Russia today

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Mon Jan 13, 2020 12:10 pm

Vladimir Zhirinovsky considers Russians “serfs” and “serfs”
Here he is - the servant of the people!

That is how the head of the LDPR parliamentary faction called the Russians who came to the rally organized on January 5 by the party to distribute money, souvenirs and chebureks.

Distribution of money Zhirinovsky personally engaged. This was broadcast on Instagram account politician.

“Children, people with disabilities, who else? Orphans, serfs, serfs, ”the politician said, handing out thousandths of money to people.

“Moscow is beautifully decorated, many people walk, everyone is in a good mood. That would be the whole year! ”Said Zhirinovsky in his Instagram post on the same day.

For Zhirinovsky and colleagues, the Russians are really serfs, from which resources can and should be drained

The State Duma Ethics Commission drew attention to the politician’s trick and scheduled a hearing on this issue on January 13. However, do not worry about Vladimir Volfovich - as the head of the commission Otari Arshba said , fellow deputies can: point out Zhirinovsky ’s inadmissibility of his words or actions, offer to apologize, or inform the media about the fact of the deputy’s violation . The list of possible sanctions ends here.

The LDPR themselves announced their leader’s statement about the slaves as a joke, and said that all the witnesses and participants in the event were satisfied and no one had any complaints. Well naturally!

Nice joke, what to say. Vladimir Zhirinovsky is well known for his specific sense of humor, however, in this situation, as they say, "the photographer’s ears are visible in the photograph . " For Zhirinovsky and his colleagues sitting in parliament, the peoples of Russia are really nothing more than slaves from whom all juices can be sucked out. That is why this deputy public (recall the very people who defend our interests) supports and promotes laws on raising the retirement age , on increasing censorship, and so on , hiding behind and justifying its activities with miserable increases in the minimum wage of 100 rubles a year.

People in our country for a long time have not been building illusions about the “democracy” of the current regime in Russia, but situations such as litmus paper once again show workers what the face of their class enemy is. ... t-rossiya/
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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Fri Jan 17, 2020 12:29 pm

About free meals for schoolchildren in the USSR
16 January


Social networks are again fighting after Putin’s words about free school meals, which were not in the USSR. He said this in the context of the fact thatHe suggested making free hot meals for primary school students:
In this regard, I propose to provide free hot meals to all elementary school students from the first to the fourth grade . <...> It is necessary to create the necessary infrastructure in schools, equip canteens and buffets, establish a supply system, and, of course, high-quality products. I draw your attention to the fact that even during the Soviet Union this was not done , as I said.

Please note that this measure applies only to primary school. In the USSR, by the way, there was no such severe need. because from 1st to 3rd grade studied no more than 4 lessons, i.e. less than 4 hours and the student could have completely dispensed with a small snack in the buffet: a cake with tea or compote.

The need for lunch arose if the student went to an extended day group. Those. I studied in the regime before lunch, usual classes, and after lunch extra. But this did not concern all, but 25-30 percent of all students in the class.

Now the need for hot food concerns most children who study in the outback, especially in rural areas. This need arose after the so-called optimization, that is, the closure of thousands of schools across the country:

Rural schoolchildren now began to be taken to study in neighboring larger villages and district centers. Naturally, now they cannot return home immediately after school and have lunch. You still need to get home, and school buses do not go like taxis, but collect all schoolchildren of different ages, and this is extra time.

Plus, you need to remember that in the village, in the outback there are much fewer wealthy people than anywhere else in Russia. There is total unemployment. That is, to allocate 100-150 rubles per day for a child is a very real problem. In the USSR, as you yourself guess, there was no such problem at all. Everyone worked - everyone got paid.

That is, the problem was not as acute as it is now. More precisely, in the USSR there was no problem at all. I remember that at the buffet they gave me 10 kopecks a day. When I got older and there were more lessons, i.e. there was a need to stay longer at school, then money from parents was collected for school lunches - 1.20 rubles a week. That is, a full three-course dinner came out at 20-30 cents. For any family, expenses of 4 rubles 80 kopecks per month for food were not something unbearable.

In this whole story, I personally am most struck by the reaction of people who do not love the USSR. They speak of this with such condemnation.

Dear and not very gentlemen (sorry, but I’m unfriendly to call you comrades)! Communism has not yet been built in the USSR so that everything is free. In the USSR, there was socialism, where the main thing according to the words of the classic: accounting and control.

And what was in the USSR as accounting and control? Money was a measure of accounting and control. For this reason, yes, they paid for school lunches, but these amounts were purely symbolic, the rest, I suspect, were paid extra by local executive committees. And the nutrition of children from low-income and dysfunctional children was completely free.

That's it for me on this topic. Like if you agree with the author.))) ... 00ad0d11c3

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sun Jan 19, 2020 3:42 pm


Adopted by the Founding Congress of the OKP on March 15, 2014.

With amendments and additions made by the III Congress of the OKP on February 9, 2019.

Workers of all countries, unite!

The peoples of the Russian Federation and all the republics of the Soviet Union are now experiencing one of the most tragic periods in their history.

The triumph of the counter-revolution. October 1993

In 1991, as a result of the coup d'état, power came to power that embarked on the path of restoration of capitalism , during which the Soviet Union was disintegrated, through the coup d'état of 1993, the liquidation of Soviet power was completed, an authoritarian regime was established that accelerated the capitalist restoration.

The nomenclature-criminal nature of the bourgeois counter-revolution predetermined the merging of the bourgeoisie with the bureaucracy at all levels, from the largest oligarchs with the highest bureaucracy to small business with local leaders, giving feudal features to Russian capitalism.

The restoration of capitalism is accompanied by the destruction of moral values, the separation and mutual alienation of people. Interethnic conflicts flare up. The integrity, security and independence of Russia are in jeopardy. The social achievements of Soviet power — the right to work and housing, to education and health protection — have been eliminated . There are no guarantees of personal safety of citizens. Despite the tendency of the current government to parasitize, including on the glorious pages of Soviet history, its ideological appearance is determined by anti-Sovietism and anti-communism. Decades of its history have been sacrificed to capitalism, which is not compatible with the development of Russia.

The rapid emergence after the counter-revolutionary coup of 1991 of new communist parties proved that neither ideologically nor organizational communism could not be destroyed.

Rally on Manezhnaya Square in Moscow March 17, 1992

The diversity of communist organizations arose under conditions when the general party leadership, both at the union and republican levels, was destroyed. At the same time, the halving of the number of industrial proletariat - workers and engineers, the lumpenization of a significant part of the people, could not but affect the "ideological purity" of the communist movement. Today, the ideas of scientific communism and Orthodoxy are mixed in the communist movement, recognition of the realities of the post-industrial era and patriarchal rhetoric, slogans of international solidarity and official patriotism, calls for the equality of peoples and nationalist attitudes, love for democracy and Stalinist order at the same time. The carriers of these ideas are in almost all parties in various proportions. Certainly

These trends are the objective result of differences in the position of those social groups that form the basis of the communist movement. Communist groups that previously held leading positions in the economy, culture, state and party apparatus and to one degree or another retained their position and are currently cautious in the political struggle, gravitate toward conciliationism. The most disadvantaged strata of the workers are most decisive in the struggle against the regime. At the same time, it is this part that is subject to nostalgic moods, is not inclined to a critical reflection of previous experience, and considers it unnecessary to move to a higher level of socialism.

We recognize the right of each detachment of the communist movement to its own position, both in assessing the past and in ideas about the future society that we are striving for.

However, in modern conditions, there is a need to take steps to organizationally unite all Marxist-Leninists of the country , all who stand for scientific communism, who advocate socialism, democracy, internationalism and atheism, into a communist party that does not oppose other workers' parties and does not push the proletarian movement under any sectarian principles, which sets as its goal the development of class consciousness among the working masses and the organization of their struggle for power.

The unity of the Communists on May Day


The main immediate goals of the United Communist Party (OKP) are: bringing Russia to the path of socialist development, establishing workers' power, entering a new stage of development and creating economic, political, social and moral conditions for the consistent formation of communist social relations. The supreme goal of the party is to promote the emergence and establishment of a communist society. A society in which the free development of each is a condition for the development of all.

