Russia today

User avatar
Posts: 3284
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle island

Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Mon Jan 13, 2020 12:10 pm

Vladimir Zhirinovsky considers Russians “serfs” and “serfs”
Here he is - the servant of the people!

That is how the head of the LDPR parliamentary faction called the Russians who came to the rally organized on January 5 by the party to distribute money, souvenirs and chebureks.

Distribution of money Zhirinovsky personally engaged. This was broadcast on Instagram account politician.

“Children, people with disabilities, who else? Orphans, serfs, serfs, ”the politician said, handing out thousandths of money to people.

“Moscow is beautifully decorated, many people walk, everyone is in a good mood. That would be the whole year! ”Said Zhirinovsky in his Instagram post on the same day.

For Zhirinovsky and colleagues, the Russians are really serfs, from which resources can and should be drained

The State Duma Ethics Commission drew attention to the politician’s trick and scheduled a hearing on this issue on January 13. However, do not worry about Vladimir Volfovich - as the head of the commission Otari Arshba said , fellow deputies can: point out Zhirinovsky ’s inadmissibility of his words or actions, offer to apologize, or inform the media about the fact of the deputy’s violation . The list of possible sanctions ends here.

The LDPR themselves announced their leader’s statement about the slaves as a joke, and said that all the witnesses and participants in the event were satisfied and no one had any complaints. Well naturally!

Nice joke, what to say. Vladimir Zhirinovsky is well known for his specific sense of humor, however, in this situation, as they say, "the photographer’s ears are visible in the photograph . " For Zhirinovsky and his colleagues sitting in parliament, the peoples of Russia are really nothing more than slaves from whom all juices can be sucked out. That is why this deputy public (recall the very people who defend our interests) supports and promotes laws on raising the retirement age , on increasing censorship, and so on , hiding behind and justifying its activities with miserable increases in the minimum wage of 100 rubles a year.

People in our country for a long time have not been building illusions about the “democracy” of the current regime in Russia, but situations such as litmus paper once again show workers what the face of their class enemy is. ... t-rossiya/
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

User avatar
Posts: 3284
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle island

Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Fri Jan 17, 2020 12:29 pm

About free meals for schoolchildren in the USSR
16 January


Social networks are again fighting after Putin’s words about free school meals, which were not in the USSR. He said this in the context of the fact thatHe suggested making free hot meals for primary school students:
In this regard, I propose to provide free hot meals to all elementary school students from the first to the fourth grade . <...> It is necessary to create the necessary infrastructure in schools, equip canteens and buffets, establish a supply system, and, of course, high-quality products. I draw your attention to the fact that even during the Soviet Union this was not done , as I said.

Please note that this measure applies only to primary school. In the USSR, by the way, there was no such severe need. because from 1st to 3rd grade studied no more than 4 lessons, i.e. less than 4 hours and the student could have completely dispensed with a small snack in the buffet: a cake with tea or compote.

The need for lunch arose if the student went to an extended day group. Those. I studied in the regime before lunch, usual classes, and after lunch extra. But this did not concern all, but 25-30 percent of all students in the class.

Now the need for hot food concerns most children who study in the outback, especially in rural areas. This need arose after the so-called optimization, that is, the closure of thousands of schools across the country:

Rural schoolchildren now began to be taken to study in neighboring larger villages and district centers. Naturally, now they cannot return home immediately after school and have lunch. You still need to get home, and school buses do not go like taxis, but collect all schoolchildren of different ages, and this is extra time.

Plus, you need to remember that in the village, in the outback there are much fewer wealthy people than anywhere else in Russia. There is total unemployment. That is, to allocate 100-150 rubles per day for a child is a very real problem. In the USSR, as you yourself guess, there was no such problem at all. Everyone worked - everyone got paid.

That is, the problem was not as acute as it is now. More precisely, in the USSR there was no problem at all. I remember that at the buffet they gave me 10 kopecks a day. When I got older and there were more lessons, i.e. there was a need to stay longer at school, then money from parents was collected for school lunches - 1.20 rubles a week. That is, a full three-course dinner came out at 20-30 cents. For any family, expenses of 4 rubles 80 kopecks per month for food were not something unbearable.

In this whole story, I personally am most struck by the reaction of people who do not love the USSR. They speak of this with such condemnation.

Dear and not very gentlemen (sorry, but I’m unfriendly to call you comrades)! Communism has not yet been built in the USSR so that everything is free. In the USSR, there was socialism, where the main thing according to the words of the classic: accounting and control.

And what was in the USSR as accounting and control? Money was a measure of accounting and control. For this reason, yes, they paid for school lunches, but these amounts were purely symbolic, the rest, I suspect, were paid extra by local executive committees. And the nutrition of children from low-income and dysfunctional children was completely free.

That's it for me on this topic. Like if you agree with the author.))) ... 00ad0d11c3

Google Translator
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

User avatar
Posts: 3284
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle island

Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sun Jan 19, 2020 3:42 pm


Adopted by the Founding Congress of the OKP on March 15, 2014.

