South America

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Wed Oct 16, 2019 11:48 am

Ecuador: faced with revolutionary overthrow the government repeals decree 883

Jorge Martin 16 October 2019

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On 14 October, the Ecuadorian government of Lenín Moreno repealed decree 883. After days of struggle and mobilisations that had reached insurrectional proportions, Moreno was forced to make an important concession in the face of the danger of being overthrown by revolutionary means. The uprising of workers, peasants and students has achieved a first victory, a partial one, at the cost of eight dead, 1,340 wounded and 1,192 detained.

This is undoubtedly a very important victory. A key part of the Moreno's austerity package announced on 2 October has been repealed. This demonstrates that struggle pays, and in this case the blockade of roads, the taking over of governorates, the march to Quito, the general strike and the national strike managed to push back the government and the IMF. However, it is important to point out that this is only a partial victory.

Moreno's package, the result of the signing of a letter of intent with the International Monetary Fund, was composed of six other economic measures and 13 labour and tax counter-reforms. These measures represent a brutal attack on the working class and a huge transfer of resources to the capitalist class. Moreno remains committed to the objectives set out in that letter of intent, including the reduction of the public debt, the reduction of the fiscal deficit, the "liberalisation" of the labour market, the reduction of the public sector's wage bill, the privatisation of public companies, etc.

With the end of fuel subsidies, the government planned to save $ 1.2 billion. Moreno's intention is to modify that measure so that some of the money saved can be used, via direct transfers or in targeted subsidies, on the peasant or indigenous sectors. In reality, it would be a matter of throwing some crumbs at CONAIE in order to get the government’s central objective of eliminating fuel subsidies accepted.

A bittersweet victory
It is clear that, in one way or another, the Moreno government will launch a brutal assault on the living conditions of the working class. In this way, the weight of the capitalist crisis falls on the shoulders of the most disadvantaged. However, after the October uprising, the government will have to calculate its movements very carefully, for fear of reigniting the flame of the insurrection.

The victory of the movement is bittersweet. In reality, what began as a movement against the austerity package, had become, especially since the general strike on 9 October, an uprising to overthrow the government of Moreno, and thus to put an end to the whole package and also the brutal repression.

However, the most prominent leaders of the movement, especially in CONAIE, were reluctant at all times to assume that goal. Even when the Assembly of the People in the House of Culture of Quito shouted as a single voice: "Moreno out, Moreno out", and even when that was the cry with which the popular neighbourhoods of the capital defied the curfew and militarisation.

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The next wave of the peasant-worker uprising must set itself the goal of overthrowing the government and seizing power / Image: public domain

Faced with accusations by the government that the movement was really an attempt at a "correista" coup, the leaders of CONAIE distanced themselves, not just from correismo, but also from the objective of overthrowing the government. Here, sectarianism played an ominous role. The government used the scarecrow of correismo – of "agitators paid by Maduro", "FARC guerrilla terrorists" and so on – to try to divide and criminalise the movement.

The leaders of CONAIE should have responded to these provocations by clearly stating that although they are not Correa supporters – anyone who opposed Moreno's package was welcome in the movement. And yes, they should have said, in the face of the brutal repression of the government, which rules on behalf of the capitalist oligarchy following the instructions of the IMF, the objective of the movement was to overthrow and replace it with a government of workers and peasants, through the Assembly of the People taking power.

The result is also that, having deactivated the protest in the streets, the Moreno government has now launched a witch hunt against officials of Correa's Citizen Revolution, including deputies to the National Assembly and other elected officials. On 14 October, preventive prison terms were ordered against the prefect of Pichincha, Paola Pabón, who was detained in a raid on her house for the alleged crime of "rebellion", a crime that sanctions those "who promote, help or sustain any armed movement to alter the peace of the state.” That is, she was arrested in connection with the popular uprising and to try to intimidate all those who participated in it, or those who plan to participate in other protests in the future. There have also been other arrests, and seven leaders of Rafael Correa's Citizens Revolution have taken refuge in the Mexican embassy, including four parliamentarians.

If the CONAIE leadership thinks that these abuses have nothing to do with them because the government is attacking correistas, they are very much mistaken. The repression against Correa's supporters today will be primed tomorrow against any leader or public official that opposes, by means of mass mobilisation, the government's austerity measures.

Finish off the Moreno government!
It can be said that the unfinished October uprising was a dress rehearsal. It is important to learn the lessons for the next act, which will not be long coming. The insurgents showed organisation and courage in the fight. They used methods of mass mobilisation to paralyse the country. They forced the government and the National Assembly to flee from the capital. They formed their own armed self-defence – the Indigenous Guard – to face provocateurs and police violence. They raised the idea of a People's Assembly that really could not be anything other than an alternative power to that of the bourgeois state. Neither the police repression, nor the state of emergency, nor the curfew, nor the militarisation, nor the snipers managed to crush them. They achieved a broad mobilisation of many sectors of the population – women, youth, workers, students – around a common goal.

But the movement also had some weaknesses that need to be noted. The absence of a firmer unity between the indigenous movement and the trade union movement, and sectarianism towards correismo, weakened it. There was also a lack of democratic leadership structures. Delegates elected from the barricades, neighbourhoods, factories and communities would have filled the People's Assembly with real content. At the decisive moment, the slogan of the seizure of power was not advanced. The workers and peasants have withdrawn from the streets, for now. But having won a first victory they have shown and realised their own strength. The workers and peasants of Ecuador have given an example of struggle and heroism that will inspire the masses across the continent who are facing similar policies. No doubt they will return to the streets as soon as the government goes on the offensive again with its IMF package. The next wave of the peasant-worker uprising must set itself the goal of overthrowing the government and seizing power.

https://www.marxist.com/ecuador-faced-w ... ee-883.htm
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Thu Oct 17, 2019 3:50 pm

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Ecuador, after the protests, lives a climate of repression against the followers of Correa (Photo: Misiones Online)

ANALYSIS OF AN INFORMATION OPERATION
HOW THE FILE WAS CONSTRUCTED TO DIVIDE THE PROTEST AND PERSECUTE "THE CORREÍSTAS"
16 Oct 2019 , 4:23 pm .

After six days of protest, on October 7, the government of Lenín Moreno moved the Ecuadorian capital of Quito to Guayaquil, declaring a state of emergency throughout the country.

The measure, one day after the national strike, tended to protect the key institutions of the State, such as the executive branch, to avoid a technical closure that resulted in the demolition of the government, as happened in similar events in the history of Ecuador.

That same day, Moreno accused President Nicolas Maduro has been activated, with Rafael Correa, a plan to destabilize his government, as at the beginning of the national strike would make his Security Minister, María Paula Romo.

In anticipation of the official decision, the Ecuadorian journalist Andersson Boscán, one of the directors of the La Posta media , with a strong anti-Correa tendency, on October 7 threw a complaint against the intelligence agencies of Ecuador for not having noticed the "arrival of Cuban and Venezuelan intelligence agents for destabilizing purposes. "

The exit package of this opinion matrix was completely closed on October 8 at 10:52 in the morning, when the journalist Casto Ocando, resident in Miami, leaked that former President Correa organized the "operation" from Venezuela.

A few hours later, Correa posted a video from his apartment on the outskirts of Brussels, Belgium, completely denying this claim.

That same day, Assemblyman Yofre Poma, the first leader close to Correa arrested, was brought to justice for allegedly paralyzing the operation of the Trans-Ecuadorian Pipeline.

The accusation, made by the Prosecutor's Office, was a day before Minister Romo accused the governor of Pichincha, Paola Pabón, of wanting to cause "terror and chaos" in the country. The word terror, as the days go by, would be repeated over and over again by government spokespersons.

From this moment on, there is a clear point of acceleration in public and communication spokespersons where the protest was divided between the "legitimate" one, carried out by the indigenous movement, and the violent destabilizing one, carried out by "infiltrated correistic elements, financed by Venezuela".

One of the central elements of this argument rested on October 8 in the complaint of the Comptroller of the Republic, Pablo Celi, against "organized groups that attacked the headquarters of the agency in order to destroy documents that support criminal responsibilities in ongoing investigations. ".

According to Celi's opinion, these types of actions showed that in the country there was "a conspiracy process in place to subvert the democratic order."

Quickly the complaint of this official, appointed by Moreno, was used to accuse Correa's followers of "destroying evidence of corruption against him."

Another of the central elements, to further fatten the conspiracy file "supported" from Venezuela and Cuba, was the arrest of 17 Venezuelan Uber drivers outside the Quito airport.

According to Andersson Boscán and his suspicious clairvoyance, the detainees had the route of the vice president in their possession and would have been posing as Uber drivers to carry out an attack against the second in command in Ecuador. A day later, 15 of them were totally free because there was no evidence against them.

ll this climate of opinion, without a doubt, solidified on Saturday, October 12, when it was known in advance that the Moreno government would apply a curfew in Quito within the framework of a call for dialogue, according to the journalist from La Posta , Juan Eduardo Vivanco. Who, in addition, denounced that Quito was "under a plan orchestrated by mafias to take control of the State."

The former president of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Conaie), Salvador Quispe, collaborated in this thesis by affirming that Saturday that "correísmo had taken control of the mobilization" to prevent the indigenous from negotiating with the government.

This advance to the facts generated that, once the beginning of a negotiation between the government and the indigenous movement was announced, a curfew was finally ordered in Quito.

Immediately, the protesters left on the street in this context were blamed for a new fire at the Comptroller and an attack on the private channel Teleamazonas, owned by the Ecuadorian banker Fidel Egas.

Both facts were considered "terrorist acts" attributing them to violent mobs of "correism."

Teleamazonas, on the other hand, like the rest of the private media, described the cacerolazo against Lenín Moreno as one carried out by the citizens of Quito in favor of "peace" in Ecuador (and hence the curfew).

On the other hand, once the state of exception was applied, the indigenous movement was protected in the House of Culture in Quito, where it was repeatedly repressed, while the former president of the National Assembly, Gabriela Rivadeneira, was isolated from the embassy of Mexico before the danger of being arrested under the accusation of terrorism and instigation to the rebellion, as a day later would happen to the former mayor of Durán, Alexandra Arce.