The future under communism

The OKP considers the movement towards communism as a natural historical process of the development of mankind. The change in socio-economic formations from slavery through feudalism to capitalism, where people are already legally (but not actually) equal, and further to communism is a consistent "dumping" of one type of oppression after another.

Based on these goals, the party bases its activities on the following principles:

OKP is a party of high moral, humanistic ideals. Ultimately, all economic and social transformations are needed only to eliminate the causes of self-interest and lies, enmity and hatred , so that people can show their best qualities.
OKP is a party in the struggle against all types of exploitation of man by man, for the abolition of its foundation - private ownership of the means of production using wage labor.
The fundamental denial of private property is what distinguishes the OKP from those left-wing organizations that are guided by the social-democratic ideology of a "multi-structural economy."


3. OKP - the party changing the existing system, replacing the power of the bourgeoisie with the power of the working people. History knows no limits on either counter-revolution or revolution. In modern conditions of the saturation of the habitat with weapons and potential foci of technological disasters, it is vital for the working classes to become a political force, which will have enough peaceful means of struggle to ensure its interests.

4. OKP - the party of real democracy. She is for a society in which not only legally, but also the political rights of citizens and labor collectives are ensured, all government bodies are accountable to the people, and conditions have been created for creative freedom in all areas of human activity.
The recognition of political and industrial democracy as a natural consequence of public ownership and at the same time a condition for its effective functioning at the modern level of development of society is what distinguishes OKP from "ultra-left" organizations that consider authoritarian methods to be the only ones. We strive for the dictatorship of the proletariat, and not for the dictatorship of the proletariat.


5. OKP - the party of socialist internationalism and patriotism. The patriotic duty of the Communists is the struggle for a worthy present and future for Russia, possible only under popular rule on the path of socialist development in a revived fraternal union of working people of all nationalities. Only such an alliance can workers who have won political power call their homeland. The development of the national consciousness of the working people is inseparable from the development and strengthening of internationalism, the main condition for the revival of the Soviet Union.

Annual action "Anti-clericalism"

6. OKP - the party of the materialistic worldview. OKP - for the secular nature of the state, for the actual separation of the church from the state and the school from the church; for true freedom of conscience and the right of everyone to profess any religion or not to profess any. The OKP considers unacceptable any interference by religious organizations in the activities of state authorities and other public institutions. The party leads and supports the promotion of materialistic scientific knowledge.

7. OKP - the party of creative Marxism. The dialectical materialist theory of social development, created by Marx and Lenin, is not a collection of utopias or dogmas. This is a living science, constantly evolving as the world changes, the accumulation and comprehension of new facts and phenomena. Seeking the unity of all the communists of Russia on Leninist principles, the party denies both leftist sectarianism and the opportunist compromising deviation.

8. OKP - the party of communist relations. The intraparty organization of the party’s activities ensures the wide participation of party members in party management, suppressing manifestations of careerism, leaderism, money-grubbing, and criticism. Party members in the relationship adhere to the principle "Man to man - friend, comrade and brother . "

9. OKP - a party that changes organizational forms and applies working methods in accordance with the objective conditions of public life. Organizational forms and working methods should not impede the development of a party organization when these conditions change.


The Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, accomplished by the working people under the leadership of the Bolshevik party led by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, became the historical contribution of the peoples of Russia to the progress of mankind, a landmark breakthrough into a new world free of capitalist relations.

The Great October Socialist Revolution

For the first time in history, the exploitation of man by man was eliminated, the rights to work, rest, education and health protection, and social protection were realized. In the shortest possible historical time, the centuries-old backwardness of tsarist Russia and especially its national suburbs was overcome. The country completed industrialization, won the Great Patriotic War, quickly restored the national economy, and entered the frontiers of scientific, technical, social, and cultural development.

Soviet power, a vivid and powerful manifestation of the living creativity of the working masses, was basically based on the understanding by each person of the importance and necessity of personal participation in the affairs of the country. It aroused the enthusiasm that helped our Motherland rise from devastation and backwardness to the heights of economic and social development.

The successes of the Country of Soviets were based on the advantages of the socialist system: systematic development, collectivism, friendship of peoples, the possibility of concentration of society’s efforts in crucial areas. With the liquidation of the exploiting classes and class antagonism, the Soviet state began to express and serve the interests of the vast majority of the population. The Constitution of the USSR in 1936, the nature of the Soviet state was legislatively fixed as a nation-wide.

At the end of the 20th century, in the development of the Soviet Union and the world socialist system, under the influence of a set of objective and subjective factors, a severe crisis ensued that encompassed the sphere of public administration, the economy, ideology, and all aspects of social and political life. In the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, socialism was defeated.

The root causes of the defeat were the contradictions that lie in the very nature of socialist society, which, being a transitional stage between capitalism and communism, "in all respects - economic, moral and mental, still bears the imprint of the old society" (K. Marx).

Labor has not yet become a vital need, which means that the need remains for economic, and in some cases non-economic coercion. Substantial differences remain in the level and way of life of people. Socialism eliminates the most acute contradictions of capitalism, including between classes. The principle of distribution according to work for the first time creates an interest among all workers in the absolute growth of social wealth, but it does not eliminate the contradictions between social groups, collectives and individual workers when they determine their share of this wealth.

Socialism changes the essence and role of commodity-money categories, but preserves commodity-money relations, which carry the possibility of appropriation and accumulation of material goods not according to the principle of distribution according to work, and retain the expression of capitalist social ties in themselves. Commodity-money relations, even acquiring a socialist content, “not only experience the influence of certain methods of production, but they themselves actively influence the system of production relations of these methods of production” (K. Marx). All these contradictions contain the possibility, and, if they are forgotten or underestimated, the direct danger of capitalist restoration.

A significant role was also played by the legacy of the centuries-old backwardness of tsarist Russia, exacerbated by seven years of the First World War and the Civil War. At the beginning of socialist construction, the Soviet people had to create productive forces as soon as possible, which in countries that had embarked on the path of industrialization much earlier were created within the framework of the capitalist system with the corresponding capitalist production relations.

The need to overcome deep backwardness did not allow for a relatively short historical period to achieve the economic superiority of the Soviet Union over the most advanced capitalist countries. The Leninist idea was confirmed that it is easier to win in a backward country of revolution, but it is much more difficult to build socialism in such a country if there is a huge mass of peasantry, petty-bourgeois in nature, under its pressure and the corrosive effect on the proletarian state, on the working class, on the communist party .

The need for forced industrial modernization determined the nature of the rigidly centralized, mobilization system of governing the country that had developed by the end of the 1920s, before which the situation in the world raised the question of its very existence.

This system was born out of the thick of life, from millions of private problems and methods for solving them, which had to be developed at all levels of government. As a result, the country succeeded in industrialization, won the Great Patriotic War, and in an unprecedentedly short time restored the national economy.

The emerging image of the country's governance system was influenced by the legacy of the old traditions of authoritarian state power and the lack of historical experience of any social control over it.
The weakness of public control and feedback in the country's governance system led to major miscalculations, to abuses of power, it significantly increased the price of contradictions in the country's leadership and its mistakes, among which were tragic.

Despite all the flaws, at the initial stage of socialist construction in the USSR, production relations corresponded to the growing and developing productive forces. The system of governing the country that took shape in the 1930s proved its high efficiency in solving the problems that required its creation.However, ways to solve problems are doomed to go back in time with the tasks solved. In the 30s and 40s, Soviet people felt they were defenders of the besieged fortress, and the current system of government was perceived as necessary. Its shortcomings were smoothed out during the post-war scientific and technical triumph, which served as a proof of the advantages of the Soviet system. However, after the period of mobilization and restoration, with the growth of the national economy, the complexity of production relations, the introduction of new technology, the increasing role of science, the need for a more flexible system of economic management and the expansion of the rights of labor collectives and workers increased. An increased political identity, cultural and professional level of the working people demandednot only the expansion of industrial self-government, but also the democratization of all social and political life.

The state of public relations required serious changes; it presented society with an alternative: either the retreat of socialism, or the transition to its new level, which combines effective public property, social justice and political democracy.

The attempts at transformation undertaken by the leadership of the CPSU in the 50s and 60s were timid and inconsistent. The power structures and the predominant part of the party and government leaders of all levels who did not want to lose their special position in society were not interested in their success. From the beginning of the 70s, the alienation of a significant part of the working class from the tasks and slogans put forward by the CPSU became more and more evident .