With amendments and additions made by the III Congress of the OKP on February 9, 2019.

Workers of all countries, unite!

The peoples of the Russian Federation and all the republics of the Soviet Union are now experiencing one of the most tragic periods in their history.

The triumph of the counter-revolution. October 1993

In 1991, as a result of the coup d'état, power came to power that embarked on the path of restoration of capitalism , during which the Soviet Union was disintegrated, through the coup d'état of 1993, the liquidation of Soviet power was completed, an authoritarian regime was established that accelerated the capitalist restoration.

The nomenclature-criminal nature of the bourgeois counter-revolution predetermined the merging of the bourgeoisie with the bureaucracy at all levels, from the largest oligarchs with the highest bureaucracy to small business with local leaders, giving feudal features to Russian capitalism.

The restoration of capitalism is accompanied by the destruction of moral values, the separation and mutual alienation of people. Interethnic conflicts flare up. The integrity, security and independence of Russia are in jeopardy. The social achievements of Soviet power — the right to work and housing, to education and health protection — have been eliminated . There are no guarantees of personal safety of citizens. Despite the tendency of the current government to parasitize, including on the glorious pages of Soviet history, its ideological appearance is determined by anti-Sovietism and anti-communism. Decades of its history have been sacrificed to capitalism, which is not compatible with the development of Russia.

The rapid emergence after the counter-revolutionary coup of 1991 of new communist parties proved that neither ideologically nor organizational communism could not be destroyed.

Rally on Manezhnaya Square in Moscow March 17, 1992

The diversity of communist organizations arose under conditions when the general party leadership, both at the union and republican levels, was destroyed. At the same time, the halving of the number of industrial proletariat - workers and engineers, the lumpenization of a significant part of the people, could not but affect the "ideological purity" of the communist movement. Today, the ideas of scientific communism and Orthodoxy are mixed in the communist movement, recognition of the realities of the post-industrial era and patriarchal rhetoric, slogans of international solidarity and official patriotism, calls for the equality of peoples and nationalist attitudes, love for democracy and Stalinist order at the same time. The carriers of these ideas are in almost all parties in various proportions. Certainly

These trends are the objective result of differences in the position of those social groups that form the basis of the communist movement. Communist groups that previously held leading positions in the economy, culture, state and party apparatus and to one degree or another retained their position and are currently cautious in the political struggle, gravitate toward conciliationism. The most disadvantaged strata of the workers are most decisive in the struggle against the regime. At the same time, it is this part that is subject to nostalgic moods, is not inclined to a critical reflection of previous experience, and considers it unnecessary to move to a higher level of socialism.

We recognize the right of each detachment of the communist movement to its own position, both in assessing the past and in ideas about the future society that we are striving for.

However, in modern conditions, there is a need to take steps to organizationally unite all Marxist-Leninists of the country , all who stand for scientific communism, who advocate socialism, democracy, internationalism and atheism, into a communist party that does not oppose other workers' parties and does not push the proletarian movement under any sectarian principles, which sets as its goal the development of class consciousness among the working masses and the organization of their struggle for power.

The unity of the Communists on May Day


The main immediate goals of the United Communist Party (OKP) are: bringing Russia to the path of socialist development, establishing workers' power, entering a new stage of development and creating economic, political, social and moral conditions for the consistent formation of communist social relations. The supreme goal of the party is to promote the emergence and establishment of a communist society. A society in which the free development of each is a condition for the development of all.

The future under communism

The OKP considers the movement towards communism as a natural historical process of the development of mankind. The change in socio-economic formations from slavery through feudalism to capitalism, where people are already legally (but not actually) equal, and further to communism is a consistent "dumping" of one type of oppression after another.

Based on these goals, the party bases its activities on the following principles:

OKP is a party of high moral, humanistic ideals. Ultimately, all economic and social transformations are needed only to eliminate the causes of self-interest and lies, enmity and hatred , so that people can show their best qualities.
OKP is a party in the struggle against all types of exploitation of man by man, for the abolition of its foundation - private ownership of the means of production using wage labor.
The fundamental denial of private property is what distinguishes the OKP from those left-wing organizations that are guided by the social-democratic ideology of a "multi-structural economy."


3. OKP - the party changing the existing system, replacing the power of the bourgeoisie with the power of the working people. History knows no limits on either counter-revolution or revolution. In modern conditions of the saturation of the habitat with weapons and potential foci of technological disasters, it is vital for the working classes to become a political force, which will have enough peaceful means of struggle to ensure its interests.

4. OKP - the party of real democracy. She is for a society in which not only legally, but also the political rights of citizens and labor collectives are ensured, all government bodies are accountable to the people, and conditions have been created for creative freedom in all areas of human activity.
The recognition of political and industrial democracy as a natural consequence of public ownership and at the same time a condition for its effective functioning at the modern level of development of society is what distinguishes OKP from "ultra-left" organizations that consider authoritarian methods to be the only ones. We strive for the dictatorship of the proletariat, and not for the dictatorship of the proletariat.