In this context, the dialogue on Sunday 13 began with a statement by Conaie President Jaime Vargas, where he recommended investigating visible politicians linked to Correa for the violence recorded in recent days.

Colombian media such as RCN reviewed, along the same lines, alleged guerrilla tactics used by protesters, and the existence of shields bought by the Ecuadorian president to generate violence in the streets of Quito.

On Monday, October 14, under these arguments, the governor of Pichincha, Paola Pabón, and one of his collaborators, both accused of participating in a "destabilization financed from abroad" plan, were arrested.

The same accusation weighed against the secretary of the Citizen Revolution party, Virgilio Hernández, after raiding his house and the headquarters of the political force in Quito. Of the raids, the existence of shields, safes with money, protest material, and a sum of cash embedded in the mattress of a bed was taken as evidence of the insurrectionary plan.

On the other hand, the conspiracy file was presented to the Organization of American States (OAS) by the Ecuadorian Foreign Minister, José Valencia.

Valencia referred to a violent plan executed by protesters who employed urban guerrilla tactics, and were infiltrated by 41 agents from Venezuela, without citing any name or place of detention of them, as was done with the 17 Venezuelan drivers detained outside from Quito airport.

The complaint met the objective. In addition to closing the cycle of momentum of this matrix of opinion that, according to the Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, was watched closely by the United States.

Thus, beyond the operation, the use of this file is foreshadowed to criminalize Venezuela in the same tone that Iván Duque tried to do in the UN with the country's supposed support for the National Liberation Army (ELN).

In Ecuador, meanwhile, the Prosecutor's Office is responsible for disarming the organizational structure of Rafael Correa's party with the persecution of their leaders, taking refuge in the climate of opinion generated after the protest.

His place in the Ecuadorian political system now claims to be occupied by the leadership of the Conaie, strengthened in the protests, who has just announced his intentions to found a party and present a presidential candidate in 2021.

The fact that completely closes this trajectory is the announcement that the United States will collaborate with the Prosecutor's Office of Ecuador in the investigation of the "acts of violence" recorded in the days of protests against the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The latter being the great acquitted before the media court that by hypertrophing the role of Venezuelans and "correistas" and whose structural responsibility was more bleached and washed than the dirty money from the offshore accounts of the officials of the current Ecuadorian government.

http://misionverdad.com/entrevistas%20/ ... correistas

Google Translator

Many supporting screenshots at link.
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Thu Oct 17, 2019 9:02 pm

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Uruguay and the Threat Posed by Neoliberalism
October 17, 2019
By Hedelberto Lopez Blanch

As several nations in South America are going through their worst economic-political-institutional crises, Uruguay —which has survived the neoliberal wave in the region— is going to face elections on October 27 that might change a system that has been benefiting most of its population.

Unemployment, indebtedness, tax adjustments, inflation, decreased purchasing power, hunger, and poverty is the general scenario readably observable in countries which have opted for implementing neoliberal policies imposed by the United States and international financial organizations with the consent of the local domestic oligarchies.

After four years in office for example, President Mauricio Macri burdened Argentina with an enormous debt with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Argentinean peso went from 16 to 60 per dollar; poverty increased to 41.2 percent of its inhabitants; public transportation prices doubled; electricity rates increased by 500 percent; while water and gas by 230 percent.

With extreme right-winger Jair Bolsonaro in the presidency of Brazil, following legal abuses against ex-president Dilma Rousseff and ex-candidate Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, all social programs were eliminated and a large amount of public companies were privatized; meanwhile, students and workers have gone to the streets to protest the new imposed measures.

In Paraguay, another nation geographically close to Uruguay, poverty has reached 32 percent of the population; thousands of peasants have been obliged to abandon their lands as large estates expand for soybean crop production and cattle raising, while inequality increases between rich and poor.

After winning the presidential elections in Ecuador in 2017 as a candidate for the political party created by Rafael Correa, Lenin Moreno did a 180-degree turn away from the social gains of the Citizens’ Revolution and decided to abide by the orders given by Washington. In the short term, he has cancelled social programs, reduced public spending to the minimum, and burdened the country once again with an IMF debt; resulting in the large protests in several cities of the past couple of weeks.

Meanwhile Colombia is becoming a place that is a more and more dangerous place to live by the day thanks to a government that is infested with drug trafficking and corruption. Farm workers and indigenous communities are being driven from their forcing them to migrate to the cities from the hunger and violence.

In this regional context, Uruguay is going to primary elections next October 27 and all surveys confirm that incumbent Frente Amplio is going to win with its representative Daniel Martinez, however indicate it will be close avoid a second round run-off on November 24 against his possible contender Luis Lacalle, from the Partido Nacional. If this is the way it goes the Frente Amplio would be facing the possibility that the three rightist parties despite having huge contradictions amongst them would coalesce around one to a form a new government that would usher in the ghost of neoliberalism to haunt the population.

During the last 15 years of Frente Amplio administrations, Uruguay has been able to maintain a relatively low level of poverty and inequality as well as high revenues per capita.

Uruguay has placed in the first places of Social Welfare, Human Development, Economic Freedom, and Human Opportunity indexes by different international organizations.

The Frente Amplio Government has a degree confidence from the people given low levels of corruption and the stability existing among institutions. The World Bank affirmed the country managed to reach superior ranks of equal opportunities in the access to health, education, fresh water, drainage, and electricity services.

It has been possible reduce poverty from 32.5 percent in 2006 to 8.1 percent in 2018, while extreme poverty dropped in the same period from 2.5 percent to 1 percent.

Another very important indicator concerning citizens of advanced age is that about 87 percent of those who are older than 65 are protected by the retirement system.

The economy has continued growing and between 2003 and 2018, it became one of the most relevant and stable in the region with an average 4.1 percent growth per year. It is also significant that Uruguay’s gross domestic product remained stable despite the serious problems affecting two of its main commercial partners: Argentina and Brazil.

For all these reasons, current President Tabare Vazquez said that ahead of next elections,” Uruguayans shall see what is going on in Argentina, in Brazil, around the world, and view favorably what has gone on in Uruguay during the last 15 years.”

Even though the powerful right-wing media tied to the oligarchy is trying its best to bring about a change in Uruguay’s economic and political system, predatory neoliberalism will not enter one of the most stable countries in the region.

https://orinocotribune.com/uruguay-and- ... liberalism

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Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay: Decisive Elections for the Region
October 15, 2019

During the next weeks there will be an electoral coincidence, of presidential elections and other parliamentary and provincial offices in Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay.

It will be of the utmost importance since the vote will decide the continuity of state, nationalist or neoliberal projects in their respective countries.

This key convergence will be extremely significant for the recomposition of the Latin American geopolitical spectrum, which gave way from the so-called “Latin American progressive cycle” to the “new rise of the regional right.”

Electoral trends suggest that there will be a turnaround and change of constitutional regime in at least two of these countries.

CASE of ARGENTINA
In addition to electing president and vice president, Argentines will elect 130 national deputies and 24 national senators. In several provinces and in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, the same day, executive and legislative authorities will also be elected.

As in previous elections, for a slate to be declared the winner, it will be sufficient for it to collect 45% of the affirmative votes, or 40%, and a difference of at least 10% with which it occupies second place. In the absence of these results, there will be a second round between the two slates with the most votes.

In the mandatory primaries (STEP) of August 11, 2019, the final returns established that most of the citizens participated in the presidential primaries of the opposition Frente de Todos (FT), supporting the candidacy of Alberto Fernández with Cristina Fernández with 49.49% of the total affirmative votes.

Secondly, the official alliance Together for Change (JpC), with the candidacy of Mauricio Macri, was supported by 32.93% of the votes.

Preliminary surveys for the next election show the following data:

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Although the figures show a clear victory for the “Fernández team” in the first round, the wide margin of error in the interviewers prior to the STEP regarding the result, leaves open the possibility of a second round.

RELATED CONTENT: Argentina: The Political Pendulum may be Swinging Left Again in Latin America
The Argentine economic crisis has been a cross-cutting issue in the previous presidential one, and the result of the PASO placed the Macri government in serious trouble, with the worsening of the negative trends in the economic indicators after the internal ones.

Including, the International Monetary Fund imposed conditions to continue disbursing the Argentine economy; until the most predictable scenario is defined, there will be no business with the Macri administration.
The economic denominator is an essential issue in the definition, not only of the next electoral result, but also in the configuration of political impetus and instances of support for both Macri and Fernández.
In other words, the Argentine economy is given to its creditors and they give up the re-election of Macri, so there are serious elements that indicate the possibility of lobbying against the most likely new government.
The most likely result today in Argentina means a setback for the regional right in an important bastion.

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The pension reform, launched in December 2017, began a downward cycle of unpopularity for Mauricio Macri in Argentina (Photo: Archive)

However, the Fernández government is expected to assume a “moderate left” position and its future will depend on internal support coalitions, with Cristina Fernández in a position of greater leadership in the popular field. It has consolidated the current support floor through a multipurpose platform between leftist leaderships and unions.
The role of the eventual new Argentine government in the regional geopolitical context is yet to be defined, but it must necessarily be considered as a significant element of the recession of the neoliberal forces in the region, especially since Argentina is an important actor in the different Latin American platforms of commerce and diplomacy

CASE OF BOLIVIA
Bolivia is preparing to elect the president and vice president of the Plurinational State, plus 130 deputies and 36 senators for the 2020-2025 government period.
With more than a decade of mandate, Evo Morales, of the Movement To Socialism (MAS), presents himself before the re-election with a Bolivian economy in extraordinary condition. This is the South American country with the highest sustained growth in the last decade, with inflation below 5%, a revalued national currency.
Along the same lines, Bolivia has seen a significant increase in the purchasing power of the population, a decrease in socioeconomic inequality and a substantial improvement in public and social services.
President Morales will face a divided opposition represented by Carlos Mesa, from the Community of Citizens (CC), and Oscar Ortiz, from Bolivia Says No (BDN), as the main opponents, the first being the loudest promoter of loud neoliberalism under American tutelage.
Morales looks like the most likely winning option in the first round of elections, scheduled for October 20. To obtain the result in the first round, the MAS must obtain more than 50% of the votes validly cast; or a minimum of 40%, with a difference of 10% compared to the second most voted candidacy.
The odds point more to the second scenario; that Morales surpasses 40% and obtains 10% more votes than Mesa. The most recent surveys offer the following scenario:

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The efforts of the Bolivian opposition are moving today to reach the second electoral round, so the claim is to extend the political arena until December, date of the probable second round.
For that purpose, the Bolivian right has assumed a “citizens campaign”, parallel to that of Mesa and Ortiz, marked by the “civic violence” capitalized by foundations, associations and NGOs, apparently non-proselytizers of Crucianism. They have made important mobilizations where they call to vote in “punishment” against Morales and affirm that they will declare themselves in “disobedience” what they already call “electoral fraud”.