This led to a massive "alienation" of workers from the interests of production, and, ultimately, to massive discontent. Dissatisfaction began to grow among the creative, and then engineering-technical intelligentsia, caused by its low social status and strict regulation of its activities. The intelligentsia began to realize itself as an independent social force.

The long absence of close ties with society (primarily with the working class) led to a drop in the credibility of the CPSU. Its composition was dominated by people who joined it for reasons far from the program goals of the party. The society lost its understanding of the necessity and role of the party as a political avant-garde, and the practice of nominating to the Komsomol and party work (that is, ultimately to power) "technocrats" not burdened with communist convictions was practiced. The composition of the Soviet leadership during the “perestroika” period contained an element of chance that was characteristic of a subjective factor, but the country's lethal concentration of adventurers, traitors, and degenerates in power in the party and state was due to objective flaws in the system.

Mining strikes of the late 80s.

Communists in the CPSU were in the minority. The inglorious finale of "perestroika" showed that the working people of the USSR ceased to regard the CPSU as their party. The absence of public instruments for protecting socialism, except for party-state, made the fate of “perestroika” a hostage to the upper classes, where the understanding of its prospects as socialist modernization was not predominant. The loss of the experience of the class struggle over the years of Soviet power did not allow the working people of the USSR to develop a class assessment of what was happening and take active political actions in their interests and defend the socialist system.

By the time of the proclamation of “perestroika”, the huge potential of socialist development had accumulated in Soviet society, and, despite the absence of antagonistic classes, the dangerous premises of capitalist restoration. The objective contradictions of socialism increase the role of the political vanguard, which should be the communist party.
In the course of the “perestroika” begun by the leadership of the party and the country and as a result of the political struggle they initiated, of all the opportunities and threats the most catastrophic prevailed.

"Perestroika" , barely passing the stage of initial ideas and slogans that received public support, degenerated into a counter-revolution, the victims of which were the territorial integrity of the country, the social achievements of the Soviet people, the advanced productive forces that outgrew capitalism. The counter-revolution was supported by a motley, but rather large coalition of social forces. Among them: the degenerated Soviet and party bureaucracy, striving to seize public property and basically formed as a class already in the course of the counter-revolution itself; the petty bourgeoisie, preserved in a number of regions of the USSR; segments of the population, permeated by the petty-bourgeois andbourgeois-nationalist consciousness. This coalition was supported by the forces of world imperialism.

Companions to eliminate the country

The result of "perestroika" was the heyday and triumph of precisely those trends against which it was proclaimed and accepted by society.

A new socio-economic formation is not established without periods of reaction, temporary restoration of previous social relations. But there did not exist and cannot exist forces that could turn back the wheel of history. The general crisis that gripped the socialist countries in the 80-90s is not the collapse of socialism, but only the exhaustion of its original forms.

Until the productive forces have outgrown the capitalist production relations completely, definitively and irrevocably, the lag in the development of socialist production relations creates the danger of their replacement by capitalist relations.
Socialism must constantly and in all directions prove its advantage over capitalism right up to the disappearance of the latter, the inhibition of socialist development leads to a revival of the pre-existing conditions for a return to capitalism in socialist society.

This is the main lesson of Soviet history.


Among non-Marxist movements, the current which is defined as “reactionary socialism” in the “Communist manifesto” has a particularly corrupting effect on the communist movement . Exposing the abomination of today's criminal capitalism, it seeks its ideal in the patriarchy of bourgeois Russia. Its guidelines are the merger of the “white” and “red” ideals, “community, collegiality, nationality”, great power, rejection of internationalism, union with the church. Hence the constant craving for images and symbols of the pre-revolutionary period. Hence the ideological reliance on Slavophilism, Russian religious and white emigre philosophers.

We ring the workers together

This direction plays on the offended social and national feelings of the Russian people, and, above all, finds a response from the most backward part of the working people. It completely discredits the communist movement , in fact, merges with National Socialism. Often, the arguments of such "communists" are indistinguishable from the theses of official propaganda of the bourgeois-oligarchic regime.

At present, the struggle of the communist organizations expressing the interests of the proletariat has, to a large extent, been reduced, including through the efforts of the authorities, to the parliamentary struggle and the struggle in the elections. Under these conditions, the communist multi-party system became a brake on the elimination of the rule of the bourgeoisie. The distortion of the work of the parties towards parliamentary methods of struggle, the performance of separate "squads" and "columns" in the elections, the use by the communist organizations in the struggle among themselves for the votes of the voters from the arsenal of bourgeois election campaigns discredit the communist movement as a whole.

In the left spectrum of the communist movement (that is, in the communist movement itself) ideological confusion and vacillations dominate. Their range is from Maoists to “communist conservatives”. However, while the former are represented by small groups that do not significantly affect the movement, the latter among the left-wing communists today prevail. Constantly swearing allegiance to Marxism-Leninism, they completely abandon the Marxist analysis of the contradictory processes unfolding in the world, from Lenin's fearlessness in assessing reality, no matter how unpleasant it may be. Conservatism replaces such an analysis with general slogans that are correct for all time, but from endless repetition that look like spells.

If the “Orthodox Communists” rely on the values ​​of the “yesterday” day, then the “conservatives” rely on the images of the recent past, primarily the Stalin period. They are strongly against a critical analysis of the Soviet, initial stage of socialism. They do not want and cannot learn from defeat. These fundamental principles predetermine extreme dogmatism and sectarianism of “conservative communism” . Conservatism pushes the masses away from the communist movement, especially young people, and impedes the development of modern Marxist theory.
The slogans, consisting in most of the curses and threats against the regime, are perfectly correct in essence. Their predominance is largely explained by the severity of everyday existence, prolonged and unfulfilled hopes for a speedy revival of Soviet power. But one cannot win under these slogans.

The ideological opposition to non-Marxist trends in the communist movement does not cancel the OKP strategy aimed at maximizing the strength of all the Communist Parties and other left-wing organizations of a socialist orientation in the struggle for the cause of the working people.
The revival of the united communist movement is historically inevitable. It will happen the sooner the communists realize the need to bring their strategy and tactics, practices and forms of political struggle in line with the requirements of the 21st century.


In the process of restoration of capitalism in Russia, the current ruling class was formed, which is a product of the coalescence of large oligarchic capital, bureaucracy, and criminal structure.

Its distinguishing feature is its predominantly comprador character, when its source of income is mainly the sale of natural resources abroad. A feature of the current situation in Russia is the relative freedom of political maneuver for the bureaucracy, which, while not being a class, can nevertheless play a significant role in society for a certain period, especially relying on power structures. This position of the classics of Marxism was defined as "Bonapartism . "

Large social groups of modern Russian society are the middle and small bourgeoisie. These groups are largely associated with the production and services sectors; they are much more “national” than the big bourgeoisie. The ranks of the petty bourgeoisie have significantly replenished as a result of the de-industrialization of the country and the forced change of occupation by tens of millions of people. In full accordance with the classical scheme of development of monopoly capitalism, the process of destruction of the small and middle bourgeoisie and the growth of big capital, that is, the development of monopoly capitalism. This process objectively works for socialism, because, in full accordance with Leninist ideas, big capital creates centralized economic structures that are fully prepared for nationalization.

The attack on the petty bourgeoisie by big capital creates objective prerequisites for its tactical alliance with other oppressed classes and social groups. Considering that instability is inherent in the petty bourgeoisie, shy from side to side, this social group should be considered only as a possible travel companion of the workers , led by the Communist Party, at certain stages of the struggle.

The ruling classes are opposed by the proletariat in the person of the industrial working class and wage workers in various fields of industry, transport, science, and the service sector.

The number of industrial working class in Russia over the past 20 years due to the destruction of industrial sectors of the economy has declined significantly . There is a noticeable disqualification of workers caused by the retirement of skilled workers and the destruction of the vocational training system. The reduction in the number and role of the industrial working class was significantly affected by the raw material model of the Russian economy. There is a significant stratification by the income of workers in various industries. The social activity of the working class has been significantly reduced due to the loss of class experience in the struggle in the Soviet period, the influx of low-skilled labor from the republics of the Soviet Union and recruited from the peasantry.

