bases used: Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso; Faya Largeau, Chad; Benina and Misrata, Libya; Bamako and Gao, Mali; Nema and Ouassa, Mauritania; Arlit and Niamey, Niger; Dakar, Senegal; Bizerte, Tunisia; Entebbe, Uganda

PALADIN HUNTER: A 127e counterterrorism program in the semi-autonomous Puntland region of Somalia.

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti; Bosasso and Galcayo, Somalia

RAINMAKER: A highly sensitive classified signals intelligence effort

Bases used: Chebelley, Djibouti; Baidoa, Baledogle, Kismayo and Mogadishu, Somalia

ULTIMATE HUNTER: A 127e counterterrorism program using a U.S.-trained, equipped and directed Ugandan force in Somalia.

Bases used: Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti.

*Information on which operations the following bases support was partially redacted: Douala, Garoua and Maroua (all Cameroon); N’Djamena, Chad; Bangui, Central African Republic; Diffa, Dirkou, Madama and Niamey (all Niger). The list of operations supported by Tobruk and Tripoli (both Libya) was fully redacted. Other data were likely withheld completely. ... 00841.html

If this is on Yahoo then it's the tip of the iceberg. Getting people used to the idea, I guess.
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Fri Jun 07, 2019 11:42 am

Sudan suspended African Union

After the Monday massacre, the AU asks for a civil authority. The UN withdraws its staff from the country, the Ethiopian premier today in Khartoum as a mediator. Oppositions insist: forward with civil disobedience

The RSF paramilitaries in the streets of Khartoum (Source: Twitter)

by Chiara Cruciati - Il Manifesto

Rome, 7 June 2019, Nena News - The streets of Khartoum have almost been emptied, journalists say, are the young people who keep some barricades. For the rest it is an Eid of patrolled roads (aboard, say the opponents, of brand new armored vehicles, made in Abu Dhabi) by the paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces , the same responsible for the massacre on Monday.

The number of deaths rises, at least 108 victims according to medical sources and 500 wounded. The military junta denies, speaks of 46 victims, as if they were few, and yet 40 are the bodies recovered by the Nile only on Tuesday. And the current budget will get worse, many injured are serious and the conditions of the hospitals, crowded and with little means, are critical: photos show the wounded piled on the ground, side by side.

The African Union was yesterday to respond, three days after the massacre of protesters and the destruction of the garrison in front of the headquarters of the Sudanese armed forces: Sudan has been suspended by the organization with immediate effect "until the effective creation of a civil transition authority , the only way to get out of the current crisis ", the Department of Peace and Security of the AU wrote in a post on Twitter.

The announcement came after the emergency meeting held in Addis Ababa (among other things, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is expected today in Khartoum as a mediator). Already on Monday, as the first news of the massacre arrived, the organization had requested "a rapid and transparent investigation". The UN also reacts, which for now limits itself to leaving, announcing the withdrawal of its civilian personnel, "temporarily", due to the situation.

But it reacts, after the shock of military violence, even the Association of Professionals (Spa), leader of the protests from the beginning, in mid-December: yesterday it appealed to the people to return to the square , block roads and bridges, "paralyze the public life ". In short, that you do not abandon the path of civil disobedience.

The goal is to cancel the terror effect that the military junta wanted to provoke with methods that recall the genocide in Darfur, the methods of the Janjaweed (tents set on fire, rapes, assaults in hospitals and not only in Khartoum), with which the Council transitional military attempts to dope with the opposition negotiations. Dialogue that civilians have already rejected.

And foreign responsibilities also begin to emerge. The destruction of the garrison in front of the headquarters of the Sudanese army in Khartoum and the massacre of protesters at the hands of the military junta, last Monday, would have been agreed by the head of the Military Transitional Council (Tmc) with the Gulf countries during the recent visits by General al-Burhan to Cairo, Abu Dhabi and Mecca, while his deputy Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo saw Mohammed bin Salman in Jeddah.

To say it is a source very close to the junta, anonymously, to the Middle East Eye agency . Already Tuesday, the day after the massacre, the opposition had accused "foreign countries" of interference and support for the Tmc. And to provide another piece of the puzzle is the US State Department which in a note reported the discussion it had with the Saudi Deputy Defense Minister on the suppression of protests in Sudan.

It is true that Saudi Arabia and the Arab Emirates (which with Egypt are the main sponsors of the Tmc) on 21 April last spoke of a financial aid of three billion dollars to the military junta.

Chiara Cruciati is on Twitter: @ChiaraCruciati

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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Jun 19, 2019 12:47 pm

Official Documents: How the US Overthrew Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah

How the US Overthrew Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah


Tatenda Gwaambuka

Thu, Aug 11, 2016
The success of Ghanaian industrialisation would have further cemented the fact that African countries did not necessarily need White rule to be successful.