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Members of the Cruceñista Youth Union and the 21F movement vandalized the MAS campaign center in Santa Cruz (Photo: ATB Digital)

The incongruous instruction of sending (supporters) to vote against, but also that there will be fraud, has the clear object of propitiating a closed margin in Morales’ victory in the first round or leading the election until December, in order to promote a pronounced electoral wear that would be marked due to political destabilization, a scenario that Bolivia has long ignored and therefore it’s been possible to promote local economic growth.

Bolivia is on the threshold of a revolution of colors once again boosted by crucianism, this time under the denomination of “disobedience” and the struggle for “federalism,” — what they now call the separatist and secessionist “autonomism” of the violence in the year 2008.
The ingredients of the opening of a cycle of pronounced political instability are on the table in Bolivia, for the shades and agendas raised by the Cruceñismo in recent weeks.

Everything would happen simultaneously to the elections and after these, despite the favorable electoral result for Morales that, although it may be very solid, will be irrelevant to the detonation of an agenda of regime change that has been germinating in that country and is preparing for a moment like the present one.
It is also likely that after the elections the MAS government will have to carry out economic reforms that result in an adjustment to its monetary exchange rate, which will mean a substantive ingredient to the events of confrontation and transversal political chaos that will try to raise the cruceñismo and other factors of the Bolivian right.

URUGUAY CASE
The Uruguayan pre-electoral political context is defined by the clear trends of the polls for the presidential and parliamentary elections on Sunday, October 27.
Uruguayan politics is the most stable in South America, but the current context is beginning to show particularities that could reach a zenith through the results of October 27, which could imply a return to the hegemony of the Frente Amplio (FA) for more than a decade.
The conservative right could return to power in Uruguay.
All the scenarios prior to the first presidential electoral round make clear a majority intention to vote in favor of the FA official and his presidential candidate Daniel Martínez, against the strongest opposition option, that of the National Party (PN), with Luis Lacalle Pou as candidate.
Meanwhile, the Colorado Party (PC), with economist Ernesto Talvi, are ranked as third by several pollsters.
The latest measurements yield the following data:

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However, despite the favorable scenario for the so-called “conservative left”, according to the electoral regulations, the result will not be defined in a first round, so there will be a second round in November, where the electoral composition will change.
To win in the first round the winner must reach the absolute majority .
In an almost certain ballot to be held on November 24, former Montevideo mayor Daniel Martínez would face former coach Lacalle Pou, who in that case is expected to have the support of economist Talvi and other opposition sectors. That is the crux of the electoral composition after the first round.
The correlation of forces of small parties is today has between 10% and 20% support, and these are opposition organizations, right-wing, that could join forces against the FA.
Indeed, in a second-round scenario, the polls already reviewed give all, without major discrepancies, a victory to the PN with a closed margin. Only upcoming events or a radical and effective campaign change could keep the FA in government, and yet the chances are slim.
For the next Uruguayan government, the forms of governance, together with the parliament, will be crossed by the fact that the small parties will give the legislative body a multicolored shape. This is another peculiarity of these Uruguayan elections, which is a sign of an exhaustion of the traditional parties in that country.
The number of parties with chances of obtaining positions in parliament is unprecedented. This could complicate the government management of the next president.
According to surveys from June to the present, up to nine parties could obtain parliamentary representation, a fact with few precedents in Uruguay. There are already those who speak of “a future multicolored coalition government”, and in any case, if the FA is elected, the parliamentary context will be diffuse.
It will not be so, if Luis Lacalle Pou of the PN forms a coalition for the second round, which favors the political pacts necessary to govern freely with parliament.
The result in the parliamentary electoral duel will have a lot to do with the development of political subjectivities and voting intentions for the second presidential round. Perhaps there also resides to a large extent the fact that the FA can be the winner, with a closed margin, in front of Lacalle.
That factor, and that the right doed not unite, would be key in favor of the FA.

Featured image: Mauricio Macri aims to be the most likely out of state power in Argentina in this regional electoral context (Photo: Archive)

Source URL: Mision Verdad

Translated by JRE/EF

https://orinocotribune.com/argentina-bo ... the-region
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Oct 21, 2019 11:23 am

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Ecuador: How the Dossier to Divide the Protest and Persecute Correismo was Constructed
October 20, 2019

After six days of protest, on October 7, the government of Lenín Moreno moved the Ecuadorian capital from Quito to Guayaquil, declaring a state of emergency throughout the country.

The measure, one day after the national strike, tended to protect the key institutions of the State, such as the executive branch, to avoid a technical closure that resulted in the demolition of the government, as happened in similar events in the history of Ecuador.

That same day, Moreno accused President Nicolas Maduro of being behind the activation, with Rafael Correa, of a plan to destabilize his government, as his Security Minister, María Paula Romo, had said at the beginning of the national strike.

Screenshot at 01-46-39
In anticipation of the official decision, the Ecuadorian journalist Andersson Boscán, one of the directors of the “La Posta” outlet, with a strong anti-Correa tendency, on October 7 made a complaint against the intelligence agencies of Ecuador for not having noticed the “arrival of Cuban and Venezuelan intelligence agents for destabilizing purposes.”

The distribution of this opinion trend was completed on October 8 at 10:52 in the morning, when the journalist Casto Ocando, resident in Miami, leaked that former President Correa organized the “operation” from Venezuela.

A few hours later, Correa posted a video from his apartment on the outskirts of Brussels, Belgium, completely denying this claim.

Screenshot at 01-47-10
That same day, Assemblyman Yofre Poma, the first leader close to Correa arrested, was brought to court for allegedly paralyzing the operation of the Trans-Ecuadorian Pipeline.

The accusation, made by the Prosecutor’s Office, was a day before Minister Romo accused the governor of Pichincha, Paola Pabón, of wanting to cause “terror and chaos” in the country. The word “terror”, as the days go by, would be repeated over and over again by government spokespersons.

Screenshot at 01-47-38
From this moment on, there was a clear point of acceleration in public and communication spokespersons where the protest was divided between the “legitimate” one, carried out by the indigenous movement, and the violent destabilizing one, carried out by “infiltrated Correistic elements, financed by Venezuela”.

One of the central elements of this argument rested on October 8 in the complaint of the Comptroller of the republic, Pablo Celi, against “organized groups that attacked the headquarters of the agency in order to destroy documents that support criminal responsibilities in ongoing investigations. ”

Screenshot at 01-48-00
According to Celi’s opinion, these types of actions showed that in the country there was “a conspiracy process in place to subvert the democratic order.”

Quickly the complaint of this official, appointed by Moreno, was used to accuse Correa’s followers of “destroying evidence of corruption against him.”

Another of the central elements, to gain even more weight on the “supported” conspiracy dossier against Venezuela and Cuba, was the arrest of 17 Venezuelan Uber drivers outside the Quito airport.

According to Andersson Boscán and his suspicious clairvoyance, the detainees had the route of the vice president in their possession and would have been posing as Uber drivers to carry out an attack against the second in command in Ecuador. A day later, 15 of them were totally cleared because there was no evidence against them.

Screenshot at 01-48-15
All this climate of opinion, without a doubt, solidified on Saturday, October 12, when it was known in advance that the Moreno government would apply a curfew in Quito within the framework of a call for dialogue, according to the journalist from La Posta, Juan Eduardo Vivanco. Who, in addition, denounced that Quito was “under a plan orchestrated by mafias to take control of the State.”

The former president of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), Salvador Quispe, collaborated in this thesis by affirming that Saturday that “Correísmo had taken control of the mobilization” to prevent the indigenous from negotiating with the government.

Screenshot at 01-48-34
This advance to the facts resulted in, once the beginning of a negotiation between the government and the indigenous movement was announced, a curfe being finally ordered in Quito.

Immediately, the protesters left on the street in this context were blamed for a new fire at the Comptroller’s Office and an attack on the private channel Teleamazonas, owned by the Ecuadorian banker Fidel Egas.

Both actions were considered “terrorist acts” and were attributed to violent mobs of “Correismo.”

Screenshot at 01-48-53
Teleamazonas, on the other hand, like the rest of the private media, rated the cacerolazo against Lenín Moreno as one carried out by the citizens of Quito in favor of “peace” in Ecuador (and hence the curfew).

Screenshot at 01-49-12
On the other hand, once the state of exception was applied, the indigenous movement took refuge in the House of Culture in Quito, where it was repeatedly repressed, while the former president of the National Assembly, Gabriela Rivadeneira, took asylum in the embassy of Mexico before the danger of being arrested under the accusation of terrorism and instigation of the rebellion, as a day later would happen to the former mayor of Durán, Alexandra Arce.

In this context, the dialogue on Sunday 13 began with a statement by CONAIE President Jaime Vargas, recommending an investigation on visible politicians linked to Correa for the violence recorded in recent days.

Colombian media such as RCN reviewed, along the same lines, alleged guerrilla tactics used by protesters, and the existence of shields bought by the Ecuadorian former president to generate violence in the streets of Quito.

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On Monday, October 14, under these arguments, the governor of Pichincha, Paola Pabón, and one of her collaborators, both accused of participating in a “destabilization plan financed from abroad”, were arrested.

The same charges weighed against the secretary of the Citizen Revolution party, Virgilio Hernández, after his home and the headquarters of the party in Quito were raided. From the raids, the existence of shields, safes with money, protest material, and a sum of cash embedded in the mattress of a bed was taken as evidence of an insurrectionary plan.