Nevertheless, industrial and transport workers, due to the collective nature of labor and the organizing role of technological processes , are most capable of organizing and self-organizing in the struggle for their rights.

Part of the modern Russian proletariat are labor migrants (both from some regions of Russia and from abroad) who are employed, as a rule, in the least paid and prestigious specialties, and are subjected to the most cruel exploitation. So far this category has insignificantly realized its class interests and is practically not organized. It requires special attention and the work of the Communists.

The number of persons of wage labor, physical and intellectual, not related to the industrial proletariat, is commensurate with the number of the latter. Workers in research organizations, healthcare, services, catering, and trade are less united in production processes; their work is more individualized than the labor of industrial workers. As a result, their ability to organize and self-organize is lower than that of the industrial working class.

At the same time, the intelligentsia, which has taken up communist positions, makes a significant contribution to the development of class consciousness and the organization of the struggle of the working people for their rights.

The ruling classes managed to destroy most of the collective farms of the Soviet period. The big and middle bourgeoisie bought up a significant part of the attractive agricultural land, creating capitalist agricultural enterprises. This process continues. There is a reduction in the number and stratification of the former collective farm peasantry. A new, so far small class of rural bourgeoisie (farmers) was formed.

A rural proletariat is emerging in the person of hired workers of large capitalist agricultural organizations and farms, workers of processing enterprises, some of the poor peasants join the ranks of the industrial working class.

The industrial working class, other persons of wage labor, as well as the rural proletariat, are the social base of the United Communist Party.

Declassified elements in Russia, according to expert estimates, make up a significant part. This social group cannot be a social base or a support group for communists. They will act in alliance with the ruling classes.


The goals and objectives of the communists in leading Russia out of the capitalist impasse onto the path of socialist development are determined by the two-pronged scientific and humanistic content of the communist idea.

The immediate task of today is to expand and intensify the struggle of the working people - the working class and its allies - for their economic and political rights and interests.

The fulfillment of the following tasks meets these interests.

Democratization of power and governance of the state and economy:

· Abolition of the presidency and the transition to a parliamentary form of government,

· The transfer of regional governance in the hands of democratically elected representative bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation,

· Strengthening the system of real local government,

· The creation of a fully independent judiciary and direct election of judges by the public,

· The creation of a transparent and fair system of elections and appointment to posts in government, including elements of "e-democracy", the introduction of elements of direct democracy in the management of society,

· The actual provision by the state of the constitutional rights of citizens to freedom of speech and press (including through real public control of state and private media), to freedom of rallies and meetings, strikes, and freedom of movement,

· Empowering labor collectives with the right to nominate candidates to participate in elections of government bodies,

· Establishment of real popular control over officials and deputies of all levels, a sharp reduction in the bureaucratic apparatus and privileges of civil servants, increased transparency in the activities of the state apparatus,

· The participation of workers in the management of enterprises, the creation of conditions for the transfer of part of enterprises (industrial, agricultural, commercial) to the ownership of labor collectives; the abolition of trade secrets, the opening of all accounts and accounting documents of private and state enterprises in order to control their activities by workers,

· General amnesty for political prisoners,

· The exclusion from criminal law of articles making criminal prosecution possible for political reasons, including the abolition of criminal prosecution for insulting the religious feelings of believers; liquidation of political investigation bodies, radical reform and democratization of power structures (police, army, investigative bodies, prosecutors, penal systems), including the liquidation of certain services (FSO, anti-extremism units within the Ministry of Internal Affairs, internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs), transfer a large part of the police are administered by municipalities,

· Practical separation of the church from the state and the school from the church, ensuring freedom of conscience and religion; deprivation of religious organizations of tax benefits not provided for other public associations; the inadmissibility of the destruction of cultural, scientific and educational institutions due to the transfer of their property to religious associations;

· Adoption of a new Constitution at a national referendum, maximum expansion of the range of issues submitted to a national referendum, the transformation of a national referendum into a constantly working mechanism.

Economic and social transformations in the interests of the working majority:

· The creation of free trade unions, the adoption of a new Labor Code that meets the interests of workers, the introduction of criminal liability of entrepreneurs for violation of labor laws,

· The transition to a 35-hour working week without a reduction in earnings and a further consequential reduction in the length of the working day and working week in order to free up time for education, advanced training, cultural and moral and physical development of workers,

· The establishment of the minimum wage, taking into account the need for maintenance and education of children, the establishment of pensions and scholarships not lower than the real cost of living

· The abolition of indirect taxes, the introduction of progressive taxation of income, tax on luxury and especially large inheritances,

· Ensuring an increase in tax deductions for large families, disabled people, the poor, who need to improve housing conditions,

· Ensuring the maximum ratio of income of the most affluent part of the population to the income of the poorest part no more than 10: 1,

· Amendment of existing pension legislation to protect workers' rights, including the restoration of "non-insurance periods", the abandonment of the existing funded pension system and a return to the insurance pension system financed from the state budget, the establishment of a minimum pension of at least 50% of the average salary in the region,

· Return to Russia from foreign banks of state financial reserves and their use for socio-economic development,

· Freedom of non-commercial distribution and digital information.

The struggle to fulfill these requirements contributes to the solution of the most important task - the working class and its allies understand the need for fundamental economic and political changes that can only be achieved by taking power and moving on to the socialist path of development of the country.

For the seizure of power, its retention and use for the purposes of socialist development, the revolutionary party serves as the necessary political instrument of the revolutionary class. The need for a class advance will not disappear as long as classes and state power exist.

The socialist path is the path of the proletariat from one of the classes of capitalist society to the class - grave digger of capitalism and the entire class history of mankind. On this path, society has to go through three revolutions: political, economic, and moral and ethical.

The political revolution consists in the transfer of power into the hands of the proletariat, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which means genuine democracy, the power of the working majority, freed from the short leash of the economic dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is "a necessary transitional stage to the abolition of class differences in general, to the abolition of all production relations on which these differences rest, to the abolition of all social relations corresponding to these production relations, to the revolution in all ideas arising from these social relations" ( K. Marx).

The economic revolution consists in the transfer of the means of production into public ownership , in the reduction of commodity-money circulation to a minimum, in the transition to self-government of enterprises, in the work of the entire national economy according to a single plan.

The moral and ethical revolution consists in the transition to communist relations , in the rejection of money and other material incentives for labor, in the transformation of labor into a means of personal development, in the withering away of the governing functions of state bodies, in full national internal self-government.

The socialist path of development is inseparable from the development of productive forces, from strengthening the economic foundation of social progress.

The party will seek:

· Nationalization of all large enterprises, including retail chains,

· Nationalization of all banks with the preservation of citizens' deposits and centralization of the credit system and trade in the hands of the state,

· The introduction of a monopoly of foreign trade,

· Building a democratic and scientifically organized modern planned economy on the basis of public ownership of the means of production,

· Priority development of fundamental and applied science, high-tech and high-tech industries, increasing labor productivity in all sectors of the economy due to the implementation of the achievements of science and technology.

The socialist path of development is inseparable from democracy, which serves the interests of the working majority, the interests of the country's development.

The party will seek:

· The creation of a system of workers' councils, their connection at all levels from the bottom to the top, and the formation of a government based on them.

The socialist path of development is inseparable from the triumph of freedom and justice.

The party will seek:

· Deployment of a broad program of state housing construction provided to citizens free of charge,

· Creating a system of high-quality and affordable education and healthcare, financed from public consumption funds,

· Real guarantee of the linguistic and cultural rights of nationalities, ensuring equal working conditions and equal pay for equal work for Russian citizens and foreign citizens - migrant workers,

· Decisively combating poverty, homelessness, poverty and homelessness,

· Nationalization of the housing and communal services system, the establishment of a maximum payment for utilities in the amount of not more than 5% of total family income,

nationalization of industrial and commercial land,

· Ensuring the accessibility of cultural goods, the rejection of the commercialization of culture,

· Increase the level of scientific knowledge and culture of the population,

· The establishment of pensions with a replacement rate of at least 60% of the average wage in the country.

In an effort to achieve its immediate goals, the party supports every movement aimed at changing the existing social and political order in Russia in the interests of the working majority, while resolutely rejecting at the same time all those reform projects related to any expansion or consolidation of the police - official guardianship over the working classes, sees his task in introducing socialist content into the general democratic movement.