5. OKP - the party of socialist internationalism and patriotism. The patriotic duty of the Communists is the struggle for a worthy present and future for Russia, possible only under popular rule on the path of socialist development in a revived fraternal union of working people of all nationalities. Only such an alliance can workers who have won political power call their homeland. The development of the national consciousness of the working people is inseparable from the development and strengthening of internationalism, the main condition for the revival of the Soviet Union.

Annual action "Anti-clericalism"

6. OKP - the party of the materialistic worldview. OKP - for the secular nature of the state, for the actual separation of the church from the state and the school from the church; for true freedom of conscience and the right of everyone to profess any religion or not to profess any. The OKP considers unacceptable any interference by religious organizations in the activities of state authorities and other public institutions. The party leads and supports the promotion of materialistic scientific knowledge.

7. OKP - the party of creative Marxism. The dialectical materialist theory of social development, created by Marx and Lenin, is not a collection of utopias or dogmas. This is a living science, constantly evolving as the world changes, the accumulation and comprehension of new facts and phenomena. Seeking the unity of all the communists of Russia on Leninist principles, the party denies both leftist sectarianism and the opportunist compromising deviation.

8. OKP - the party of communist relations. The intraparty organization of the party’s activities ensures the wide participation of party members in party management, suppressing manifestations of careerism, leaderism, money-grubbing, and criticism. Party members in the relationship adhere to the principle "Man to man - friend, comrade and brother . "

9. OKP - a party that changes organizational forms and applies working methods in accordance with the objective conditions of public life. Organizational forms and working methods should not impede the development of a party organization when these conditions change.


The Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, accomplished by the working people under the leadership of the Bolshevik party led by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, became the historical contribution of the peoples of Russia to the progress of mankind, a landmark breakthrough into a new world free of capitalist relations.

The Great October Socialist Revolution

For the first time in history, the exploitation of man by man was eliminated, the rights to work, rest, education and health protection, and social protection were realized. In the shortest possible historical time, the centuries-old backwardness of tsarist Russia and especially its national suburbs was overcome. The country completed industrialization, won the Great Patriotic War, quickly restored the national economy, and entered the frontiers of scientific, technical, social, and cultural development.

Soviet power, a vivid and powerful manifestation of the living creativity of the working masses, was basically based on the understanding by each person of the importance and necessity of personal participation in the affairs of the country. It aroused the enthusiasm that helped our Motherland rise from devastation and backwardness to the heights of economic and social development.

The successes of the Country of Soviets were based on the advantages of the socialist system: systematic development, collectivism, friendship of peoples, the possibility of concentration of society’s efforts in crucial areas. With the liquidation of the exploiting classes and class antagonism, the Soviet state began to express and serve the interests of the vast majority of the population. The Constitution of the USSR in 1936, the nature of the Soviet state was legislatively fixed as a nation-wide.

At the end of the 20th century, in the development of the Soviet Union and the world socialist system, under the influence of a set of objective and subjective factors, a severe crisis ensued that encompassed the sphere of public administration, the economy, ideology, and all aspects of social and political life. In the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, socialism was defeated.

The root causes of the defeat were the contradictions that lie in the very nature of socialist society, which, being a transitional stage between capitalism and communism, "in all respects - economic, moral and mental, still bears the imprint of the old society" (K. Marx).

Labor has not yet become a vital need, which means that the need remains for economic, and in some cases non-economic coercion. Substantial differences remain in the level and way of life of people. Socialism eliminates the most acute contradictions of capitalism, including between classes. The principle of distribution according to work for the first time creates an interest among all workers in the absolute growth of social wealth, but it does not eliminate the contradictions between social groups, collectives and individual workers when they determine their share of this wealth.

Socialism changes the essence and role of commodity-money categories, but preserves commodity-money relations, which carry the possibility of appropriation and accumulation of material goods not according to the principle of distribution according to work, and retain the expression of capitalist social ties in themselves. Commodity-money relations, even acquiring a socialist content, “not only experience the influence of certain methods of production, but they themselves actively influence the system of production relations of these methods of production” (K. Marx). All these contradictions contain the possibility, and, if they are forgotten or underestimated, the direct danger of capitalist restoration.

A significant role was also played by the legacy of the centuries-old backwardness of tsarist Russia, exacerbated by seven years of the First World War and the Civil War. At the beginning of socialist construction, the Soviet people had to create productive forces as soon as possible, which in countries that had embarked on the path of industrialization much earlier were created within the framework of the capitalist system with the corresponding capitalist production relations.

The need to overcome deep backwardness did not allow for a relatively short historical period to achieve the economic superiority of the Soviet Union over the most advanced capitalist countries. The Leninist idea was confirmed that it is easier to win in a backward country of revolution, but it is much more difficult to build socialism in such a country if there is a huge mass of peasantry, petty-bourgeois in nature, under its pressure and the corrosive effect on the proletarian state, on the working class, on the communist party .

The need for forced industrial modernization determined the nature of the rigidly centralized, mobilization system of governing the country that had developed by the end of the 1920s, before which the situation in the world raised the question of its very existence.