Las pruebas contra los detenidos, halladas en sus casas, son escudos, carteles, materiales de protesta, cajas fuertes y una cama con dinero, según la Fiscalía de Ecuador. Hasta ahora no hay ni una sola prueba pública sobre un supuesto “plan violento” en Ecuador. pic.twitter.com/USXjHy5WaM

— bruno sgarzini (@brunosgarzini) October 15, 2019

Featured image: Ecuador, after the protests, lives a climate of repression against the followers of Correa (Photo: Misiones Online)

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Ecuador’s Leftist Leaders Arrested in Police Raids Nationwide
October 17, 2019 orinocotribune 0 Comments Alexandra Arce, Ecuador, Fascism, IMF, Lenin Moreno, Paola Pabon, paquetazo, Repression, Revolucion de los Zanganos, Virgilio Hernandez, where is CONAIE?, Yofre Poma
The police raid was broadcast on Facebook Live by the leftist leader as she put on her clothes to prepare for being taken to into custody.

The prefect of the Ecuadorean province of Pichincha Paola Pabon was arrested in the early morning hours of Monday at her home. Police also raided the home of Virgilio Hernandez, a former lawmaker and member of the Citizen Revolution. Meanwhile, in the province of Guayas, Alexandra Arce, former mayor of the city of Duran, was also detained. Yofre Poma, another member and lawmaker from the Citizen Revolution movement was also arrested in police raids.

The police raid Paola Pabon’s house was broadcast on Facebook Live by the leftist leader as she put on her clothes to prepare for being taken to into custody.

RELATED CONTENT: An October that was February

“Today they entered my house at dawn and knocked down the door while I was sleeping. They take me into detention without evidence. Being an opposition in a democracy cannot be a crime. It is not a democracy when political opponents are persecuted in this way,” Pabón said. video.

The political leader of the Social Commitment Force movement has been accused by the government of the president of Lenin Moreno, of being one of the instigators for the small acts of looting and violence that took place as part of the massive, mostly peaceful, mobilizations around the country over the past 10 days in rejection of the pro-IMF decree that eliminated the fuel subsidies.



Moreno also accused Ecuadorean ex-president Rafael Correa, former foreign minister Ricardo Patiño, lawyer and former lawmaker Virgilio Hernández, and Pabón, of being behind the protests in an alleged attempt to overthrow him, charges they all deny.

Hernandez was not found at his house when the police raided his home, however, the prosecutor’s office published pictures of phones and credit cards and other ordinary objects that were found at his house, which it said would be used to investigate him.

Arce was also arrested for “investigations” into her alleged role in the unrest that had swept the country for 10 days before the president backtracked on his pro-IMF decree eliminating fuel subsidies.

In the video she posted on her Facebook about the raid, Pabón denounced that the police entered her home without a court order and that her detention violates the rule of law.

For its part, the country’s Attorney General office said on its official Twitter account that “Paola P., Christian G, and Pablo D” were arrested after their investigations with police support.

Featured image: Paola Pabon broadcasted the full raid on her house as she dencunced the police for not showing her a court order. | Photo: Twitter / @PaolaPabonC

Source URL: Popular Resistance

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Oct 21, 2019 11:39 am

“Color Revolution” Rehearsal in Bolivia Imitates Nicaragua’s Format
September 17, 2019 Mision Verdad

“Since the Armed Forces cannot join the coup d’etat, they use paid youth to attack the MAS campaigns … Who are the anti-Democrats in Bolivia? Where do they come from and what are they preparing?”

By Mision Verdad

These were part of the statements given by the president of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Evo Morales, after the violent events that took place last Thursday, September 12, in the department of Santa Cruz, when a political activity organized by militants of the Socialist Movement ( MAS) intersected with irregular groups identified with the 21F opposition platforms and the Cruceñista Youth Union.

In the middle of the presidential electoral campaign and with the fires of La Chiquitania as a backdrop, the Bolivian president’s followers in Santa Cruz decided to organize the “blue afternoon” in several traffic circles of a sector called the Second Ring, with the aim of collecting resources and logistical support that would be sent to the front line in the burning locations, to collaborate with the firemen, police and volunteers in the recovery of the forest reserves.

This initiative was boycotted by violent sectors summoned by the Bolivian right, which escalated the clashes at the meeting points of the Masists, then they went to the headquarters of the party, damaging its facilities and burning one of them.

That day a total of eight were injured, including a pregnant woman, a young man with a head trauma and several police injured, as reported by the government minister, Carlos Romero.

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These days Santa Cruz has been the epicenter of acts of violence promoted by the opposition, leaving several houses of the MAS party destroyed and people injured (Photo: APG)

The confrontation is the first of great magnitude that has been registered since the fierce social media campaign was activated under the label of #SOSChiquitania, which brought together environmental activists and influencers in a narrative with clear features of orchestration: pointing at President Morales as being responsible for the fires.

The language used in this campaign was specially developed to co-opt young Bolivians, a group who will be decisive in the presidential elections next October.

The level of violence in the riots is only comparable to the demonstrations convened during the attempted coup d’etat of 2008, within the framework of a clearly secessionist agenda, which had as its center Santa Cruz, as well as Pando, Tarija and Beni.

On that occasion, it was demonstrated that there was funding from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to non-governmental parties and organizations that led the coup attempt.

Evo Morales’ question is pertinent, in view of the accelerated way in which events in the South American country have been developed and which aim to interrupt the elections of October 20.

To the concerns of the Bolivian president, the investigation of regional precedents should be added, in the exercise of identifying the fundamentals of the maneuver and anticipating the installation of new sources of violence.

It is necessary to probe the different elements that make up this undercover operation, which is projected internationally as a “spontaneous” response of Bolivian society to the ravages that the agricultural region of Santa Cruz is suffering.

In a previous piece published on this site, the “softening” phase was outlined and the actors involved were characterized from what, without a doubt, is outlined as another soft coup inspired by the Gene Sharp manual: progressively weaken the institutions of the Nation-state and knock down governments not aligned with Washington.

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A volunteer mitigates the fire in La Chiquitania (Photo: Pablo Rivera)

In this sense, Venezuela is a mandatory reference, not only for the combined operations of street wear and ultraviolence during the three months of “guarimbas” in 2017, but for the mechanisms that the government and Chavismo implemented to disarm the color revolution.

However, the event that aims to trigger the conflict in Bolivia is reminiscent of another operation executed more recently against Sandinismo in Nicaragua. The coincidences with the insurrectionary strategy of the Nicaraguan opposition force a case study to establish the points in common with the Bolivian situation.

NICARAGUA AND THE CASE OF INDIO MAÍZ
In April 2018, a fire caused in the Indio Maíz biological reserve consumed 5,400 hectares of one of the main areas of Central American rainforest. In 2016, the forest had been affected by Hurricane Otto, causing damage to the ecosystem that made it susceptible to fire.

But not only the fire spread in Nicaraguan territory. A student sector of the country also did the same, accompanied by environmental NGOs that over estimated the forestry problem, and by the opposition media, covering and spreading the accusations towards the government of Daniel Ortega.

Once the environmental problem has been overcome, it is easy to collect each of the data that attests to the correct emergency protocol operated by the State agencies. In an interview with RT, President Ortega stressed that US technicians who had evaluated the situation determined that the fire “would last for months”, but only extended for ten days, until they were put out.

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The Nicaraguan army was instrumental in fire mitigation in Indio Maíz (Photo: AFP)

Although it damaged areas of the wetland , in strictly percentage terms, the 5,484 hectares damaged corresponded to 0.85% of the total territory, according to a report prepared by specialists from the Department of Basins of the Faculty of Natural Resources and the Environment (Farena).

The official figures do not differ much from the approximations made by independent institutions, such as the Humboldt Center, which estimated 5,553 hectares were impacted.

The government of Nicaragua issued a yellow alert, deployed 1,500 military personnel, 9 aircrafts, 17 ships and accepted international assistance from Mexico, El Salvador and Honduras. Likewise, it determined those responsible for the great forest fire, which had to do with a burn of land for rice planting.

None of these actions could prevent the organization of violent protests that lasted until October 2018. While the central demand of the sectors that initiated the revolts was related to the series of reforms of the Social Security Institute (INSS), the movement #SOSIndioMaiz, which alone did not acquire enough strength to work as a regime change operation, did serve as a trial run for what would come next.

On April 12 (2018), a few days before the fires in the biological reserve were controlled, a group of violent protesters in the “student movement”. gathered at the entrance of the Central American University (UCA) to address the National Assembly.

The march failed to reach the scheduled destination, however, it triggered a confrontation with the security forces that was immediately used to display the narrative of the “repressive state”, manipulating images that would later be exported to show the violent as “fighters for the democracy”. A classic narrative that Venezuela knows in abundance.

The motive that initially summoned them was displaced by the real background of the operation: violent pressure to depose the Sandinista government.

This is the only argument that could explain the disproportionate and virulent accusations of the protesters against the Sandinista front, which also embraced the cause of the Indian Corn Reserve with a suspicious speed, which was not on the agenda until that moment.

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The political instrumentalization of the fire in Indio Maíz seeded the way for anti-government calls (Photo: Carlos Herrera)

There they were foreshadowed as symbolic images of the movement, NGOs and new faces that covered up implicit transnational interests. Madelaine Caracas and Jessica Cisneros were the names that emerged from the student group that led the protests.

On the other hand, the Fundación del Río and the ecological NGOs associated with the Cocibolca Group also capitalized part of the leadership in the operation. Both actors transcended the specific events of Indio Maíz, since the emergency was overcome by the relevant Nicaraguan government agencies. They definitely joined the following phases of the coup plan.

THE ACTORS IN FRONT AND BEHIND THE SCENES
In October 2018, Caracas and Cisneros participated in the Caravan of International Solidarity with Nicaragua, a tour carried out by European countries where they met with high political leaders with the aim of lobbying the pressures of the West against Daniel Ortega.

There, Madelaine Caracas was interviewed by the German outlet DW, that questioned her for the allegations that indicated the financing of the United States government for violent protests. “That is part of the government’s delegitimization campaign towards this spontaneous and civic insurrection,” the Communication student responded.

Later it would be known that both she and Jessica Cisneros organized the Civic Youth Movement (MCJ), a group that received support from the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), as referenced by journalist Whitney Webb in an investigation for Mintpress.

The NDI established its project with students from Managua thanks to funding from USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The journalist Webb says that the NED disbursed “about 4.2 million dollars to opposition groups and affiliates between 2014 and 2017”.

