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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Wed Jan 29, 2020 4:22 pm


29 Jan 2020 , 11:40 am .

The interim president of Bolivia, Jeanine Áñez, has provoked criticism for her candidacy for the May presidential elections in that country (Photo: Luisa González / Reuters)

We well know from reports, reports, books, and even through films and series, the radius of influence of lobbying companies in political decision-making in the United States Congress and the White House.

These firms are enshrined in US laws to maintain effective ties between corporations and political agendas, which confirms the dominance of private interest over the public in regard to government decisions.

Although the lobby agencies are not exclusive to the United States, it is in that country that it predominates as a transmission belt of corporate power. He who can pay for his services achieves political favors within federal legislation, managing to create bonds of financial dependence between politicians, officials and the media.

In Latin America, the influence of these companies goes unnoticed because political agendas are generally drawn up according to private interest under the table, under secrecy, and almost always unofficially, with these intermediary firms.

In 2009, after the coup against Manuel Zelaya in Honduras, he began a process that had a company of this type to the services of the interim government that took the reins of the State (the National Party, the same political clan of the current President Juan Orlando Hernández).

The same happens today in Bolivia, where Jeanine Áñez has sought to perpetuate herself in power through the same firm that provided her services in the Central American country.


These are CLS Strategies, which during the interim government of Roberto Micheletti in Honduras drew up the maneuver plan so that the National Party could consolidate in that position.

Lee Fang, a journalist for The Intercept, published a paper that revealed the connection between CLS Strategies and the interim governments of Honduras and Bolivia. Both contexts, although distant in time, are assimilated in the strategy that each government paris of the coup has been taking in order to build a support base in electoral scenarios.

CLS Strategies is a company based in Washington, DC, formerly known as Chlopak, Leonard, Schechter & Associates. It includes among its clients not only large corporations such as IBM, Hyundai, Monsanto, Hilton and ABC Television, but also the UN Foundation and the World Bank, as well as some states: Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Egypt are in its portfolio , Spain, Kenya, Mexico, Peru and stop counting.

Fang tells in his report that former Republican senator Jim DeMint flew almost immediately to Tegucigalpa, Honduran capital, after the coup as an emissary of Congress before the interim government. DeMint had deep connections with CLS Strategies, with Juan Cortiñas (partner of the firm) part of his legislative staff and personal translator into Spanish of the former senator before the coup plotters.

Cortiñas is a communications advisor to governments, corporations and political leaders. In its profile, the CLS website says it was a consultant to former Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos, Argentine candidate Sergio Massa, and also provided services to the Venezuelan opposition, although it does not give details of the context in which it occurred.

Juan Cortiñas is a partner of CLS Strategies and strategic communications advisor (Photo: CLS Strategies)

The connection of DeMint and Cortiñas with the interim government of Micheletti was helpful for the latter, since through CLS Strategies it was possible to position opinion columns in the written and digital press in favor of the National Party in the electoral context, in addition to guiding to reporters and correspondents of large media to give a targeted coverage of post-coup events to Zelaya and thus promote the image of internship.

The Honduran environment was heated during those years 2009 and 2010. Micheletti suspended civil rights via an official state of state, crushed the protests against the coup and blocked the transmission of various media such as Telesur, Radio Globo, even CNN.

At the same time, and through the US Senate, the firm manufactured the consent in favor of the Honduran interim government in the United States.

The Intercept reports a psychological operation that was carried out by Cortiñas against the journalist David Romero of Radio Globo, who never ceased to show sympathy for Zelaya and accused Israel and "the Jews" of being behind the coup in 2009. CLS used the Zionist tactic of using "anti-Semitic" labels and religious intolerance against Romero and then using them as a pretext to close Radio Globo and confiscate their property.

The international condemnation of Micheletti was strengthened after this means was closed, but CLS was responsible for using the same "anti-Semitic" labels to justify the action of the interim government, refocusing media attention on David Romero's rhetoric.