This system was born out of the thick of life, from millions of private problems and methods for solving them, which had to be developed at all levels of government. As a result, the country succeeded in industrialization, won the Great Patriotic War, and in an unprecedentedly short time restored the national economy.

The emerging image of the country's governance system was influenced by the legacy of the old traditions of authoritarian state power and the lack of historical experience of any social control over it.
The weakness of public control and feedback in the country's governance system led to major miscalculations, to abuses of power, it significantly increased the price of contradictions in the country's leadership and its mistakes, among which were tragic.

Despite all the flaws, at the initial stage of socialist construction in the USSR, production relations corresponded to the growing and developing productive forces. The system of governing the country that took shape in the 1930s proved its high efficiency in solving the problems that required its creation.However, ways to solve problems are doomed to go back in time with the tasks solved. In the 30s and 40s, Soviet people felt they were defenders of the besieged fortress, and the current system of government was perceived as necessary. Its shortcomings were smoothed out during the post-war scientific and technical triumph, which served as a proof of the advantages of the Soviet system. However, after the period of mobilization and restoration, with the growth of the national economy, the complexity of production relations, the introduction of new technology, the increasing role of science, the need for a more flexible system of economic management and the expansion of the rights of labor collectives and workers increased. An increased political identity, cultural and professional level of the working people demandednot only the expansion of industrial self-government, but also the democratization of all social and political life.

The state of public relations required serious changes; it presented society with an alternative: either the retreat of socialism, or the transition to its new level, which combines effective public property, social justice and political democracy.

The attempts at transformation undertaken by the leadership of the CPSU in the 50s and 60s were timid and inconsistent. The power structures and the predominant part of the party and government leaders of all levels who did not want to lose their special position in society were not interested in their success. From the beginning of the 70s, the alienation of a significant part of the working class from the tasks and slogans put forward by the CPSU became more and more evident .

This led to a massive "alienation" of workers from the interests of production, and, ultimately, to massive discontent. Dissatisfaction began to grow among the creative, and then engineering-technical intelligentsia, caused by its low social status and strict regulation of its activities. The intelligentsia began to realize itself as an independent social force.

The long absence of close ties with society (primarily with the working class) led to a drop in the credibility of the CPSU. Its composition was dominated by people who joined it for reasons far from the program goals of the party. The society lost its understanding of the necessity and role of the party as a political avant-garde, and the practice of nominating to the Komsomol and party work (that is, ultimately to power) "technocrats" not burdened with communist convictions was practiced. The composition of the Soviet leadership during the “perestroika” period contained an element of chance that was characteristic of a subjective factor, but the country's lethal concentration of adventurers, traitors, and degenerates in power in the party and state was due to objective flaws in the system.

Mining strikes of the late 80s.

Communists in the CPSU were in the minority. The inglorious finale of "perestroika" showed that the working people of the USSR ceased to regard the CPSU as their party. The absence of public instruments for protecting socialism, except for party-state, made the fate of “perestroika” a hostage to the upper classes, where the understanding of its prospects as socialist modernization was not predominant. The loss of the experience of the class struggle over the years of Soviet power did not allow the working people of the USSR to develop a class assessment of what was happening and take active political actions in their interests and defend the socialist system.

By the time of the proclamation of “perestroika”, the huge potential of socialist development had accumulated in Soviet society, and, despite the absence of antagonistic classes, the dangerous premises of capitalist restoration. The objective contradictions of socialism increase the role of the political vanguard, which should be the communist party.
In the course of the “perestroika” begun by the leadership of the party and the country and as a result of the political struggle they initiated, of all the opportunities and threats the most catastrophic prevailed.

"Perestroika" , barely passing the stage of initial ideas and slogans that received public support, degenerated into a counter-revolution, the victims of which were the territorial integrity of the country, the social achievements of the Soviet people, the advanced productive forces that outgrew capitalism. The counter-revolution was supported by a motley, but rather large coalition of social forces. Among them: the degenerated Soviet and party bureaucracy, striving to seize public property and basically formed as a class already in the course of the counter-revolution itself; the petty bourgeoisie, preserved in a number of regions of the USSR; segments of the population, permeated by the petty-bourgeois andbourgeois-nationalist consciousness. This coalition was supported by the forces of world imperialism.

Companions to eliminate the country

The result of "perestroika" was the heyday and triumph of precisely those trends against which it was proclaimed and accepted by society.

A new socio-economic formation is not established without periods of reaction, temporary restoration of previous social relations. But there did not exist and cannot exist forces that could turn back the wheel of history. The general crisis that gripped the socialist countries in the 80-90s is not the collapse of socialism, but only the exhaustion of its original forms.

Until the productive forces have outgrown the capitalist production relations completely, definitively and irrevocably, the lag in the development of socialist production relations creates the danger of their replacement by capitalist relations.
Socialism must constantly and in all directions prove its advantage over capitalism right up to the disappearance of the latter, the inhibition of socialist development leads to a revival of the pre-existing conditions for a return to capitalism in socialist society.

This is the main lesson of Soviet history.