USAID, on the other hand, is the institution that has allocated the most resources for destabilization in Nicaragua. With the 52 million dollars granted, training courses were paid for emerging leaders who promoted Madeleine Caracas’s rise to fame.

Ecological organizations were also latent anticipating a moment that gave signs of being easily driven to the level of a political coup. Evidence of their arbitrary participation in the scene? The Rio Foundation was instrumental in financing the riots in which civilians mutated into armed criminal gangs.

In early April, the Ministry of Government had warned of a scam that this NGO carried out, by collecting funds that had an unjustified destination. When the coup had been calmed in December, the legislative branch proved its participation in it, together with eight other civil organizations, providing funds for the execution of terrorist acts. All these groups were disbanded by the National Assembly.

It should be noted that these “environmental protection” platforms that covered the logistics of the armed movements in 2018, base their existence due to industrial development projects that, coincidentally, threaten the prevalence of the United States as an economic hegemon in the region.

An example: The Cocibolca Group declares in its description that the organizations that compose it require “more information” on the Grand Interoceanic Canal, a 50 billion dollar plan that plans to draw an alternative transoceanic route to the Panama Canal. The work was awarded to a Chinese company in 2013 and since then it has been involved in conflicts of apparent environmental character that have delayed its execution.

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Under environmental cover, the Nicaraguan opposition has promoted violent mobilizations to curb the country’s economic development (Photo: EFE)

The obvious geopolitical connotation of a project that would take away commercial privileges from the US in this hemisphere, in a context of increasingly stable relations between countries of the continent and the economy of the new eastern powers, set the role of ecological organizations. Under the mantle of “non-governmental” activity, the rest of the opposition groups conspiring for a political change that favored Washington were unified.

CHIQUITANIA’S TURN
Similar institutions in the United States that promoted the leaders of the color revolution against Sandinismo, now come out in Bolivia.

This is the case of the Human Rights Foundation (HRF), a foundation funded by the oligarchy Koch and the CANVAS group, an expert in the strategy of “nonviolent struggle”. Both organizations have links with the environmentalist Jhanisse Daza, currently one of the visible faces of the soft coup against Bolivia. Daza is in charge of the NGO Ríos de Pie, which makes accusations against Evo Morales. This is reflected in an article by the US journalist, Wyatt Reed for The Grayzone portal.

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Jhanisse Daza does not hide his ties with Srđa Popović, founder of the CANVAS organization, specialized in promoting regime changes (Photo: Facebook / The Grayzone)

For these promoters of harassment of the Bolivian government, the Amazon theater of operations has favored the ideal scenario. The forest disaster (with continental implications), its damages and the difficulties to assuage it, facilitate the construction of a narrative that blames Evo Morales. Fabricated indignations give way to the violent stage of the coup attempt.

Now, the Morales government has to resist on two fronts simultaneously: the environmental emergency itself and the next sieges organized by opposition groups driven by the propaganda of La Chiquitania.

While army personnel, firefighters and brigades, carry out the work of fire mitigation in the affected areas, local opposition media, NGOs and political figures, take advantage of the fact that the issue is on the international agenda to standardize a story against Evo Morales, justifying the interruption of the elections and escalation in the destabilization under the narrative that Bolivia faces a “disaster”.

So far, Bolivia has focused its efforts on implementing an efficient protocol in the departments where fires occur. In a matter of weeks, it managed to reduce heat sources by more than 80%. Foreign aid enters with the exclusive condition of being managed through the State, respecting the sovereignty of the country.

The scenario is difficult. When it was thought that it had been controlled, local authorities reported that at least 2,000 hot spots remained active, as a result of gusts of wind that reach 90 kilometers per hour, of the same climate change, which brought a period of drought with high temperatures. President Evo Morales was helped by Russia to attack these new outbreaks, with the participation of the Russian firefighter Il-76, which joins the work being carried out by the Supertanker.

Despite this, the government emphasizes that the emergency has not overwhelmed the institutions’ capacity to act, as mentioned by Communication Minister Manuel Canelas in early September.

According to the minister, the administrative figure of “disaster” does not apply since the State has not exhausted its technical and economic resources. Instead, it acts under the declaration of “national emergency situation”, allowing the speed of aid and economic funds.

WHO CAUSED THE FIRE?
The story that has been internationalized directly accuses decree 3973 and law 741, ordinances of the national government that regulate agriculture and livestock activities in that country. In social networks the marketing campaign was based mainly on the argument that these regulations caused the fires in La Chiquitania. The additive of influencers, ecological activists and celebrities on the first front of the operation, guaranteed that the movement managed to simulate “spontaneity.”

On the other hand, although it is assumed that environmental movements would be against any agribusiness activity that affects the Chiquitano Dry Forest, it is striking that propaganda is focused only on demonizing “chaqueo”, a controlled burning peasant activity to enable agriculture on their lands.

“Small families, if they don’t “chaquean” (burn), what are they going to live on?” This phrase from Evo was taken out of context by the media to fuel the campaign and suggest that it agrees with the intensive use of the land.

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“Chaqueo” is considered an ancestral activity by Bolivian farmers, therefore, it is not the activity responsible for the fires (Photo: Credit)

The reality is that the Bolivian government tries to protect the small farmer who has this labor as the only source of work, while creating a consensus with other interests of the nation stipulated in its laws (remember that the country enacted a law that recognizes the rights of all biodiversity).

Cliver Rocha, former director of the Forestry and Land Control and Social Control Authority (ABT), holds the view that he wants to blame the peasant sector, politically linked to the indigenous president. He says that they seek to “racialize” responsibility, creating a border between agricultural power groups and the small producer. In addition, the climatic factor stands out: high temperatures and low humidity make mitigation complex. “A spark in a grassland is fulminating, ” Rocha said.

The same argument supports the peasant movements that favor Evo Morales grouped in the National Coordinator for Change (Conalcam), who also pointed to Mennonites and Brazilians as key factors of deforestation in the lands of the affected municipalities.

“We denounce the alienation of the land, that in the hands of Mennonites and Brazilians, is what has brought about that industrial logic that today causes the dismantling at the cost of life,” says a statement from the Conalcam after a meeting with Morales.

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President Evo Morales makes an appearance at a Conalcam event, 2018 (Photo: ABI)

Bolivia is not a State outside the extractive practice to which the continent was relegated and just as Venezuela has to combat smuggling mafias of gasoline and other mining resources, La Chiquitania and other Bolivian forest reserves are inserted in an illegal extraction flow of wood, given that the country is the sixth place in the world with the greatest extent of tropical forests.

Before creating ABT as a mechanism to combat illicit trafficking, 80% of the timber sold came from smuggling. The main destinations in the area are the United States, Brazil and China, while Peru is the border area from which the largest amount of timber species is illegally extracted. In 2017 alone, Bolivia lost $ 26 million from smuggling to the neighboring country, as reported by ABT.

The management of the environmentalist account of the actors of the coup avoids a debate that places these predatory practices of transnational capitalism on the table.

THE ELECTIONS OF OCTOBER 20
In a recent evaluation made by Vice President Álvaro García Linera, he acknowledges that La Chiquitania’s media activity had an effect on the growth of the intention to vote for Evo Morales. Garcia says that “it slowed down a bit from the issue of fires,” but it is still an upward trend.

On the other hand, the opposition candidate Óscar Ortiz (of the 21F party that led the violent protests of September 12) perceived a certain regionalized increase and the main MAS contender, Carlos Mesa, had a reduction in the polls.

Unquestionably, one of the aims of the aggressive campaign against Morales is to prevent his re-election in the face of the presidential elections that will be held next month. But this is not limited to taking away popularity in the social bases of the country and providing credibility to opposition alternatives.

The lesson of the models tested in Venezuela and Nicaragua demonstrates that the option of a political path is the last one taken into consideration. On the other hand, destabilization and the imposition of a state of general exception to weaken the image of the Bolivian president are more likely to be detonated.

Most likely, heat sources in the Chiquitano Dry Forest will be stifled before the October 20 election. The other civil fire, which started with the help of the ecological story, will have to look for new fuel to keep Bolivian streets lit, with the implicit desire for clashes that result in deadly balances.

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The narrative of the regime change attempt is focused on radicalizing young people and mobilizing them towards an agenda of violence (Photo: Page Seven)

Human costs are highly appealing as evidence to mutate the accusations of the “incompetent State” into the “repressive State”. They are also the perfect input of social media and networks that will be responsible for projecting these events as a reality that envelopes the entire country.

For Evo’s detractors, it is not about measuring themselves in an electoral contest, but about boycotting all the structures of the State, installing chaos and making it unmanageable to manage fires, so that the intervention of foreign governments can be justified, either under financial punishment or diplomatic isolation.

A manual of political coup that does not go beyond its own margins, applied on so many previous occasions that today it is identifiable with the naked eye. There is the fundamental advantage that Bolivians can take advantage of.

Featured image: Violent protesters of the Bolivian opposition attack a MAS house in Santa Cruz (Photo: APG)

Source URL: Mision Verdad

Translated by JRE/EF

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Tue Oct 22, 2019 1:26 pm

Chile, Bolivia...and Now?

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SANTIAGO DE CHILE DURING THE STATE OF EXCEPTION. PROTESTERS AND POLICE.

In Santiago, Chile the revolt does not stop. Colleges and universities are closed, 20,000 people did not go to work yesterday and the state is unable to start the transport system again. Across Bolivia, accusations of electoral fraud become rampant and headquarters on fire . And it is not the first or the last sign of a tear that runs through the continent.


Bolivia

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TARIJA TONIGHT

In Bolivia the elections, more fierce than expected, had a more than suspicious bankruptcy in the count, called into question by the OAS observers . While Morales, flanked by Linera and other figures of the mass bourgeoisie, was proclaimed victor by sufficient margin to avoid a second round , the opposition demanded the recount count.



During the night the protests and assaults to the electoral board headquarters spread throughout the country. Potosí, Oruro, Tarija and Chuquisaca were on fire within a few hours. This morning there were already nine cities in revolt and from Santa Cruz, the second city of the country, the indefinite general strike was called . At this time the president is still meeting with his allies in the government house.