Humanity in its historical development has passed a series of objectively determined socio-economic stages. The capitalist formation, established on the globe in the middle of the 19th century, was then replaced by the socialist, but at the end of the 20th century. capitalism took a temporary revenge.

Capitalism is a socio-economic formation based on the private ownership of the bourgeois class on the means of production and on the exploitation by the capital of wage labor. About a hundred years ago, capitalism moved to its highest stage - imperialism, when the sovereignty of financial capital and the monopoly position of developed capitalist countries around the world took shape.

The accumulation and aggravation of contradictions in capitalist society continues - between the social nature of production and the private capitalist form of appropriation of its results, between labor and capital, between production and consumption, between the planned organization of production in a separate enterprise and the anarchy of production throughout society, between transnational corporations and national state form of political organization of society, between the unlimited desire of capital to expand production dstva and limited natural and human resources. The latter contradiction is especially pronounced in the so-called "Consumer society."

Capitalism as a socio-economic formation has come close to the limit beyond which the development of the productive forces of society on its basis becomes impossible. As a result of the development of the productive forces of society (enlarging production, increasing the range of products, increasing payback periods, etc.), it is constantly becoming more difficult to determine the possibility of profit from investing capital, which is the main incentive for capitalist production. Bank capital dominates and is already hampering the development of the real industrial sector. The solution to this problem through the development of commodity and stock markets has exhausted its capabilities. Currently, capital is circulating in these markets, many times exceeding the value of the entire world gross product (GDP). Profit from bank capital is a burden on the real sector of the economy, reducing the possibility of making a profit directly in production. All this, together with the costs of risk insurance, advertising and competition in general, make commodity production less and less justified from the point of view of capital investment, and further development of productive forces will only aggravate the situation.

The preservation of capitalism as the dominant system on the planet threatens disaster. Even his most ardent supporters admit that the development of production by the predatory methods inherent in capitalism leads to the rapid exhaustion of the most important natural resources. The global economic crisis is deepening. Capitalism undermines people's lives by local wars and the constant threat of their development into a new world war, redrawing state borders, technological disasters, cultural and spiritual decline.

The 21st century will be a century of unprecedented progress and global change. To its beginning, as a result of revolutionary changes in the productive forces, mankind entered a new technological era (“post-industrial”, or more precisely - “information”).

The volume and quality of knowledge of the main productive force - man, have risen to a fundamentally new level. Science, education and culture - that is, knowledge, become not only a “direct productive force”, but also that “accelerator”, which gives an explosive character to the progress of all material production.

Communists see the transition to a new technological era as a breakthrough of humanity into the future, an exit to a higher level of civilization. The progress of material production leads to an improvement in working and living conditions, makes it possible to fully provide the entire population of the Earth with material and spiritual benefits. The development of “high technologies”, modern information and transport systems has become the material basis for combining national economies into a single economic organism. This natural historical process is called "globalization." This process increases the social productivity of labor, accelerates, in turn, the further development of productive forces.

The global economic system is taking shape under the rule of capitalism. Therefore, in its modern form, being the highest achievement of the capitalist economy, it simultaneously carries within it its contradictions and vices. Weaker national markets are absorbed by stronger ones, and new forms of imperial economic domination are emerging. The main benefits and advantages of the technological revolution are received by the owners of the means of production, who own most of the national wealth, progress is developing through outbreaks of unemployment and economic crises. 10-15 percent of the gross product of developed capitalist countries is the result of the exploitation of the third world.
The emergence of a global class society inevitably gives rise to a tendency to form a “world” state, a global apparatus of violence. The objective economic interests of the capitalist “center” require political submission to the rest of the world. And increasingly, this “center” supplements economic coercion with political and military pressure. The role of the world gendarme was assumed by the United States, using the NATO unit subordinate to them as an additional armed force.

A new technological era brings death to a relationship based on private property. The material basis of this process is the transformation of knowledge and, more broadly, information into the main means of production, which in the conditions of existence and development of global information systems (Internet) cannot be privatized in principle.

The economic basis is the constant growth of the socialization of production . This helps unite the world proletariat in the struggle against the capitalist nature of globalization, and in the future (as it is completed) creates the foundation of the global socialist economic system.

The social basis is a fundamentally new, higher quality of wage laborers, their level of self-awareness, professional qualities, and general culture.

The political foundation is social and spiritual contradictions and conflicts that cannot be eliminated under capitalism, which create revolutionary anti-bourgeois and national liberation movements.
The growing economic, financial and political dominance of the "golden billion" inevitably provokes opposition, leads to an increase in the global class struggle. The world is on the eve of a new wave of national liberation and national democratic revolutions in the dependent countries of the periphery. This is most evident on the South American continent, where many countries have turned into a boiling cauldron.

Class conflicts of the 21st century will take place in various, including new, forms, depending on the economic, social, and national characteristics of each country or region.

Proletarian movements in the capitalist countries of the Third World will fight for the necessary livelihoods, against hunger, poverty, oppression. A significant role in them will be played by national liberation tasks . Social revolutions will be much like the socialist revolutions of the beginning and the middle of the twentieth century in Europe, often taking on even sharper forms.

In the countries of Europe and North America, where the material needs of the proletariat are largely satisfied, and precisely because of this, the problems of social inequality and injustice, the impossibility of professional and creative self-realization, the crisis of morality and culture, which can only be eliminated with capitalism, are highlighted.

In developed countries , taking into account the prevailing political traditions, relatively peaceful forms of socialist revolutions are more likely .

The OKP supports communist and progressive anti-bourgeois movements and will develop its international contacts.

By the very course of history, the world revolution is again being put on the agenda. The meaning of the activities of the Communists is to accelerate the movement of history.


Participation in the revolutionary struggle should not obscure from us and, most importantly, from the people, the ultimate goals of the Communists - the creation of a society in which happiness will be accessible to all people.

The basis of the communist ideology were and are:

· Freedom, equality, fraternity - slogans proclaimed by the bourgeoisie 200 years ago, but never realized by it;

· The elimination , as the basis of social inequality, of private property, and in the future, under communism, overcoming the very concept of "property",

· Free development of each, as a condition for the development of all: providing each person with the opportunity to know and change the world, the development of his personality. The desire for self-realization and creativity are recognized as the basic need of a person.

Marxism is a concentration of mind, knowledge, creativity and will. This is historical optimism based on science. It is cheerfulness, energy and dynamism. The words of Marx: “Communism is real humanism” should become the banner of our movement - the movement from class to human society. ... partii-okp

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Fri Jan 24, 2020 1:49 pm

How the coastal deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation worked out their term
Part 1. The State Duma

Among Russian politicians and politicians, the tradition that has been preserved from Soviet times and reporting to voters is popular. People’s representatives are especially active in reporting to the next election, hoping to capture hundreds of, if not thousands of votes, with beautiful reports. True, in these reports the most important very often remains behind the scenes. Not only the ruling United Russia , but also the systemic opposition party”They believe that voters do not need to know too much about their parliamentary and near-parliamentary activities. The author of this article takes a different point of view and invites readers to consider a real report on the work of deputies of one of the parties using the example of one region. We are talking about the deputies of the Communist Party, elected to the parliaments of all levels by the votes of the inhabitants of the Primorsky Territory. The report was compiled on the basis of documents and well-known facts, there are no speculation or insider information in it.

How the coastal deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation worked out their termTo hear such a report is all the more useful because many supporters of socialism vote for the Communist Party, sincerely believing that they will bring the victory of the Communists closer, and some supporters of honest bourgeois democracy support Zyuganov’s as the largest opposition force.

So, in the last election cycle of the Communist Party in Primorye significantly strengthened its position. Voters of the region delegated deputies of the Communist Party to the State Duma, the Legislative Assembly of the region, the Duma of the regional capital. In the parliaments of some regions and cities of the Territory, the Communist Party received an absolute or relative majority, in many it was large fractions.

Consider the work of the seaside parliamentarians of the Communist Party systematically from top to bottom.

One of the deputies of the State Duma from the Primorsky Territory is the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Aleksey Kornienko, a native of the Ulyanovsk region. Kornienko's experience in the Communist Party is 14 years. He went to the Communist Party all the steps of the parliamentary hierarchy from assistant to State Duma deputy, and also climbed the ladder of the party career, having been on the way the second secretary of the Ulyanovsk regional committee, a member of the Central Control Commission. In 2011, Kornienko was thrown to "strengthen" the coastal cadres, in fact, appointing "watching" from the Central Committee of the Communist Party in the Far East.