Among non-Marxist movements, the current which is defined as “reactionary socialism” in the “Communist manifesto” has a particularly corrupting effect on the communist movement . Exposing the abomination of today's criminal capitalism, it seeks its ideal in the patriarchy of bourgeois Russia. Its guidelines are the merger of the “white” and “red” ideals, “community, collegiality, nationality”, great power, rejection of internationalism, union with the church. Hence the constant craving for images and symbols of the pre-revolutionary period. Hence the ideological reliance on Slavophilism, Russian religious and white emigre philosophers.

We ring the workers together

This direction plays on the offended social and national feelings of the Russian people, and, above all, finds a response from the most backward part of the working people. It completely discredits the communist movement , in fact, merges with National Socialism. Often, the arguments of such "communists" are indistinguishable from the theses of official propaganda of the bourgeois-oligarchic regime.

At present, the struggle of the communist organizations expressing the interests of the proletariat has, to a large extent, been reduced, including through the efforts of the authorities, to the parliamentary struggle and the struggle in the elections. Under these conditions, the communist multi-party system became a brake on the elimination of the rule of the bourgeoisie. The distortion of the work of the parties towards parliamentary methods of struggle, the performance of separate "squads" and "columns" in the elections, the use by the communist organizations in the struggle among themselves for the votes of the voters from the arsenal of bourgeois election campaigns discredit the communist movement as a whole.

In the left spectrum of the communist movement (that is, in the communist movement itself) ideological confusion and vacillations dominate. Their range is from Maoists to “communist conservatives”. However, while the former are represented by small groups that do not significantly affect the movement, the latter among the left-wing communists today prevail. Constantly swearing allegiance to Marxism-Leninism, they completely abandon the Marxist analysis of the contradictory processes unfolding in the world, from Lenin's fearlessness in assessing reality, no matter how unpleasant it may be. Conservatism replaces such an analysis with general slogans that are correct for all time, but from endless repetition that look like spells.

If the “Orthodox Communists” rely on the values ​​of the “yesterday” day, then the “conservatives” rely on the images of the recent past, primarily the Stalin period. They are strongly against a critical analysis of the Soviet, initial stage of socialism. They do not want and cannot learn from defeat. These fundamental principles predetermine extreme dogmatism and sectarianism of “conservative communism” . Conservatism pushes the masses away from the communist movement, especially young people, and impedes the development of modern Marxist theory.
The slogans, consisting in most of the curses and threats against the regime, are perfectly correct in essence. Their predominance is largely explained by the severity of everyday existence, prolonged and unfulfilled hopes for a speedy revival of Soviet power. But one cannot win under these slogans.

The ideological opposition to non-Marxist trends in the communist movement does not cancel the OKP strategy aimed at maximizing the strength of all the Communist Parties and other left-wing organizations of a socialist orientation in the struggle for the cause of the working people.
The revival of the united communist movement is historically inevitable. It will happen the sooner the communists realize the need to bring their strategy and tactics, practices and forms of political struggle in line with the requirements of the 21st century.


In the process of restoration of capitalism in Russia, the current ruling class was formed, which is a product of the coalescence of large oligarchic capital, bureaucracy, and criminal structure.

Its distinguishing feature is its predominantly comprador character, when its source of income is mainly the sale of natural resources abroad. A feature of the current situation in Russia is the relative freedom of political maneuver for the bureaucracy, which, while not being a class, can nevertheless play a significant role in society for a certain period, especially relying on power structures. This position of the classics of Marxism was defined as "Bonapartism . "

Large social groups of modern Russian society are the middle and small bourgeoisie. These groups are largely associated with the production and services sectors; they are much more “national” than the big bourgeoisie. The ranks of the petty bourgeoisie have significantly replenished as a result of the de-industrialization of the country and the forced change of occupation by tens of millions of people. In full accordance with the classical scheme of development of monopoly capitalism, the process of destruction of the small and middle bourgeoisie and the growth of big capital, that is, the development of monopoly capitalism. This process objectively works for socialism, because, in full accordance with Leninist ideas, big capital creates centralized economic structures that are fully prepared for nationalization.

The attack on the petty bourgeoisie by big capital creates objective prerequisites for its tactical alliance with other oppressed classes and social groups. Considering that instability is inherent in the petty bourgeoisie, shy from side to side, this social group should be considered only as a possible travel companion of the workers , led by the Communist Party, at certain stages of the struggle.

The ruling classes are opposed by the proletariat in the person of the industrial working class and wage workers in various fields of industry, transport, science, and the service sector.

The number of industrial working class in Russia over the past 20 years due to the destruction of industrial sectors of the economy has declined significantly . There is a noticeable disqualification of workers caused by the retirement of skilled workers and the destruction of the vocational training system. The reduction in the number and role of the industrial working class was significantly affected by the raw material model of the Russian economy. There is a significant stratification by the income of workers in various industries. The social activity of the working class has been significantly reduced due to the loss of class experience in the struggle in the Soviet period, the influx of low-skilled labor from the republics of the Soviet Union and recruited from the peasantry.