Chile

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CACEROLADA IN SANTIAGO

Containing and "returning to normalcy" is now the immediate task of the entire political apparatus of the Chilean bourgeoisie : opposition and government, right and left, trade unions and employers. They're scared. That the wave did not come down after the repeal of the rise of Transantiago , made it clear that a "traditional reconstruction" would not be enough by framing a general union strike .

Ignoring the curfew on the street , Piñera went from the honest but clumsy " we are at war against a powerful enemy " (we) to play the paternalistic and promise changes in government and improvements in health and education . Obviously it wouldn't work either. Next screen: the "national union", the Concertación, supposed antithesis of the piñerista latedo-pinochetism, on a pilgrimage to the Currency with a "plan" under his arm .

The fright is not limited to a Chilean bourgeoisie that normally does not forgive a peso and now sees the value of national capital fall . Speculative capital quickly saw that the seams they were jumping were not just those of their "favorite country" and inevitably feared an epidemic of social explosions starting with Argentina .

Ignoring all evidence of their own trajectories, from the lavagnist Peronism of "Politics" to the Cardosism of the São Paulo financials of "La Folha", a chorus of dismembered bourgeois voices raised a sudden and grave indignation over the accumulation of hunger and greed It has been his model so far.

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SMALL CARIOCAS MERCHANTS CELEBRATE BOLSONARO'S VICTORY AMONG NATIONALIST SYMBOLS A YEAR AGO.

Ecuador , Chile , Bolivia ... and the next ... Brazil? Bolsonaro fears and fears rightly .

The deflation unprecedented phenomenon, shows the lack of pulse of an economy doped by lower rates ever known the country but whose regional trade flows plummet . No, directly attacking the pension system to leave miserable pensions to the Chilean model has not generated the expected support of international financial capital. The industrial production will not stop falling . Even the accelerated privatization of the public sector has not attracted investments.

The US has not been the handle that Bolsonaro expected. Especially since the Brazilian army blocked again and again the presidential intervention plans in Venezuela . And without the biggest to offer, the US does not deliver the symbolic and Brazil's entry into the OECD has been postponed. Thus, Bolsonaro has gone from sabotaging the association agreement with the EU to clinging to it even at the cost of having to ally with the predictable Fernandez government in Argentina and supporting Trump in the trade war to visit China in search of a "long term partnership".

Meanwhile, his parliamentary bench and his party implode . If a revolt of the once-bourgeois bourgeoisie exploded in Brazil - and allies would not be lacking - Bolsonaro would have very difficult survival in power.

The revolt of the small continental bourgeoisie and its dangers

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ENTRANCE OF THE «INDIGENOUS» COORDINATOR IN QUITO.

South America seems to be reaching a phase of general revolt of the petty bourgeoisie similar in its bases to which in recent years shakes Europe. From the angry Brexiters bases to Catalan or Corsican independence, from French "yellow vests" to German xenophobia, from Italian forconi to Slovak anti-corruption movements, from movements against "extinction" to superstitious resurgence and veganism , List is almost endless. There is no manifestation of the political, cultural and social life of these years that has been freed from their despair and anger.

Two things are clear from the European experience: First of all its political impotence. The petty bourgeoisie neither finds a present nor offers a future. How could he do it if what fails is capitalism as a whole and what he seeks is a "better capitalism" than the game? Secondly and as an inevitable consequence, there is no case in which sooner or later, the most furious nationalism does not rise to embrace national capital and kick workers. So, as in the case of Venezuela, Catalan or Hong Kong, at the cost of begging an intervention of the first imperialism interested in making a seven to the faction in power.

The tendency, then, is the opposite of that produced by the movements of workers who know how to gain their independence from the revolt of the intellectual, the little bureaucrat and the chieftain. If in Iran the class struggles put a brake - timeless but effective - on the warlike slope , in Hong Kong , Catalonia or Great Britain they have become weapons of the inter-imperialist battle.

That is why today, in the whole of South America, making the jump of the rampant to the organization of the workers is not only peremptory for the workers themselves, it is the only way to avoid a militaristic development in the internal and interventionist in the regional that aggravates attacks on living and working conditions with a drift towards war.

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Tue Oct 22, 2019 1:42 pm

Chile: Piñera and repression
Marica Guazzora Falcerossa / 3 hours ago
by Atilio A. Boron - Translation by Marica Guazzora

The Chilean tsunami.

The Piñera regime - and I insist on the "regime" because a government that represses with the brutality that everyone has seen cannot be considered democratic - must face the most serious popular threat ever faced by any government after the overthrow of the People's Popular Unit. 11 September 1973. The ridiculous official explanations do not convince even those who spread them: we hear complaints about the vandalism of the protesters, or about their criminal contempt for private property, or for peace and tranquility, not to mention the oblique allusions to the lethal influence of the "castro-madurismo" in the unleashing of the protests that culminated in the declaration of the "state of emergency" of La Moneda, absurd arguments of the corrupt man who governs it.

The official astonishment and that of the opposition sectors, in solidarity with the economic-political model inherited from the dictatorship is completely unfounded, except for the anachronism of the opulent ruling party politics (one of the highest paid in the world), and its incurable blindness to the conditions in which - or survive - millions of Chileans live. For a well-trained eye, if there is something surprising, it is the effectiveness of the propaganda that for decades has convinced itself and others of the excellent virtues of the Chilean model. This was exalted to the fatigue of the leading publicists of the empire in these latitudes: politicians and academics of good thought, operators and lobbyists disguised as journalists or colonial intellectuals, such as Mario Vargas Llosa, [1]

This country is the happy culmination of a double transit for blessed opinionists: from dictatorship to democracy and from the interventionist economy to a market economy. The first is not true, the second yes, with an aggravating factor: in very few countries capitalism has devastated the fundamental rights of the person as in Chile, making them expensive goods available only for a minority. Water, health, education, social security, transport, housing, mineral wealth, forests and the marine coast were voraciously supported by friends of the regime, during Pinochet's dictatorship and with renewed impetus in the alleged "democracy" that succeeded him. This cruel and inhuman market fundamentalism has led Chile to become the country with the highest debt for families in Latin America, the product of the aforementioned privatization that forces the Chileans to pay for anything and to borrow indefinitely with the money expropriated from their salaries by the financial piranhas who manage the pension funds. According to a study by the Fundación Sol, "more than half of the salaried workers cannot support an average family by subtracting it from poverty" and the distribution of income, says a recent World Bank study, places Chile near Rwanda as one of the eight countries with more inequalities in the world. Finally, we say that the CEPAL has shown in its latest study on the social question in Latin America that the richest 1% in Chile takes 26.5% of the national wealth while 50% of the poorest population has access only to 2, 1% of the same. Is this the model to imitate? According to a study by the Fundación Sol, "more than half of the salaried workers cannot support an average family by subtracting it from poverty" and the distribution of income, says a recent World Bank study, places Chile near Rwanda as one of the eight countries with more inequalities in the world. Finally, we say that the CEPAL has shown in its latest study on the social question in Latin America that the richest 1% in Chile takes 26.5% of the national wealth while 50% of the poorest population has access only to 2, 1% of the same. Is this the model to imitate? According to a study by the Fundación Sol, "more than half of the salaried workers cannot support an average family by subtracting it from poverty" and the distribution of income, says a recent World Bank study, places Chile near Rwanda as one of the eight countries with more inequalities in the world. Finally, we say that the CEPAL has shown in its latest study on the social question in Latin America that the richest 1% in Chile takes 26.5% of the national wealth while 50% of the poorest population has access only to 2, 1% of the same. Is this the model to imitate? places Chile near Rwanda as one of the eight countries with the most inequalities in the world. Finally, we say that the CEPAL has shown in its latest study on the social question in Latin America that the richest 1% in Chile takes 26.5% of the national wealth while 50% of the poorest population has access only to 2, 1% of the same. Is this the model to imitate? places Chile near Rwanda as one of the eight countries with the most inequalities in the world. Finally, we say that the CEPAL has shown in its latest study on the social question in Latin America that the richest 1% in Chile takes 26.5% of the national wealth while 50% of the poorest population has access only to 2, 1% of the same. Is this the model to imitate? [2]

To sum up: in Chile there is summarized an explosive combination of free market without anesthesia and a completely delegitimized democracy, which preserves only its name. It has degenerated into a plutocracy that, until a few days ago - but no longer now - has been measured by the demoralization and apathy of citizens, cleverly deceived by the media oligarchy of the media of the ruling class. A warning sign of social unrest was that over half of the population (53.3 percent) in the voting age did not even bother to go to the polls in the first round of the 2017 presidential elections and the abstention from voting is arrived at 51%. Sebastián Piñera was elected with just 26.4% of registered voters. Simply put, only one citizen out of four felt represented by him.

The climate has changed and not only in Latin America. Their false promises are no longer credible and the peoples rebel: some, like Argentina, evict their spokesmen from the government through the electoral mechanism, others try with enormous mobilizations - Chile, Ecuador, Haiti, Honduras - to put an end to a insanely unjust, inhuman and predatory project. It is true: there is an "end of the cycle" in the region. But not, as some hope, that of progress but that of neoliberalism, which can be sustained, and not for long, only with the force of brutal repression.

[1] See "Return to Barbarism", El País , 31 August 2019.

[2] The data of the Sol Foundation are collected in the note by Nicolás Bravo Sepúlveda for the digital newspaper El Mostrador www.elmostrador.cl/destacado/2019/08/21 . The original source is on http://www.fundacionsol.cl/2018/12/un-t ... a-pobreza/ Los I data related to inequality can be found in a World Bank report: "Facing inequality" (Washington: 2016)

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https://falcerossa.com/2019/10/22/cile- ... pressione/

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"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Fri Oct 25, 2019 11:37 am

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The fight to which the COB should summon us
by Drafting Committee | PostedOctober 24, 2019

Amidst the tensions we are experiencing, yesterday's emergency expansion of the Bolivian Workers' Center has been carried out, whose resolutions ratify, without surprises, support for Evo Morales and the lack of authority of the current union leadership. Disregarding the message of the vote and without analyzing the perspectives to which the current polarization leads us, this bureaucracy maintains the same follow-up to the MAS class collaboration policy that is undermining the "process of change" that they call to defend.