Kwame Nkrumah was a futurist, a born visionary. His plan as leader of Ghana was to make it an industrial hub within a generation. He dreamt of a united and successful African continent and the narrative he was creating for Africa was a foreign policy concern for the United States of America. In a Memorandum from the President’s Acting Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Komer) to President Johnson, the coup that led to Nkrumah’s downfall was described as a fortuitous windfall because, “Nkrumah was doing more to undermine our interests than any other black African. In reaction to his strongly pro-Communist leanings, the new military regime is almost pathetically pro-Western.” In other words, the military regime was a shadow of the West, a whole puppet show mistaken for governance.

Before the declassification of the official documents by the USA, a C.I.A operative, John Stockwell, shared his knowledge on how the United States had been involved in evoking anti-Nkrumah sentiment and in the end causing the coup. He said, “Howard Bane, who was the CIA station chief in Accra, engineered the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah. Inside the CIA it was quite clear. Howard Bane got a double promotion, and was awarded the Intelligence Star for the overthrow of Kwame.”

Nkrumah had ascended to power when Ghana gained its independence in 1957. Ghana adopted a flag with a Black Star in a nod to Marcus Garvey and his Black Star Line. Nkrumah was one of the leaders behind the Organisation of African Unity established on 25 May 1963. The visionary’s end goal for Ghana had been to industrialise it within a generation. He had used an accelerated eduction programme and set up a Ghana Education Trust (GET) to build schools in a bid to empower the people of Ghana with the requisite expertise for industrial take-off. He also led a promising scientific research drive which in 1965 had expanded to no less than five different research institutes for food sciences and technology, aquatic biology, geology and geophysics, industrial standards and marine fisheries. In 1966, Nkrumah said, “Many more research institutes are in an advanced stage of physical development or of planning. These include the Institute of Glass and Ceramics, the Institute of Metallurgy, the Institute of Wild Life research, the Institute for Research Development and a Centre for the Production of Scientific Instruments.” Education was only one of the chapters of the multi-faceted growth he envisioned for Ghana but it formed the very base. By the time of the coup, his country had 68 state owned factories. It is this futuristic industrial policy that was soon dropped by the military regimes that followed for reasons largely unreasonable in retrospect.

The danger of Nkrumah to the colonialists
Nkrumah’s ideology was a threat to the imperialist cause and it still is 50 years after. Within 10 years of Ghana’s independence, 31 other countries had gained their own independence. Ghana was a trailblazer in Africa and would rearrange the matrix of how the West related to Africa. The success of Ghanaian industrialisation would have further cemented the fact that African countries did not necessarily need White rule to be successful. Ghana was supposed to fit the narrative of a country which gained black majority rule and became a melting pot of tension and warfare. After deposing Nkrumah, that became the reality of the day with the country having 7 violent military transfers of power. Having undone Nkrumah, the United States started to control affairs with the IMF putting a stop to Nkrumah’s industrialisation policy. The regime that followed was a USA puppet. In Komer’s Memorandum to President Johnson, he said, “I am not arguing for lavish gifts to these regimes-indeed, giving them a little only whets their appetites, and enables us to use the prospect of more as leverage.”

Even now, the USA will pursue such a policy of giving a little and gaining a lot in the manner of African allegiance and loyalty. African leaders who are a part of this ploy to undo Africa are nothing but sell-outs. They insult the legacy of Nkrumah and so many others who were victims of the imperialists’ twisted scheming. Nkrumah’s fall had been discussed a year before it happened by the Director of Central Intelligence, the Ambassador to Ghana and the Deputy Chief of the African Division in March 1965 as shown by their Memorandum of Conversation. Africa should know there are discussions about derailing continental development that are consistently being carried out and it is up to Africans to stand strong and united.

At a January 1961 Casablanca Conference, Nkrumah himself had called for political unity in Africa or else “we will be fighting and warring among ourselves with the imperialists and colonialists standing by behind the screen and pulling vicious wires, to make us cut each other’s throats for the sake of their diabolical purposes in Africa.” ... me-nkrumah
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Re: Africa

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 11, 2019 1:31 pm


Africa Produces 75% of Cocoa But Gets 2% of $100b Chocolate Market Revenue | Ghana Business News
JUNE 3, 2019

For centuries, the economies of African countries have been made dependent on advanced economies, and despite the enormous amount of natural resources in Africa, over 500 million citizens continue to live in poverty.

A case in point is the cocoa and chocolate industries. Even though Africa produces 75 per cent of all the cocoa in the world, the continent gets only 2 per cent of the $100 billion revenue from the chocolate industry.

It is not any different with the mining sector either.

Jean Noel Francois, the Acting Director, Department of Trade and Industry at the African Union (AU) Commission said at the second conference of African Ministers responsible for mineral resources and development December 12, 2011 in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, that even though Africa’s mineral resources are fuelling growth and development in many industrialised and emerging economies of the world, Africa still remains poor, under-developed and dependent on donor assistance for national budget support.