Nevertheless, industrial and transport workers, due to the collective nature of labor and the organizing role of technological processes , are most capable of organizing and self-organizing in the struggle for their rights.

Part of the modern Russian proletariat are labor migrants (both from some regions of Russia and from abroad) who are employed, as a rule, in the least paid and prestigious specialties, and are subjected to the most cruel exploitation. So far this category has insignificantly realized its class interests and is practically not organized. It requires special attention and the work of the Communists.

The number of persons of wage labor, physical and intellectual, not related to the industrial proletariat, is commensurate with the number of the latter. Workers in research organizations, healthcare, services, catering, and trade are less united in production processes; their work is more individualized than the labor of industrial workers. As a result, their ability to organize and self-organize is lower than that of the industrial working class.

At the same time, the intelligentsia, which has taken up communist positions, makes a significant contribution to the development of class consciousness and the organization of the struggle of the working people for their rights.

The ruling classes managed to destroy most of the collective farms of the Soviet period. The big and middle bourgeoisie bought up a significant part of the attractive agricultural land, creating capitalist agricultural enterprises. This process continues. There is a reduction in the number and stratification of the former collective farm peasantry. A new, so far small class of rural bourgeoisie (farmers) was formed.

A rural proletariat is emerging in the person of hired workers of large capitalist agricultural organizations and farms, workers of processing enterprises, some of the poor peasants join the ranks of the industrial working class.

The industrial working class, other persons of wage labor, as well as the rural proletariat, are the social base of the United Communist Party.

Declassified elements in Russia, according to expert estimates, make up a significant part. This social group cannot be a social base or a support group for communists. They will act in alliance with the ruling classes.


The goals and objectives of the communists in leading Russia out of the capitalist impasse onto the path of socialist development are determined by the two-pronged scientific and humanistic content of the communist idea.

The immediate task of today is to expand and intensify the struggle of the working people - the working class and its allies - for their economic and political rights and interests.

The fulfillment of the following tasks meets these interests.

Democratization of power and governance of the state and economy:

· Abolition of the presidency and the transition to a parliamentary form of government,

· The transfer of regional governance in the hands of democratically elected representative bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation,

· Strengthening the system of real local government,

· The creation of a fully independent judiciary and direct election of judges by the public,

· The creation of a transparent and fair system of elections and appointment to posts in government, including elements of "e-democracy", the introduction of elements of direct democracy in the management of society,

· The actual provision by the state of the constitutional rights of citizens to freedom of speech and press (including through real public control of state and private media), to freedom of rallies and meetings, strikes, and freedom of movement,

· Empowering labor collectives with the right to nominate candidates to participate in elections of government bodies,

· Establishment of real popular control over officials and deputies of all levels, a sharp reduction in the bureaucratic apparatus and privileges of civil servants, increased transparency in the activities of the state apparatus,

· The participation of workers in the management of enterprises, the creation of conditions for the transfer of part of enterprises (industrial, agricultural, commercial) to the ownership of labor collectives; the abolition of trade secrets, the opening of all accounts and accounting documents of private and state enterprises in order to control their activities by workers,

· General amnesty for political prisoners,

· The exclusion from criminal law of articles making criminal prosecution possible for political reasons, including the abolition of criminal prosecution for insulting the religious feelings of believers; liquidation of political investigation bodies, radical reform and democratization of power structures (police, army, investigative bodies, prosecutors, penal systems), including the liquidation of certain services (FSO, anti-extremism units within the Ministry of Internal Affairs, internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs), transfer a large part of the police are administered by municipalities,

· Practical separation of the church from the state and the school from the church, ensuring freedom of conscience and religion; deprivation of religious organizations of tax benefits not provided for other public associations; the inadmissibility of the destruction of cultural, scientific and educational institutions due to the transfer of their property to religious associations;

· Adoption of a new Constitution at a national referendum, maximum expansion of the range of issues submitted to a national referendum, the transformation of a national referendum into a constantly working mechanism.

Economic and social transformations in the interests of the working majority:

· The creation of free trade unions, the adoption of a new Labor Code that meets the interests of workers, the introduction of criminal liability of entrepreneurs for violation of labor laws,

· The transition to a 35-hour working week without a reduction in earnings and a further consequential reduction in the length of the working day and working week in order to free up time for education, advanced training, cultural and moral and physical development of workers,

· The establishment of the minimum wage, taking into account the need for maintenance and education of children, the establishment of pensions and scholarships not lower than the real cost of living

· The abolition of indirect taxes, the introduction of progressive taxation of income, tax on luxury and especially large inheritances,

· Ensuring an increase in tax deductions for large families, disabled people, the poor, who need to improve housing conditions,

· Ensuring the maximum ratio of income of the most affluent part of the population to the income of the poorest part no more than 10: 1,

· Amendment of existing pension legislation to protect workers' rights, including the restoration of "non-insurance periods", the abandonment of the existing funded pension system and a return to the insurance pension system financed from the state budget, the establishment of a minimum pension of at least 50% of the average salary in the region,

· Return to Russia from foreign banks of state financial reserves and their use for socio-economic development,

· Freedom of non-commercial distribution and digital information.