The official calculation of the vote confirms what we had indicated: Evo avoids the second round by a handful of foreign suffrages, due to the wear and tear caused by the class collaboration policy of his government. Taking into account the single vote expressed in national territory, there would be a second round for the same tenth percentages. But, in a clear attempt to mobilize its base and separate the punishment vote for MAS from the hard core of the most reactionary and racist right-wing vote, Evo has called to protect "the rural and peasant vote." The immediate effect has been that a fascist group of alleged “defenders of democracy” have assaulted an indigenous headquarters in the Chiquitano municipality of San Javier.

The main beneficiary of the mobilizations that are taking place in the country is obviously Mesa, but the base and direction of this movement is middle class, unlike in 2008, with a massive youth participation and also of the working class in some departments and cities. However, as this mobilization finds no way out, the most subversive and coup elements will emerge even more clearly.

In response to the government's invitation to audit the elections, Almagro and the OAS have asked to include the “verification of the process and chain of custody” of the minutes, which is where major irregularities have been detected. The same has been done by the EU. These bodies absent in other human rights violation scenarios, from Chile and Haiti to Catalonia, have no legitimacy to demand a second round. But it is Evo himself who has brought them here for his reformist illusions in Almagro, Macrón, Pedro Sánchez and even Angela Merkel. If Evo does not yield to the OAS, accepting its request or seeking support with more diplomatic concessions and multinationals, it is clear that the situation will be defined in the streets.

But the electoral result also has obvious repercussions in this area of ​​struggle. Evo already needed to consolidate an electoral triumph through mobilization, this was against the separatism of the Crescent in 2008. That movement, clearly bourgeois (one of its leaders, Branko Marinkovic, owned the largest oil company in the country), It had a regional character and was clearly defeated in places symbols of popular resistance in the East, such as the populous citadel of Plan 3000 in Santa Cruz de la Sierra. As then, yesterday there was a pitched battle for control of the obelisk roundabout that marks access to the Plan, but this time the result was different.

Only the intervention of the police could prevent unionists and gang members of the Plan and the nearby Villa 1º de Mayo, to which many neighbors joined, managed to take over the roundabout. There are blockages directed by the Civic Committee at various points of the Plan 3000. Product of its class collaboration policy, which in Santa Cruz de la Sierra means open support to the speculators and builders who run the mayor's office, the MAS has lost a lot of support here . In the same Plan, in constituency 49, the MAS obtains a narrow relative majority, with a percentage of 17% of white votes, almost ten times more than the national average. To understand why we consider the celebrations for this "fourth victory of Evo" absolutely out of place, we remember that in 2008 Evo resolved the situation by winning a recall referendum,

The results of the Plan are repeated in all working-class neighborhoods of large cities and also in the country's mining camps. If Mesa obtains an absolute majority in the cities of Cochabamba and Santa Cruz de la Sierra or is very close to the MAS in Warnes or Quillacollo, which, with El Alto, represent the country's industrial centers, it is evident that a sector of the manufacturing working class is no longer recognized in this match. In Huanuni and Colquiri the MAS obtains an absolute majority, but among high percentages of white and null votes. In Porco, another mining center in Potosí where MAS obtained more than 70%, Mesa wins. In Colcha K, where the country's biggest mine is the scene of one of the most important trade union struggles of recent months, Evo wins by the minimum, is a relative majority and who follows is not Mesa,

It is clear that without a radical change in government policy, the great battalions of the working class could not be mobilized as in 2008. The signals given by Evo are going in the opposite direction to this change in their policies that the situation requires. In the two press conferences granted since Sunday, Evo continues to be the representative of generic "social movements" and "entrepreneurs." This reflects the perspectives of the Bolivian economy. All international organizations are reviewing Bolivia's economic growth projections for 2019 and 2020 downwards. In this constant context of economic slowdown, fiscal and commercial deficit, political and social instability, business pressure will be stronger and more penetrating, while all the illusions with being able to achieve more, and more respected,

None of this has been discussed in the expanded COB. The final resolution declares the parent entity of workers in emergency, because, unlike 2008, it cannot ensure the same mobilization. It requires the final calculation of the vote and does not even express itself about the interference of the OAS, waiting to know what the government will say about it. The only thing that is clear and categorical is the threat of disciplinary sanctions to all the unions that are being involved in the movement calling for a second round, which are public employees - municipal, services, teaching and health - and the COD of Chuquisaca in particular.

Thus, this incapable bureaucracy assumes and makes its own the possibility, which remains open in the political perspective of the country, to replace moral authority with concise authoritarianism. In fact, with an unjustifiable maneuver and that brings the parent entity of the workers to the brink of implosion, the bureaucracy of the COB unilaterally decides to declare “union silence”, that is, to extend its mandates and prohibit the congresses necessary today for a new layer of militant militants and with the confidence of the bases go out to the fight.

We renew what we have stated in our "thesis" on the situation that has opened in the country. It is necessary that the COB build the mobilization on the basis of a radical program of agrarian reform, nationalizations and labor rights, and according to popular assemblies in each place to impose it on Evo. Only then can he unify the working class, reunite it with conscious youth and prepare for the struggle. To all the companions, young people and workers, who look at these days from the window a “civic” movement in which they cannot, precisely, recognize themselves and a MAS that they equally distrust, we invite you to participate in the expanded federations and central departmental workers that will be convened these days to defend this proposal and our historic struggles.

https://www.luchadeclases.org.bo/la-luc ... nvocarnos/


Google Translator

Evo's feet to the fire, I guess, not having good idea of what goes on there. Gotta watch for them oblique attacks though, such as the environmental charges being laid at Evo's door. We hear of 'class collaboration' in reference to Maduro & the Bolivarian government of Venezuela too. Lacking full information and given the (necessary?)lack of ruthlessness of these revolutions it is difficult to discern where necessary accommodation ends and ultra left sabotage begins.
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Tue Oct 29, 2019 2:07 pm

Evo Morales wins; the OAS and U.S. lose
Despite Evo’s clear victory with 46.64% of the vote in recent elections, the U.S. continues its campaign to discredit Bolivia’s electoral process and promote destabilization during a special OAS meeting in Washington

Author: Elson Concepción | internet@granma.cu

october 28, 2019 17:10:18

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Evo Morales wins; the OAS and U.S. lose Photo: Granma

The irreversible victory of Evo Morales in Bolivia’s recent elections, (with 46.64% of the vote vs 36.83% for Carlos Mesa), has shed light several aspects of the role of the OAS and Washington throughout their campaign to destabilize popular or left-wing governments, and return control to those who raise the banners of neoliberalism and submission to the United States.

The OAS, as expected, was aligned with the losers and opted to question the voting system and electoral law which states verbatim, "The candidate who surpasses the closest opponent by ten percentage points is declared the winner.”

President Evo Morales has described OAS action as an attempted coup against the Bolivian people, while the U.S. government, in addition to guiding the OAS, took direct action from its embassy in La Paz.

The Organization of American States insisted that "there is sufficient reason to suggest a second round..." and called a meeting of its Permanent Council in Washington, where the Bolivian electoral process was questioned, the possibility of fraud raised, and a call made for a second round vote, among other issues, with the sole purpose of denying Evo's victory.

U.S. ambassador Carlos Trujillo dared to say that the delay in the vote count was due to the fact that Morales' party was not winning.

While Nicaragua’s representative, Ruth Tapia, warned, "The OAS has no authority to intervene in the internal affairs of sovereign countries." Similarly, Mexican ambassador Luz Elena Baños stated, "The report presented by the OAS must await the full count of electoral records."

For its part, the Jubileo Sur Américas network has published several articles on its website recently, exposing crude U.S. interference in Bolivia’s electoral process.

Reports indicate that ships loaded with weapons have been traveling from the United States, specifically Miami, to the Chilean port of Iquique. This cargo is then shipped in containers declared as miscellanea.

Bolivian citizen Juan Carlos Rivero has also been denounced as responsible for purchasing weapons in the United States and sending them to the National Military Coordinator in Bolivia. This person has direct ties with Manfred Reyes, an opposition politician based in Miami, who is also linked to the U.S. Embassy in La Paz.

Other articles published on the Jubileo Sur Américas website indicate that U.S. diplomatic headquarters have been continuously monitoring the delivery of weapons and ammunition through secret collaborators. They have met with central leaders of the Bolivian opposition to address financing and offer advice on planned violence.

With this backing in their favor, losing opposition candidate Carlos Mesa and his closest collaborators have called for destabilizing actions, while seeking to declare themselves winners and create a kind of parallel power in the department of Santa Cruz.

http://en.granma.cu/mundo/2019-10-28/ev ... nd-us-lose
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Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Tue Oct 29, 2019 3:49 pm

Chile: after the biggest march in history, this is not over, how to move forward?

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On Friday 25, the largest march in the history of Chile took place, with at least 1 million 200 thousand people in Santiago alone. The main slogans vividly demand the resignation of President Piñera. Other slogans celebrate the awakening of the Chilean people. Equivalent scenes were lived in other cities. This call exceeds the closing of the NO campaign in October '88, where there were 1 million people. No crumbs, no concessions, no pacos and soldiers could stop this.

The protest movement, which has been in force for more than a week, has resisted the state of emergency and curfews in the cities of Chile. This after President Piñera, one of the richest men in Chile, declared war on the poor in the eyes of everyone. On Saturday Piñera announced the end of the state of emergency since Sunday night, and the end of the curfew. He also insisted on the social agenda he proposed earlier in the week and a new cabinet announced on Monday. It is proposed that the country return to “normality”. It is precisely that cynical and miserable normality against which the people rebel. In Chile something has changed forever.

Since the protests began, official figures report more than 3,000 detainees. Many cases of torture and sexual violence are investigated. The use of pellets aimed at the face has left more than 125 people with eye injuries. The vice president of the Medical College has defined this as "a health emergency, a true epidemic." There have been at least 21 dead. Children and young people, men and women, who gave their lives defying repression. Within everyone something has died. The nostalgic people of the dictatorship have revived the horrors of human rights violations, and with this they have buried the illusions of the last 30 years of post-dictatorship democracy. But also something has begun to be born. Two or three generations have taken hands to make history. The working people are in the streets for millions and do not want to let go again. The illusion of the middle class fades before the gross wealth of 1% that concentrates 33% of income.