What happened after the elections in Honduras is well known for the corruption and drug trafficking scandals that surround the government party, the National Party, as well as getting worse in military and police repression against social demonstrations against them, and that 11 years later it worsens.

The current president Hernández has a brother being prosecuted for drug trafficking in the United States while he is taking steps to perpetuate himself in power for more years through finger judicial reforms.

Seen this way, it is no small thing what a lobbying firm is capable of doing anywhere in the world.


Lee Fang unveiled information and data firsthand by confirming that the interim government of Jeanine Áñez hired CLS Strategies for the upcoming May elections in Bolivia, to which Evo Morales will not participate. He signed an agreement with the purpose of providing "strategic communications advice" and fabricating political ancestry in his relations with the United States government.

The chain of events that ended with Áñez in interim power with a view to perpetuating himself after the regime change was very similar to what happened in Honduras: military coup, possession of the executive by pro-American right-wing parties, administration of the resources of the State to pursue social dissent, call for elections and candidacy for election in elections. That the Bolivian decided to hire CLS does not seem coincidental.

The US lobby firm indicates in the document presented by The Intercept that it will contact federal officials, government agencies, media and civil associations in the United States on behalf of Áñez to build a base support for their candidacy. All this with the public money of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, for the benefit of those who illegally usurp power.

In spite of the criticisms received for being a candidate, the objective of the interim government being another (calling elections, no more), Áñez is not afraid to repeat history as a tragedy and as a farce at the same time, paraphrasing Marx.

By the way, Juan Cortiñas is registered as a representative of the interim government of Bolivia, according to The Intercept. His experience with right-wing politicians from Colombia, Honduras and Venezuela suggest that there is a whitening of state terrorism ( remember the massacres of Senkata and Sacaba and the state of siege) and the changes in internal and foreign policy that Áñez directs at discretion .

To this we should add the internal war between the once opposition for the presidency (Carlos Mesa, Luis Fernando Camacho, Áñez herself), while the Movement To Socialism (MAS) defines its lines of action before the elections.

It is becoming increasingly clear that it is private interests that control the threads of the political game in Bolivia at the moment, whose filaments are intimately linked with the United States. CLS Strategies through. ... elecciones

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Sat Feb 01, 2020 12:16 pm

Bolivia: export liberation and return to neoliberalism


The release of exports decreed by the de facto government, at the request of the agroindustria cruña, will generate inflation and shortages

JANUARY 31, 2020
On January 28, 2020, the supreme decree for the release of exports by the de facto Government in Bolivia was signed. This is one of the first measures in the new economic course that Bolivian neoliberalism wants to print. This leaves in evidence what were the great interests that were behind the institutional breakdown, while this measure seems to be a return of favors for the support provided by the agribusiness sector of the East. The de facto government must pay the invoice of this supposed economic and political support, freeing the exports of the commodities produced by the agroindustria cruña.

In these more than 60 days the Government has already made four successive announcements of the decision to implement the release of exports, but the measure was not carried out; After three postponements the minister of the area has just decreed it on January 28, 2020. Let's review what is at stake and why the deregulation of exports is the first major objective to restore the old economic powers.

Food: centrality of the economic policy of Evo Morales
One of the central axes of the economic policy of the Government of Evo Morales was the control of inflation, in particular food inflation. Low inflation met two main objectives: (i) guarantee macroeconomic stability and (ii) guarantee redistribution of national income through increases in the real income of the poorest population that, historically, was excluded from any state benefit.

In turn, the price stability in food is linked to a central objective of Morales' economic policy, which was to protect "food security with sovereignty", thus complying with the Political Constitution of the State promulgated in 2009 and which enshrines in its Article 16 [1] that the State guarantees the right to food of the entire Bolivian population. It is understood, thus, that it is not only that the population accesses food [2] , but that this access does not become a dependency mechanism that submits it to the designs of external economies; It is intended that the people can see their food rights guaranteed without directly depending, if possible, on what other governments in the world decide.