The struggle to fulfill these requirements contributes to the solution of the most important task - the working class and its allies understand the need for fundamental economic and political changes that can only be achieved by taking power and moving on to the socialist path of development of the country.

For the seizure of power, its retention and use for the purposes of socialist development, the revolutionary party serves as the necessary political instrument of the revolutionary class. The need for a class advance will not disappear as long as classes and state power exist.

The socialist path is the path of the proletariat from one of the classes of capitalist society to the class - grave digger of capitalism and the entire class history of mankind. On this path, society has to go through three revolutions: political, economic, and moral and ethical.

The political revolution consists in the transfer of power into the hands of the proletariat, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which means genuine democracy, the power of the working majority, freed from the short leash of the economic dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is "a necessary transitional stage to the abolition of class differences in general, to the abolition of all production relations on which these differences rest, to the abolition of all social relations corresponding to these production relations, to the revolution in all ideas arising from these social relations" ( K. Marx).

The economic revolution consists in the transfer of the means of production into public ownership , in the reduction of commodity-money circulation to a minimum, in the transition to self-government of enterprises, in the work of the entire national economy according to a single plan.

The moral and ethical revolution consists in the transition to communist relations , in the rejection of money and other material incentives for labor, in the transformation of labor into a means of personal development, in the withering away of the governing functions of state bodies, in full national internal self-government.

The socialist path of development is inseparable from the development of productive forces, from strengthening the economic foundation of social progress.

The party will seek:

· Nationalization of all large enterprises, including retail chains,

· Nationalization of all banks with the preservation of citizens' deposits and centralization of the credit system and trade in the hands of the state,

· The introduction of a monopoly of foreign trade,

· Building a democratic and scientifically organized modern planned economy on the basis of public ownership of the means of production,

· Priority development of fundamental and applied science, high-tech and high-tech industries, increasing labor productivity in all sectors of the economy due to the implementation of the achievements of science and technology.

The socialist path of development is inseparable from democracy, which serves the interests of the working majority, the interests of the country's development.

The party will seek:

· The creation of a system of workers' councils, their connection at all levels from the bottom to the top, and the formation of a government based on them.

The socialist path of development is inseparable from the triumph of freedom and justice.

The party will seek:

· Deployment of a broad program of state housing construction provided to citizens free of charge,

· Creating a system of high-quality and affordable education and healthcare, financed from public consumption funds,

· Real guarantee of the linguistic and cultural rights of nationalities, ensuring equal working conditions and equal pay for equal work for Russian citizens and foreign citizens - migrant workers,

· Decisively combating poverty, homelessness, poverty and homelessness,

· Nationalization of the housing and communal services system, the establishment of a maximum payment for utilities in the amount of not more than 5% of total family income,

nationalization of industrial and commercial land,

· Ensuring the accessibility of cultural goods, the rejection of the commercialization of culture,

· Increase the level of scientific knowledge and culture of the population,

· The establishment of pensions with a replacement rate of at least 60% of the average wage in the country.

In an effort to achieve its immediate goals, the party supports every movement aimed at changing the existing social and political order in Russia in the interests of the working majority, while resolutely rejecting at the same time all those reform projects related to any expansion or consolidation of the police - official guardianship over the working classes, sees his task in introducing socialist content into the general democratic movement.


Humanity in its historical development has passed a series of objectively determined socio-economic stages. The capitalist formation, established on the globe in the middle of the 19th century, was then replaced by the socialist, but at the end of the 20th century. capitalism took a temporary revenge.

Capitalism is a socio-economic formation based on the private ownership of the bourgeois class on the means of production and on the exploitation by the capital of wage labor. About a hundred years ago, capitalism moved to its highest stage - imperialism, when the sovereignty of financial capital and the monopoly position of developed capitalist countries around the world took shape.

The accumulation and aggravation of contradictions in capitalist society continues - between the social nature of production and the private capitalist form of appropriation of its results, between labor and capital, between production and consumption, between the planned organization of production in a separate enterprise and the anarchy of production throughout society, between transnational corporations and national state form of political organization of society, between the unlimited desire of capital to expand production dstva and limited natural and human resources. The latter contradiction is especially pronounced in the so-called "Consumer society."

Capitalism as a socio-economic formation has come close to the limit beyond which the development of the productive forces of society on its basis becomes impossible. As a result of the development of the productive forces of society (enlarging production, increasing the range of products, increasing payback periods, etc.), it is constantly becoming more difficult to determine the possibility of profit from investing capital, which is the main incentive for capitalist production. Bank capital dominates and is already hampering the development of the real industrial sector. The solution to this problem through the development of commodity and stock markets has exhausted its capabilities. Currently, capital is circulating in these markets, many times exceeding the value of the entire world gross product (GDP). Profit from bank capital is a burden on the real sector of the economy, reducing the possibility of making a profit directly in production. All this, together with the costs of risk insurance, advertising and competition in general, make commodity production less and less justified from the point of view of capital investment, and further development of productive forces will only aggravate the situation.