Once the exploited have stretched full length to feel their enormous strength throughout the territory, now it is time to strike all together at the point of attack. If time is passed, fatigue and wear will do their thing. Professional politicians in kitchens and arrangements have already begun to act. The masses have instinct and not accepting the normality they want to impose, they march towards the centers of power. To the Congress building in another historic march in Valparaíso on Sunday. And Monday to La Moneda in Santiago. Multiple gears were repeated in regions. It is time to organize, and coordinate the struggles nationwide. To clarify the objectives and means of achieving them. A direction is needed that offers a clear and determined perspective that goes beyond the limits of the capitalist system in crisis. The level of strategic clarity of the movement's direction will determine the future of an entire generation.

Piñera takes care of winning his war for Deception and Force.
Only a few days ago, the businessman-president Sebastián Piñera announced the suspension of the rise to the transport ticket. A patch measure, while implementing curfew. After the first hours of fury and confusion of the spontaneous mobilization, it was wanted to justify the militarization with a strong mediation of looting and fire, which tried to obscure the massive character of the mobilizations.

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Massive because there is a very broad and deep discontent against 30 years of anti-workers measures, of a policy that privatized natural resources and social rights. A regime that ensures impunity for the rich and powerful when they collude, cheat and evade taxes. There is a deep rage against the military in the streets, in a country that lived for 17 years one of the bloodiest dictatorships on the continent. The state of emergency was implemented before the most violent and incendiary events of the day occurred. It was a provocative and descriptive measure.

The media in the following days, perhaps worried about the loss of credibility that would cause any communication strategy to fail, began to put the "peaceful" expressions of the protests at the center. This also constitutes tremendous manipulation. As reductionist as saying that the people manifest themselves exclusively in a violent way, that is to say the opposite, that this is intrinsically peaceful. The truth is that the Chilean people in previous years already had massive marches and peaceful protests (including genkidama and kisses). These almost always ended up in parliamentary commissions and co-opting the leaders.

Last Tuesday, President Piñera makes proposals to the country, a social agenda that looks more like a bonus to end the labor dispute. Those crumbs that employers usually offer to end a strike. For example, an increase of 20% to the Basic Solidarity Pension that today is 110 thousand pesos, that is an increase of just over 20 thousand pesos (about US $ 30). It also ensures a Guaranteed Minimum Income of 350 thousand pesos, to complement the salary of those full-time workers who receive less than this figure. In circumstances that the minimum salary is 301 thousand pesos. The measures proposed by Piñera are in the fund subsidies that will be granted to the same private individuals who have enriched themselves with social rights. Another pair of important measures had already been announced. As the project that ends with Sename,

A measure that did not publicly announce was the call to Army reservists, who according to the Ministry of Defense, would not go on patrol, but would do administrative work. This revealed the exhaustion that the staff experienced. The government in each episode has combined minimum concessions with more repression. It is by deception and strength.

On the other hand, the new cabinet announced Monday was a shameless castling that continues to include hated faces from the right. It does not change to sector ministers who contributed greatly to the current situation, such as Transport and Education.

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The movement needs a direction. About the Social Unit Bureau and the Constituent Assembly
The spontaneity of the protests represented an advantage in its early stages. He overcame routine methods and pessimism in trade union and leftist organizations. But if the creativity of the workers and youth does not find an organized expression with the aim of winning, all their energy can dissipate. We must not forget that the ruling class does not skimp on violent means and constantly conspires to deceive and divide the people.

Something that surprises about this movement is how much progress has been made in a few days, having a diversity of methods accumulated by the episodes of previous mobilizations. Evasion of the passage, of course. Then insurrectional, by the way. With barricades and street fighting, but also festive and cultural. Fire and looting to usurers and colluded businesses, but also memes, graffiti, dance, songs and concerts. But the general strike in which the working class becomes aware of its own power has decisively entered the scene.

From the beginning the port workers have expressed their class solidarity and stirred up the general strike. This took shape on Monday in a strike of almost all ports. This situation has forced the official directorates to convene a national strike and assembly days, for Wednesday 23 and Thursday 24. Those who convened are the Social Unit Board, composed of social organizations and unions such as the CUT, ANEF, CONFUSAM, College of Teachers, port, miners, banking, commerce, Coordinator No More AFP, Coordinator 8M, MODATIMA, etc. This coordination of organizations called for a general strike and demonstrations, driven by the movement itself. The response was very positive. The demonstrations on Wednesday in downtown Santiago were even more massive than in previous days. They had the active participation of numerous workers' organizations and social movements. The same in ports and cities throughout Chile. Some cities have starred in regional revolts in recent years and have gained experience facing repression.

This Monday the Social Unit Bureau has presented a Sheet of the Workers of Chile. The demands included in the petition are correct and summarize to a large extent the grievances raised by the movement itself. The Social Unit has called for a national strike on Wednesday, October 30. It is essential that workers do not leave the streets and remain alert. However, going from calling a 48-hour strike last week to a 24-hour strike this week clearly shows the limitations of this body, which instead of giving direction to the movement, goes behind it. The danger is that of falling into a succession of calls, one after the other, without a clear perspective on the movement's progress to higher forms of struggle. This would lead to the wear of the masses in marches and protests without a clear perspective. It is a pusillanimous attitude to expect to sit down to discuss this statement with the president, when what millions in the streets demanded on Friday was "Outside Piñera".

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In circumstances that are proposed to bring down the government and achieve the triumph of a list of workers through the total development of the coordinating and organizational capacity of the working class, through the territorial assemblies and councils. These instances, which with different names spread throughout the country, constitute key forms of self-organization for the development of the movement. They are able to feed on the creativity of the bases and organize their forces. These also move forward in formulating the demands more clearly. An example of this is the Social Board of Valparaíso, which requires among other measures: End the AFPs and implement a solidarity and distribution system. Nationalization of Copper, Lithium, Sea and Water. Nationalization of strategic companies such as energy and telecommunications. Free Health and Education and Quality. Minimum wage of 500 thousand pesos. 40 hour day.

All these demands have the majority support of the population. However, there is confusion about the means of obtaining this. The idea of ​​a Constituent Assembly has gone deep in common sense. Certainly the constitution made in dictatorship is scandalously undemocratic. But the Constituent Assembly means different things depending on who is asked. For the mobilized masses, the Constituent Assembly represents the idea of ​​a structural, deep and root change. For reformists and conciliators, it means a means of channeling the revolutionary energy of the movement towards bourgeois parliamentarism. There are even sectors of the bourgeoisie that play with the idea of ​​the Constituent Assembly to divert the movement through safer channels.

For some, these are mechanisms of representation that, managed from the “territories”, municipalities or assemblies convened, send a list of demands to this Constituent Assembly for a New Constitution, which is then submitted to a referendum. Without active mobilization and discussion at the grassroots, this opens the door to agreements above professional politicians. This demobilizes the people of the streets, prefiguring their disappointment and apathy. It is simply repeating the dynamics of the bourgeois parliament, the logic of the minimum agreements and the dominance of the electoral machinery.

Sometimes we get the impression that this is what some are trying to do at this time. For example, sectors of the parliamentary left insist on dismissing Piñera through constitutional accusations. This seems to be the center of the Communist Party strategy. In the probability that this calculation will result, a certain government of national unity, or future elections would take place in which a coalition under the slogan of the Constituent Assembly would be the hope of the masses at the polls. They have no confidence in the strength and intelligence of the working people. They do not believe in the ability to make Piñera fall for the organization of the working class, which begins to develop its own power and decision bodies,

On the other hand, there are those who conceive the Constituent Assembly as the expression of a sovereign power of the people, on which other powers of the State cannot be imposed. The mandate of the bases ensures that it is the workers and the people who effectively direct the laws, the economy and society. That is, an Assembly with delegates elected from the grassroots and revocable at all times. From assemblies emanating from communities, places of work and study. That organize and discuss the needs of community life, the way to produce, as well as scientific research, in a harmonious and democratic way. The latter rather describes the perspective of a workers' government. If so, it should not be confused with the slogan of the Constituent Assembly, which we warn can constitute a serious danger that demobilizes the people from the streets. Especially because of developing the power of assemblies to organize production and other aspects of social life, a situation of double power would be drawn. A dispute between the power of the capitalists on the one hand, and the power of the workers on the other. This situation cannot last long, and requires the conscious preparation of this perspective of taking power. Perspective that the slogan of the Constituent Assembly tends to entangle in legal formalities and technicalities that exclude working majorities. A dispute between the power of the capitalists on the one hand, and the power of the workers on the other. This situation cannot last long, and requires the conscious preparation of this perspective of taking power. Perspective that the slogan of the Constituent Assembly tends to entangle in legal formalities and technicalities that exclude working majorities. A dispute between the power of the capitalists on the one hand, and the power of the workers on the other. This situation cannot last long, and requires the conscious preparation of this perspective of taking power. Perspective that the slogan of the Constituent Assembly tends to entangle in legal formalities and technicalities that exclude working majorities.

According to the Pulso Ciudadano survey conducted on October 22 and 23, President Piñera's government has the lowest approval since the return to democracy. Only 14% approval. While the demonstrations have 83% approval. We believe that if this formidable popular uprising, which gives evidence of the spontaneous disposition of the people for combat, is also capable of providing the determined leadership of the workers in a large strike movement, it is perfectly possible to overthrow the government of businessman Sebastián Piñera.

Today in Chile the working people in the street begin to give themselves their own power organizations. It is necessary to coordinate the Open Town Halls and Territorial Assemblies, through elected delegates, in a large National Assembly of the Working People that considers the seizure of power, political and economic. That it establishes the foundations of a workers' government to put an end to corporate plunder, and use Chile's wealth to meet the needs of the people and not a minority. The fundamental springs of the economy must be under the control of the workers and the people. Water must be recovered for communities. Eject hydroelectric, forestry and mining companies that allied with landowners have terrorized the Mapuche nation-people. Recover and nationalize copper, lithium, the sea. Plan a transport system under the control of workers and users. End the AFPs. Establish a free and quality Education and Health system.

Get out Piñera!

Get the military out of the streets! End the repression! End the militarization of the Wallmapu!

For the national coordination of the Cabildos and Territorial Assemblies!

For a National Assembly of the Working People!

For a Government of Workers!

https://www.marxist.com/chile-despues-d ... vanzar.htm

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Video bits at link
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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