Achieving sovereignty as a central component of food security became the centrality of economic policy, given the history of submission that the Andean country had lived thanks to the destruction of its productive capacity, product of the “aid” to the development of the United States through the donation of wheat since the 1950s. These donations created a great food dependence on the so-called "battle bread", made mostly with American wheat flour. Bolivian analysts have referred to this issue stating that “Bolivia then became a wheat-addicted country” [3]. When the Democratic and Popular Union (UDP) began to govern Bolivia in October 1982, formed by left-wing parties that installed a progressive government, Ronald Reagan suspended the donation of wheat flour and, as a result, the almost absolute shortage of battle bread , the popular economy collapsed and it was difficult for the UDP - for that and other reasons - to continue governing.

This explains why the impact of food price inflation on the popular economy was, for the Government of Evo Morales, as or more important than its economic impact on stability. One of the mechanisms that were implemented to achieve control of food price inflation was export regulation. This effort to guarantee food sovereignty was recognized worldwide in the award that FAO made to Bolivia in 2015 for the reduction of hunger [4] .

Export Regulation
The implementation of the export regulation mechanism was not part of the Government plan that began in 2006. It initially emerged as an emergency measure in 2008 due to the threat of rising food prices. Until then, the Bolivian agribusiness sector, mainly located in Santa Cruz, sold 70% of the production in the domestic market. However, at the time, it decided to export most of the food products of the agribusiness industry, and the domestic market was quickly depleted to the point of bringing the popular economy to the brink of collapse. Bolivia relived the 1982 crisis when Reagan suspended donations of wheat. Products such as edible oil, sugar, rice, corn (main poultry food) and others, such as red meat and chicken,

Thus, the actions of agribusiness entrepreneurs in Santa Cruz, with marked political intentionality, were the basis for the governmental reaction of export regulation, preceded by a very short stage of prohibition of food exports, a political measure that sought to press the economy of companies and break the internal alliances of the then oligopoly. In practice, Bolivia was a slave country of the business class, as the maximization of private export earnings directly affected the ability of the domestic market to provide goods and services. The population was in the grip of pure capitalist rationality, in which profit was guaranteed at any cost, including the shortage of the domestic market. [5]

Thus, the Morales Government decided to allow partial export of agroindustrial products in order to take care of the adequate supply of the domestic market, provided that the export price of food products was higher than the price in the domestic market. During the last 10 years the mechanism was perfected until guaranteeing supply in the domestic market and, at the same time, allowing the rapid export of surpluses. The “certificate of internal supply at a fair price” that the industries received and that enabled them to export was created once the State verified that they fulfilled the supply to the domestic market of a part of their production at the price previously agreed between the Government and agroindustrial, called "fair price." Further, The Government monitored the number of hectares planted in the country in each cycle of agricultural production to calculate the yield per hectare weighted by each type of animal production or yield according to the technology used. Based on the production costs, the so-called “fair price” was discussed, which added to the production costs, generally, 15% for the business profits of the agribusiness. The bid between the Government and producers was in the definition of a profit that moved away from an oligopolistic structure and, at the same time, guaranteed the proper functioning of the private initiative. Based on the production costs, the so-called “fair price” was discussed, which added to the production costs, generally, 15% for the business profits of the agribusiness. The bid between the Government and producers was in the definition of a profit that moved away from an oligopolistic structure and, at the same time, guaranteed the proper functioning of the private initiative. Based on the production costs, the so-called “fair price” was discussed, which added to the production costs, generally, 15% for the business profits of the agribusiness. The bid between the Government and producers was in the definition of a profit that moved away from an oligopolistic structure and, at the same time, guaranteed the proper functioning of the private initiative.