The preservation of capitalism as the dominant system on the planet threatens disaster. Even his most ardent supporters admit that the development of production by the predatory methods inherent in capitalism leads to the rapid exhaustion of the most important natural resources. The global economic crisis is deepening. Capitalism undermines people's lives by local wars and the constant threat of their development into a new world war, redrawing state borders, technological disasters, cultural and spiritual decline.

The 21st century will be a century of unprecedented progress and global change. To its beginning, as a result of revolutionary changes in the productive forces, mankind entered a new technological era (“post-industrial”, or more precisely - “information”).

The volume and quality of knowledge of the main productive force - man, have risen to a fundamentally new level. Science, education and culture - that is, knowledge, become not only a “direct productive force”, but also that “accelerator”, which gives an explosive character to the progress of all material production.

Communists see the transition to a new technological era as a breakthrough of humanity into the future, an exit to a higher level of civilization. The progress of material production leads to an improvement in working and living conditions, makes it possible to fully provide the entire population of the Earth with material and spiritual benefits. The development of “high technologies”, modern information and transport systems has become the material basis for combining national economies into a single economic organism. This natural historical process is called "globalization." This process increases the social productivity of labor, accelerates, in turn, the further development of productive forces.

The global economic system is taking shape under the rule of capitalism. Therefore, in its modern form, being the highest achievement of the capitalist economy, it simultaneously carries within it its contradictions and vices. Weaker national markets are absorbed by stronger ones, and new forms of imperial economic domination are emerging. The main benefits and advantages of the technological revolution are received by the owners of the means of production, who own most of the national wealth, progress is developing through outbreaks of unemployment and economic crises. 10-15 percent of the gross product of developed capitalist countries is the result of the exploitation of the third world.
The emergence of a global class society inevitably gives rise to a tendency to form a “world” state, a global apparatus of violence. The objective economic interests of the capitalist “center” require political submission to the rest of the world. And increasingly, this “center” supplements economic coercion with political and military pressure. The role of the world gendarme was assumed by the United States, using the NATO unit subordinate to them as an additional armed force.

A new technological era brings death to a relationship based on private property. The material basis of this process is the transformation of knowledge and, more broadly, information into the main means of production, which in the conditions of existence and development of global information systems (Internet) cannot be privatized in principle.

The economic basis is the constant growth of the socialization of production . This helps unite the world proletariat in the struggle against the capitalist nature of globalization, and in the future (as it is completed) creates the foundation of the global socialist economic system.

The social basis is a fundamentally new, higher quality of wage laborers, their level of self-awareness, professional qualities, and general culture.

The political foundation is social and spiritual contradictions and conflicts that cannot be eliminated under capitalism, which create revolutionary anti-bourgeois and national liberation movements.
The growing economic, financial and political dominance of the "golden billion" inevitably provokes opposition, leads to an increase in the global class struggle. The world is on the eve of a new wave of national liberation and national democratic revolutions in the dependent countries of the periphery. This is most evident on the South American continent, where many countries have turned into a boiling cauldron.

Class conflicts of the 21st century will take place in various, including new, forms, depending on the economic, social, and national characteristics of each country or region.

Proletarian movements in the capitalist countries of the Third World will fight for the necessary livelihoods, against hunger, poverty, oppression. A significant role in them will be played by national liberation tasks . Social revolutions will be much like the socialist revolutions of the beginning and the middle of the twentieth century in Europe, often taking on even sharper forms.

In the countries of Europe and North America, where the material needs of the proletariat are largely satisfied, and precisely because of this, the problems of social inequality and injustice, the impossibility of professional and creative self-realization, the crisis of morality and culture, which can only be eliminated with capitalism, are highlighted.

In developed countries , taking into account the prevailing political traditions, relatively peaceful forms of socialist revolutions are more likely .

The OKP supports communist and progressive anti-bourgeois movements and will develop its international contacts.

By the very course of history, the world revolution is again being put on the agenda. The meaning of the activities of the Communists is to accelerate the movement of history.


Participation in the revolutionary struggle should not obscure from us and, most importantly, from the people, the ultimate goals of the Communists - the creation of a society in which happiness will be accessible to all people.

The basis of the communist ideology were and are:

· Freedom, equality, fraternity - slogans proclaimed by the bourgeoisie 200 years ago, but never realized by it;

· The elimination , as the basis of social inequality, of private property, and in the future, under communism, overcoming the very concept of "property",

· Free development of each, as a condition for the development of all: providing each person with the opportunity to know and change the world, the development of his personality. The desire for self-realization and creativity are recognized as the basic need of a person.

Marxism is a concentration of mind, knowledge, creativity and will. This is historical optimism based on science. It is cheerfulness, energy and dynamism. The words of Marx: “Communism is real humanism” should become the banner of our movement - the movement from class to human society. ... partii-okp

Google Translator
"We ask no compassion from you. When our turn comes, we shall not make excuses for the terror."

Post Reply