Thus, Kornienko is not a random person in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but in the full sense of the word a promoted party member. How did the young Communist politician, carefully fed by the party and supported by the inhabitants of Primorye, work in the State Duma?

To begin with, Kornienko’s speeches, because, in accordance with Lenin’s instructions, the Communists participate in bourgeois elections, primarily for the sake of obtaining a parliamentary tribune.

Take the latest Kornienko speech on June 14, 2016 at the discussion of the Central Bank's annual report. Kornienko asked the chairman of the Central Bank Nabiullina the question: “what is being done by the Central Bank of Russia now to improve the situation with the availability of loans for small and medium-sized businesses”? The interests of business - this is the question on which the deputy of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Kornienko spent his right to speak. Would not this question in his place be posed by any bourgeois deputy?

Crediting a business at the expense of the people's pocket is a line not only of United Russia, but also the Communist Party. Only EP lends to banks and large capital, while the Communist Party is concerned about the availability of state credit for small and medium-sized businesses. The perestroika mantras that businessmen will raise Russia and fill the budget with taxes, deputies have successfully forgotten. It turned out that the vaunted efficiency of a market economy requires regular feeding of entrepreneurs with government money.

Alexey Kornienko

There are many similar speeches in the practice of a member of the State Duma Committee on Kornienko’s property. Either he defends the creation of a special economic zone on the coastal Russian island, he tries to improve the work of regional commissioners for the protection of the rights of entrepreneurs, he is worried about the fate of non-resident companies of territories of priority development. Everyone can rummage through archives on the website of the State Duma and find a suitable example.

Of course, the deputy Kornienko also has completely different speeches, which the Communist Party is not ashamed to show in their videos and publish in newspapers. For example, on October 15, 2014 Kornienko spoke on behalf of the Communist Party faction before the Minister of Development of the Far East Galushka. Kornienko devoted the beginning of the speech to protecting the interests of business (this time especially the Far East), but then he remembered the workers, talked about high prices and low salaries, the demographic decline and mortality of children, emigrant attitudes and the robbery of the population by the housing and communal services system. Having thrown out a bunch of unpleasant facts before the Minister, Kornienko suggested to him ... "apply all the best achievements of the Soviet period and start from the main thing - with a person . " He finished his speech and was completely “unexpected”:“The Communist Party faction hopes that the ministry headed by you, Alexander Sergeyevich, will do everything possible for the prosperity of this wonderful land. We have very little time . ” Deserved applause ...

So, the Communist Party faction hopes that the bourgeois minister Galushka will do everything possible for the Far East, adopt the Soviet experience and help capital more efficiently absorb the wealth of this wonderful land. The Communist Party faction is ready to work in this direction together with the Minister. A tiny example of the fundamental political line of the Communist Party, the line to "improve" capitalism through requests and advice to the authorities, as well as by representing the interests of the petty and middle bourgeoisie. The larger the Communist Party faction in the State Duma, the more willingly the authorities will take its advice into account, according to Zyuganovites, recalling how they saved Russian capital in 1998. Kornienko in this sense is a completely typical Zyuganovite, neither better nor worse than others. He is always ready to criticize the government, cite a lot of facts, show concrete examples of sloppiness and corruption, but Kornienko makes conclusions from the indicated material completely non-communist. Here are a few endings of his "crushing" speeches:

“It's a shame, gentlemen, to deceive your voters!”

“At meetings with voters, dissatisfaction with the center is increasingly evident. Often you hear the saying: “We will live without Moscow, and whether Moscow will live without us?” Dear deputies, and especially the deputies from the faction of the party “United Russia”, called itself the party in power, should think about this. ”

“In general, in the absence of protection on the part of the state, they overlaid citizens with the indicated laws, like wolves with red flags. Only the wolves are immediately shot, and the inhabitants of Russia from hopelessness who lay hands on themselves, who sells their children, who goes into booze, who just ends up on the street. With such laws, it makes no sense to talk about stability in society, which the president of the country constantly calls for. ”

Much can be found in the speeches of Kornienko, but not in connection with the systematic organized struggle of the working people. He addresses only his fellow deputies and does not even attempt to explain to workers from the parliamentary rostrum the need for an independent struggle against capitalism. And in this deputy Kornienko is completely typical of the Communist Party.

We will pass from the parliamentary tribune to lawmaking. Alexei Viktorovich Kornienko co-authored preparing 123 bills. Among them, many ordinary Russians who are useful and necessary for everyday life, for example, a bill prohibiting the sale of alcohol in non-residential extensions of apartment buildings (is under consideration), a bill to increase liability for significant speeding on roads (rejected by the EP), or a bill establishing a ceiling on charges interest on consumer credit (pending).

There are Kornienko’s assets on the bill like laws on a complete state monopoly on the production and circulation of alcohol (under consideration) or on a progressive taxation scale (under consideration).

However, all of them are the result of purely parliamentary manipulations and have nothing to do with the everyday struggle of hired workers. Meanwhile, it is clear that without the support of United Russia, no such law can pass. An alternative to conspiracy with the bourgeoisie is the powerful pressure of the proletariat, that is, extra-parliamentary struggle.

Member of the Communist Party faction

Take for example one of the Communist Party draft bills with the participation of Kornienko - a bill establishing a minimum wage at a level not lower than the living wage. This is a real burning issue for all working people. His decision would indeed be a little, but would improve the position of employees. The struggle for the adoption of this law could seriously contribute to the cohesion and organization of the proletariat.

What did the Communist Party do, having among all the left parties the maximum opportunities for working with workers? She held many consultations and press conferences, a series of actions, distributed propaganda materials. And that’s all. The bill, which, with proper preliminary work, could become a reference point for a serious campaign to create new trade unions and politically educate the people, has become another uninteresting line in the list of Communist Party election spells. No attempt was made to organize the struggle of the proletariat.

Among bills Kornienko is strange like a bill requiring municipalities to pay utilities for private schools , as well as undemocratic , for example, Kornienko among the co-authors of the law, allowing the President of the Russian Federation to appoint 10% of senators. He is a co-author of the law introducing criminal liability for public calls for separatism. According to this law, V.I. Lenin would sit today to promote the right of nations to self-determination, although it was he who, in fact, actively fought against bourgeois separatism.

Kornienko also worked in the field of activity of his property committee, speaking with edros as a co-author of clarifications of the law on self-regulation of valuation activity, which is undoubtedly important for the Russian bourgeoisie.

So, in the field of lawmaking Kornienko is a typical deputy of the Communist Party. Bills, the adoption of which would improve the situation of the working people and intensify their struggle, are proposed without any connection with the organized popular movement. They are not intended to be adopted, but solely to create the image of the Communist Party as a "people's" party. On the other hand, deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation actively cooperate with bourgeois parties in the adoption of laws necessary for the functioning of capitalism, and even help write laws that limit the possibilities of the workers' independent struggle and create additional opportunities for provocation against them.

Kornienko not only prepared such laws himself, but also voted for similar legal acts proposed by other deputies. For example, Kornienko voted to pass a law on pre-trial blocking of "extremist" sites.

It remains for us to consider the representative activities of Kornienko, his work with voters. The status of a deputy of the State Duma provides significant opportunities for organizing a labor movement and propagating in it the ideas of eliminating capitalism and the transition to socialism. Did Aleksey Viktorovich use them? The official website of the Communist Party keeps track of Kornienko’s public speeches outside the State Duma and events with his participation. Turn the tape back:

August 4, 2016 - Kornienko held a reception of citizens in the city of Artem, Primorsky Territory. Not a single question on the organization of the labor movement was discussed at this event. Housing and communal services tariffs, land weaning, school requisitions, lack of places in a kindergarten, lack of street lighting and the like, undoubtedly important questions raised by the Artemists who came to the reception, “were taken under close control of the State Duma deputy from Primorsky Territory A.V. Kornienko ». And all about the involvement of people in the struggle and there is no question. Kornienko, of course, using personal connections and the influence of the deputy, will ensure that they screw a specific light bulb, arrange a specific child in kindergarten, but nothing will change dramatically. School requisitions will not go anywhere, tariffs will continue to grow. The solution to these problems was postponed until the Communist Party won the election. Here Zyuganov’s majority will get in the Duma and then the presidency will try to do something. An ordinary person can only vote for the Communist Party and wait for miracles. In fairness, we note that those who have come to Kornienko’s reception with the exception of groups collectively fighting for their interests in the housing and utilities sector do not want to fight, and everyone is waiting for wizards who can solve their personal problems in no time. The culture of solidarity with us is still close to zero.