The process of calculating the fair price of each food, implied that the State should verify and adjust the prices of all the inputs necessary for production, from seeds for agriculture, livestock feed, fuel, etc., through the other costs of production. With this, the Government acquired knowledge about how prices are formed in the economy for a significant number of Bolivian production. In this way, the regulation of exports became a space for the coordination of prices of most of the inputs throughout the productive chain of agroindustrial staple foods. For example, to conclude the final price of the kilo of chicken, the price of the quintal of corn had to be agreed upon considering the reasonable profit of the corn producers and this, in turn,

This procedure guaranteed that the fair price in the domestic market of these foods was not established unilaterally by the Government - which would generate the appearance of black markets for the products, something that never happened in the 14 years - and that the production costs of agribusiness and small producers.

The construction of consensus around the technical parameters was so difficult to achieve that, once agreed -and not to go back in advance and consolidate the agreements- they were embodied in laws approved by the Plurinational Legislative Assembly. Examples are the Law of the Sugar Production Complex and the Law of the Milk Production Complex.

Results of export regulation
Criticisms of export regulation by the Santa Cruz agribusiness sector were swift, and from the outset it was directed to point out that it would be the “tomb” of Bolivian exporting agroindustry because the sale of products in the domestic market at a regulated price, even if it is based on an agreement, it was not an “incentive” for agro-industrial production and that there was a great decrease in the production of soybean oil, sugar, rice, corn, etc.

Contrary to what was predicted by the agribusiness exporters of Santa Cruz, the production of these foods was greatly improved and also their export (see Chart 1).


This graphic, whose source is a private institute financed by the agro-industrial entrepreneurship, in its own words recognizes that in the ten years indicated (in which it was in force of the export regulation) soybean exports increased.

However, despite the results achieved during the 10-year period of export regulation, the agribusiness of Santa Cruz has demanded from the Government de facto its total and full release, in order to take advantage of the good prices they have for themselves. the commodities in the international market.

When the exports of these foods are released, the first reaction of the entrepreneurs will be to take advantage of any good external price to export all their production and the domestic market will be shortages, making the Bolivian food dependent on the import capacity that will be made at prices of international market. But, on the other hand, since the price consultation mechanism that was a routine to jointly set the fair prices of the domestic market does not work, the prices of all inputs will be deregulated, which - summed up to the shortage - will bring a total lack of control of the price of some staple foods, with the consequent lack of control of inflation.

The only announcement of the government decision to suspend export control and implement the full release of exports of agro-industrial products has had adverse reactions in the most diverse sectors of society, because it is considered that export control in these 12 years prevented the shortage and rising food prices. The export control functioned as an effective mechanism for the transfer of wealth from exporting elites to the population that consumes food in the domestic market.

The possible impact is the shortage of food in the domestic market and the consequent rise in prices, which will constitute an attack against the popular economy and against food security and sovereignty that had been under construction since 2006.

On the other hand, it is clear that for the release of exports to be properly used by the Santa Cruz agribusiness, it must be accompanied by measures to adjust the exchange rate, which will result in additional negative impacts on the functioning of the economic model that is I had installed in the country.

[1] Political Constitution of the State, Title II Fundamental rights and guarantees Second Chapter, Fundamental Rights. Article 16. I. Everyone has the right to water and food, II. The State has the obligation to guarantee food security, through healthy, adequate and sufficient food for the entire population.

[2] According to FAO, the components of the concept of Food Security are 1) the physical availability of food; Food security addresses the part corresponding to the “supply” within the issue of food security and is a function of the level of food production, stock levels and net trade. 2) economic and physical access to food. An adequate supply of food nationally or internationally does not guarantee food security at the household level. 3) The use of food is the way in which the body takes advantage of the various nutrients present in food and 4) The stability over time of the three previous dimensions.

[3]The foreign trade specialist María Luisa Ramos says: “Since its inception, 90% of the total food aid that arrives in Bolivia comes from the PL-480 program and is made up of wheat and wheat flour. US food aid decreases in governments that do not favor the political and economic interests of the United States. This decreased during the government of General Juan José Tórrez (1970-1971), which was of a leftist tendency. On the other hand, in the governments that did have a favorable orientation to the United States, they had great support, such is the case of the dictatorial Government of General Hugo Banzer (1971-1978) and of Dr. Víctor Paz Estenssoro (1985-1987), who initiated the delivery of the country through the privatization of the largest companies ”. María Luisa Ramos Urzagaste: Food aid and US policy in Bolivia. ECOACCION - FOBOMADE.