He further reiterated the fact that Africa consumes very little of its own mineral resources and exports most of it as raw materials, “with little or no local value addition and beneficiation.”

Dr. Stephen Karingi of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) cited figures showing how much the mining companies are making in Africa. “The figures are there for all to see,” he said, “in 2010 alone, net profits for the top 40 mining companies grew by 156 per cent to $110 billion and the net asset base of these companies now exceeds $1 trillion.”

Addressing the opening of the 51st edition of the African Development Bank (AfDB) Annual Meetings in Lusaka, Zambia, Tuesday May 23, 2016, its president, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, outlined what the Bank intends to do towards the private sector, infrastructural development and industrialization of the continent. He also announced that the Bank has a new Vice Presidency on private sector, infrastructure and industrialization which will drive private sector operations to deepen financial markets, private sector growth, scale up infrastructure investments, and sharply focus on the industrialization of Africa.

“The formula for the wealth of nations is clear: rich nations add value to exports, poor nations export raw materials,” he said.

Citing the cocoa sector as an example, he said while Africa accounts for 75 per cent of the global production of cocoa, the continent reaps only 2 per cent of the $100 billion annual market for chocolate.

“This model can no longer create the desired wealth for Africa. Africa must no longer be stuck at the bottom of the value chains. Africa must now rapidly diversify its export mix and add value to all of its raw materials by developing efficient and competitive value chains. This is especially critical, as Africa only accounts for 1.9 per cent of global value added in manufacturing, and this has not changed for decades. It is now time to industrialize Africa,” he said.

The AfDB, which is one of the financiers of development in Africa, loaned $9 billion to African countries in 2015.

Announcing that it is leading the charge to industrialize Africa, the Bank says it will triple its climate finance on the continent to $5 billion annually till 2020.

In 2015, the Bank provided $1.3 billion for energy projects. The Bank financed the 300 MW Lake Turkana wind power station – the largest wind power plant in Africa.

“We supported the Noor complex, the world’s largest concentrated solar power plant in Morocco with capacity to provide power for over one million homes by 2018. The Bank financed the power interconnection to link Ethiopia, Kenya and Zambia, expanding regional power pools. In December 2015, we provided $138 million to finance the Ruzizi III 147 MW power plant, to provide electricity to Rwanda, Burundi and Republic of Congo,” Adesina said.

The Bank also says it intends to support digital literacy, logical thinking and computational skills in secondary and primary schools through its Jobs for Africa’s Youth Initiative.

“We will also support coding academies that will drive advanced computational skills for employment focusing on youths in universities and polytechnics. Through our Boost Africa Initiative, with our partners, the European Investment Bank, private equity funds will be established to help boost businesses of young people. We plan to leverage $5 billion to support businesses of young African entrepreneurs. Our goal: create 25 million jobs for the youth, over a ten-year period, in agriculture, ICT and other sectors,” he added.

The Bank’s efforts and initiatives must however, be complemented by governments of the individual African countries. Most African governments lack the political will to take decisions that would cascade into economic benefits for most of their citizens. The evidences of mismanagement in countries of the continent are numerous. There is corruption and illicit financial flows out of the continent, which is costing Africa about $60 billion every year in lost funds.

The activities of multinational corporations have been identified to be responsible for 60 per cent of the outflows, while criminal activities such as human trafficking and money laundering drive 35 per cent, corruption plays a five per cent role in shifting all these money out of the continent.

While global volumes of illicit financial flows reportedly reached $1.1 trillion in 2013, the developing world lost $7.8 trillion between 2004 and 2013, the last year for which data are available, according to the Global Financial Integrity (GFI), a Washington DC-based research and advisory organization.

The report also found that sub-Sahara Africa is the hardest hit region suffering the largest illicit financial outflows—averaging 6.1 per cent of GDP.

Curiously, when the so-called Panama Papers were published majority of the individuals and companies in the papers were PanamaPapers_infographpoliticians or connected to them. An infographics (right) put together by Gerard Meijssen highlights that.

African countries must break the jinx, be bold and shed the negative attitudes leading to self-inflicted and self-destructive needless poverty. The ignoble face of cronyism and corruption must be tackled headlong.

It is important to seal the holes through which all the funds are leaving Africa, and committing to and actualizing beneficial ownership registers are the ways to go. So far, only South Africa has committed to doing that.

While in Africa about 70 per cent of the people are engaged in agriculture, most citizens are hungry and malnourished.

The AfDB says it is attacking malnutrition too.

The Bank says its Vice Presidency for Agriculture, Human and Social Development will drive its “Feed Africa” agenda, with a major focus on transforming agriculture into a business for farmers across African countries.

“Our goal is clear: achieve food self-sufficiency for Africa in ten years, eliminate malnutrition and hunger and move Africa to the top of agricultural value chains, and accelerate access to water and sanitation,” Adesina said.

Africa must rise to the occasion, her long suffering people deserve better.

By Emmanuel K. Dogbevi, in Lusaka, Zambia

"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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