July 31, 2016 - Kornienko celebrated Navy Day in the shadow of a tricolor with Pacific Fleet veterans and their spouses in Artem. I received a badge and a vest from veterans.

July 15, 2016 - press conference of candidates for deputies of the State Duma from the Communist Party in Khabarovsk. The day before, Kornienko addressed the Khabarovsk asset of the Communist Party: “Based on the decisions of the 16th Congress of the Communist Party, A.V. Kornienko emphasized the key tasks facing the Communists of the Far East. First of all, this is the complete mobilization of the forces of all party organizations, party supporters and allied national-patriotic forces to destroy the monopoly of "United Russia" in the State Duma . " In short, the idea of ​​fixation is participation in the elections for the sake of increasing the Communist Party faction. Again, not a word about the organization of the proletarian movement.

On June 20, 2016, Kornienko gave an interview to the newspaper Artem +. Here are some quotes.

The correspondent throws up Kornienko the opportunity to expound the Marxist-Leninist approach to organizing the struggle of workers, asking:

“Social tension in cities and regions is growing. People more actively began to express their indignation at the continuing decline in living standards, the negligent attitude of local authorities to the performance of their direct duties. But is there any hope that the situation of citizens will still change for the better? How can people themselves influence justice to triumph? ”

From the long and confused answer of the deputy we take only the final paragraph, in which he gives advice on what to do:

All for one“On the eve of the elections to the State Duma and the Legislative Assembly of the Primorsky Territory, which will be held on September 18, 2016, each citizen has a key task - to overcome the feeling of political powerlessness and take an active civic and political position in the common cause of salvation and creative development of the Primorsky Territory and all of our Fatherland ".

That's all. The only known way to fight Kornienko is voting in elections.

On June 7, 2016 Kornienko celebrated Pushkin Day at Artyomovsk school No. 17, and awarded the school principal with a medal from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

June 3, 2016 Kornienko finally visited the factory. He visited the Artyomovsk agricultural enterprise "Melissa", where he met, however, not with the labor collective, but with the hostess. Probably, there was no reason, after all, “Melissa” in the report on the meeting was called a “people's enterprise” (despite the private nature of ownership). What did Kornienko do in an oasis of social partnership, where there are even free lunches? The deputy listened to the complaints of the businesswoman about expensive bank loans.

But maybe two pre-election months are not indicative and the rest of the time Kornienko actively organizes wage earners? We spin the tape further and further until the beginning of the year, but among speeches at rallies, press conferences, meetings with party members and voters, only occasionally does the news of Kornienko’s contacts with enterprises come across. Everywhere in production he is met by management, everywhere employees are satisfied with everything, there are no other problems besides business problems. At least since the beginning of 2016, Kornienko has not taken part in any real labor conflict that took place in the Far East. Where workers go against the authorities, Kornienko is not. He can still afford to flicker at rallies allowed by the directorate, such as the shares of employees of the RadioPribor plant, but he avoids these strikes, the owners will not understand.

As mentioned above, Alexei Kornienko as a deputy is completely typical of the Communist Party and fits perfectly into the party line on parliamentarism and cooperation with the bourgeoisie. It is not surprising that he also leads the Communist Party regional group in these elections, as well as being nominated in a single-mandate constituency. Once elected, Kornienko will continue to serve the capitalist class as a dozen social democrats, will vote for new prohibitive laws, and will continue to sow among the working people the illusions of social partnership and bourgeois parliamentarism.

In the next article, we will consider the activities of the Communist Party faction in the Legislative Assembly of Primorsky Krai. ... b5-%d0%b4/

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Tue Jan 28, 2020 12:45 pm

Yekaterinburg ambulance drivers are planning a strike
Consequences of attempts to save power

According to the E1 publication, ambulance drivers in Yekaterinburg are planning to start a strike on February 1, stopping the work of three substations in the city. The reason for the strike was the deterioration of working conditions of drivers caused by the transition to outsourcing.


The main goal of the strike is to conclude a collective agreement with the municipality, which will prescribe the maintenance of the social package and increase in salaries. If it doesn’t work out, the drivers will stop working, depriving the city of 37 ambulances.

Similar transitions have previously been made in Samara, Ufa and several other settlements, and their results are simply disastrous . Constant non-payment of salaries, lack of paid sick leave and vacations - this is an incomplete list of problems that drivers encountered, which were transferred to outsourcing and issued as “individual entrepreneurs”.

Nevertheless, the authorities, in their attempts to save money on the people, stubbornly continue to step on the same rake, forcing the workers to enter into an unequal struggle for their rights over and over again. We fully support the drivers who set foot on this difficult one and wish them success in the difficult task of protecting their rights. ... skoroj-pl/

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sun Feb 02, 2020 2:53 pm

Discussion: “The working class today”
The discussion club in Tver discussed issues related to the modern working class

In Tver, a meeting of the left-wing discussion club took place. All those present were able to discuss the topic “The working class today. The proletariat, cognitariat, precariat. Is there any difference? ”, Reports and opinions of all comers were heard.

The theme, of course, was not chosen by chance. It has now become fashionable to talk about the working class. But at the same time, a number of well-known and not very public figures like to develop the idea that the concepts of “working class” and “proletariat” are now devoid of content, and now on the historical stage some other, new classes, such as “precariat” and “ cognitive ”. Are these people right who say this? And if not, then what is a class capable of becoming a genuine grave digger of capitalism?

These are the issues that were raised at the event.

The first to speak was Comrade Comrade Ostap (representative of the Organizing Committee of the discussion club), during his speech, emphasizing the importance of the chosen topic. During the years of reaction, the theory of the class struggle, the concepts of classes and, in particular, the proletariat, has been overgrown with many innovations, conjectures, fables and distortions. Marxists themselves now also often cannot agree on some seemingly fundamental issues. The meeting of our Tver discussion club is yet another attempt to understand what is said by theorists of the past is still relevant, and what needs to be rethought. At the end of his speech, evaluating the importance of this topic and conducting a brief excursion into the so-called new classes (cognitive and precariate), comrade Ostap suggested that the precariate bears a resemblance to the lumpen proletariat already described by Karl Marx.

The report of Hamid Azizov (LenMar network of Marxist circles) was devoted to the emergence and development of labor activity. The emergence of the beginnings of consciousness predetermined the gradual separation of mental labor from physical labor, which was entrenched in the capitalist division of labor, in which mental and physical labor were represented by various groups of the proletariat. The goal of communist society is to overcome this division, and regarding this goal, the interests of groups within the proletariat objectively differ. Workers directly engaged in physical labor are objectively the most interested in the development of productive forces and an increase in labor productivity.

In his speech, Roman Kalugin (Marxist trend) said that the future lies with the industrial working class, based on the current situation in the country. This class, being the majority in the country, has enormous revolutionary potential. Due to the high level of organization, workers of this group can not only stop production, but also start them again, control not only their company, but also the country and the whole world. The growing contradictions between labor and capital in society will unequivocally put the question of revolution on the agenda, in this situation the workers will either have to fulfill their historical role or remain in the hell of capitalism. After the speech, Roman was asked questions from the audience, in particular, on methods for calculating the size of the industrial working class.

Vyacheslav Sychev (ROT FRONT) showed the club participants a conditional scale on which modern society is divided by place in the social production process. In that part of society that relates to wage earners, one can single out groups that have more or less classical signs of the proletariat - Oleg Dvurechensky recently shot a series of videos on Youtube about the correspondence of modern workers to these signs. The precariate and cognitariat also for the most part work for hire and do not stand out in some separate class formations. The fact that historical development has led workers to a greater division into groups and spheres of activity does not abolish the tendency to unite a single class. But it will not happen automatically by itself - modern communists should deal with unification.