[4] For Rome / EFE, “The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), based in Rome, today awarded Bolivia, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic for reducing hunger in the last 25 years, of according to international commitments ”June 7, 2015.“ The report, published on May 27, revealed that Bolivia decreased the hunger percentage from 38% from 1990-1992 to 15.9% in the projection for 2014-2016 and the people with malnutrition have dropped from 2.6 million to 1.8 million in the last 25 years. ”

[5] The export regulation was also carried out considering that the exporting agribusiness receives a public subsidy through the price of the Diesel used as fuel. The diesel subsidy cost the state $ 490.9 million in 2011, 12.6% of the subsidized diesel was delivered to the agribusiness. ... beralismo/

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"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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Re: Bolivia

Post by blindpig » Sat Feb 22, 2020 12:45 pm

Evo Morales accuses the US of instructing his electoral disqualification

At a conference in Buenos Aires, the president and his lawyer talked about the actions they will take against electoral disqualification. | Photo: EFE
Posted 21 February 2020

The lawyers of the former Bolivian president also denounced the political persecution of members of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party.

The former president of Bolivia Evo Morales said at a press conference on Friday, February 21 in Buenos Aires that the disqualification of his candidacy as a senator was instructed by the United States Government .

Morales added that all decisions of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal are guided by the de facto government , a mandate that obeys the will of the US administration and not only prohibits his return to the country, but does not even allow him to approach the Bolivian border.

It does not forgive us that we have fought "for dignity, sovereignty, for our Great Homeland and for the liberation of our peoples," he said. He also recalled the impact of the leftist movement on the continent: "it was a time when we all work for our peoples."

“In this management we have shown that another world without the US empire is possible, without the IMF. That is our sin, our crime: we have freed ourselves from political pressure, economic conditions and we have freed many brothers and sisters from poverty, ”he said.

Legal battle
The conference also served to publicize how the case of disqualification of the ex-plaintiff advances, which according to his lawyers “will exhaust all legal resources” to continue in the race for the position of senator for the state of Cochabamba.

Evo Morales Ayma

La decisión del Tribunal Supremo Electoral es un golpe contra la democracia. Los miembros del @TSEBolivia saben que cumplo todos los requisitos para ser candidato. El objetivo final es la proscripción del MAS.

19:47 - 20 feb. 2020
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In this regard, Raúl Salvador , one of the lawyers who defends Morales, said that the decision released on Thursday by the TSE to disable him for breach of the requirement of permanent residence is an irrational interpretation of the laws.

He affirmed that the candidacy is not only protected by one, but by two main sources: the 2009 Constitution and the interpretation of the international agreement referring to Human Rights.

Also, he cited the Bolivian law and declarations of the Constitutional Court in the case of an opponent on the issue of residence, which was declared as the place where the person is registered in the electoral roll, a requirement that meets the former president.

That agency also said that if the person, for legal reasons or force majeure, is forced to leave the country, it is considered that their residence has been subject to a process of intermittency.

"Evo Morales was going to be killed," said the lawyer.

On the other hand, the other member of the defense, Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni , referred to the political persecution to which not only Morales but his party is subject. He mentioned the capture of the legal representative of the former president and the retention of documents she carried and the fact that the headquarters of the MAS is sealed by alleged investigations.

In addition, he referred to the possibility that the presidential candidate Luis Arce is still disabled , when there is little time left for May 3, election day.

“ Fraud comes through different signs through proscription; not frontal but by dripping: generating violence, difficulties and proscribing candidates, ”said Zaffaroni.

He also mentioned that the context of the carnivals in Bolivia, days of celebration and low possibilities of mobilization by the people was chosen to issue these decisions.

"The fight continues," he said. ... -0017.html

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"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

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