Report Comrade Igor (Organizing committee of the discussion club)was devoted to the prospects for the development of modern society in the near future. Capitalism has exhausted the limits of its development and is approaching its final crisis, which all the world "elites" are aware of. After this crisis, the most likely socialist revolution and change of formation. In an effort to prevent its historical loss, the bourgeoisie can respond to the crisis by introducing a digital consumption control system that will monitor the living standards of the population and "quench" the emerging discontent by providing targeted social assistance to the most needy, thereby undermining the role of the proletariat as the "grave digger of capitalism." Although this system may prolong the existence of capitalism, it certainly will not eliminate its main contradiction. This contradiction, taking on new forms, will still lead society to a crisis, even if modern elites can “postpone” it for decades. But those who are struggling with capitalism now must consider the dangers of introducing total digital control of consumption. Report Comrade Igor caused an interesting debate.

The latest report was made by Alexander Khan . He said that the proletariat remains the same class, being both oppressed (under capitalism) and dominant (the transitional period after the revolution). Moreover, the only sign that the proletariat has maintained throughout its existence is wage labor. An important point: the proletariat is the grave digger of the bourgeoisie only as the ruling class. Therefore, to search for the grave digger of the bourgeoisie among the oppressed proletariat is a mistake of Dvurechensky in his already mentioned studies. Being dominant (in the Soviet period), the proletariat made significant and in many ways irreversible changes both in the bourgeoisie and in the oppressed proletariat.

After all the presentations and questions to the speakers, the participants in the club meeting were able to voice their own positions on the topic under discussion.

In the end, the representative of the Organizing Committee informed everyone present that the meetings of our discussion club would now be regular. ... -segodnya/

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sat Feb 08, 2020 2:47 pm

Ministry of Justice recorded Boom in Party Building
Masquerade preparations have begun

A few days ago, we already wrote about the creation of a new political party, “For Truth,” led by writer Zakhar Prilepin . As it turned out, this event is only a link in the whole string of party surge. The Ministry of Justice reports that over the past year, nearly forty organizational committees have been registered to establish new political parties.

"There is no better candidate in the forest than Mr Wolf!"

In 2021, the next elections to the State Duma will be held in our country. At the same time, all kinds of sociological polls and observations of the previous elections show a sharp drop of Russians' trust in the election institution, as such. One of the reasons for this phenomenon is the participation of "boring" parties that citizens respect less and less. A possible way out of this situation is the admission to the electoral masquerade of a wide range of parties that will return the population's interest and bring the electorate necessary for the legitimate elections. It is no coincidence that in December 2019, "Vedomosti" sources, that are close to the presidential administration, reported that the Kremlin was discussing the idea of ​​allowing a large number of small parties to enter the 2021 elections.

The Head of Social, Economic and Political Studies Institute, Dmitry Badovsky, expresses the following opinion:

Now the left-populist niche with the values ​​of redistributive justice is not occupied yet, and many registered opposition parties are trying to integrate into it. New parties will strive there, but it is clear that there will not be enough space for everyone. Party development is also a large project that requires quite a budget for registration and media promotion.

The cheating game

Certainly, not all organizational campaigns will succeed. Most likely, a positive outcome is practically a foregone conclusion for those parties whose creation has been agreed upon with the country top leadership. The script for the next elective performance has already been written, there is a selection of actors for secondary roles. In this situation, workers should not forget that dropping a ballot paper in a box every now and then is the worst option for a political struggle for their fundamental interests. Only the working class itself, led by its vanguard, united in a party, is capable of carrying out decisive transformations in society. ... -building/
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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Sun Feb 09, 2020 12:13 pm

Communism vs. capitalism
1riedrich Engels on the superiority of the communist system over the bourgeois

“Living only for a family is animal egoism, living for one person is meanness, living only for yourself is a shame”
Nikolai Ostrovsky

Editor’s Note : In his first speech, made by the coryphaeus of the working-class movement Frederick Engels in the city of Elberfeld, he described the superiority of the communist social system over the capitalist, bourgeois system, which unfortunately reigns supreme on Earth after the destruction of the USSR. Soviet society was built on these communist principles and, thanks to the new system, was able to establish production and become the first society in the world free from human exploitation by man. But today, bourgeois ideologists impose on everyone the view that communism is a utopia, a fairy tale. Instead of communist principles, we are presented with the greatest good liberal values ​​of capitalism. What are these values ​​and what are the flaws of today's society? What are the advantages of communist organization principles? If the latter were largely successfully realized after October 1917, was Engels right? And then the liberals just hold on to dying ideas? Let's answer these questions further together with Engels .

Friedrich Engels, 1840s

As liberals and others like them say to us, “we live in a world of free competition.” What is this all about? Each person works at his own peril and risk, each seeks his own enrichment, and he does not care what others do. There is no question of a rational distribution of work, everyone is trying to get away, get ahead of the other, and takes every opportunity to do so. Moreover, a person does not think that his interests essentially coincide with the interests of all other people. A separate capitalist is fighting with everyone else, a separate worker is with everyone else, all capitalists are fighting against all workers, and the mass of workers, in turn, is fighting against capitalists. In this war of all against all, in this mess and universal exploitation lies the essence of capitalist society.

Competition: the loser must die!

Such messy housekeeping will lead humanity to the most sad results. The first result of the struggle for the benefit of competition can be considered the everyday ruin (especially acute during crises) of small business. Moreover, the results of his work go to a larger competitor. And the picture of what is happening is such that a small group of large owners who hold all the means of production in their hands accumulated at one pole, and you and I at the second pole are those who have nothing.


Since each capitalist produces goods at his own risk and peril, while not really worrying about what others produce, inevitably there is a glaring disparity between production and consumption. Firstly, modern capitalism trusts the distribution of manufactured goods to speculators and traders who, like them, are determined only for their own benefit. This leads to higher prices, because of which it is more difficult for the teacher and teacher to purchase essential goods, and therefore there is a discrepancy in the distribution of products. Secondly, how can a manufacturer establish how many products are required on a particular market? And even if he can establish it, how will he know how many products his competitors sent to these same markets? It turns out With such a mess of production, it is natural that stagnation sets in in trade, which is all the more significant the more developed the industry and trade of the country.

What causes our ruin, the striking difference between wealth and poverty, crises and the resultant squandering of capital? This is due to our fragmentation of interests. We all work, we work, we pursue only our own profit, not caring about the welfare of others, and yet this is the most understandable truth, the happiness of each individual person is connected with the happiness of everyone else. We must agree that we cannot do without our brothers, that simple interest rivets us to each other, but with our actions we violate this truth, as if our interests not only do not coincide, but are directly opposite to each other.

Due to the opposition of interests, a huge amount of labor is spent in vain, a significant part of the capital is spent and not reproduced, that is, society does not get anything useful. We observe this, for example, during crises, when products produced by hard labor are sold at unprofitable prices.


Think about how many hands each product must go through to reach the consumer directly. This product from production goes to warehouses, then to a trading company, and already from these trading companies it is sold to shops, large and not so big. This is a situation within one or two cities, and now imagine how the number of intermediate stages increases if we take countries?

With a reasonable organization of society, there can be no question of such a complex way of delivering a product to a consumer. After all, there is no difficulty directly, in bulk, without any intermediaries, to order the desired product, determining the amount of each individual product that is needed for national needs. Speculators who risk losing their funds due to an unsuccessful transaction will disappear, they will become full members of the company benefiting him.


In addition, the theft of labor occurs in modern society directly under the influence of competition, which creates a huge number of unemployed who would like to work, but cannot get a job.


Modern society, which puts an individual person in a hostile relationship with everyone else, thus leads to a social war of all against all, a war which inevitably has to take a brutal, barbaric-violent form for individuals, especially for those with little culture, as a form of crime. To protect themselves from crime, society has created a bunch of institutions that require immense human costs.


Among the most expensive institutions without which modern society cannot do without are standing armies that rob the nation of the strongest, most necessary part of the population, which thus becomes unproductive and which the nation is forced to feed. We know from our own state budget what the standing army costs us: twenty-four million a year and the removal from production of two hundred thousand pairs of the strongest working hands.

How will things be with all this in a communist society?

In a society where the interests of individuals are not opposed to one another, but are united, competition disappears, and with it the ruin of individual classes also disappears. Yes, even classes that are currently poor and rich can be forgotten. It will be easy to take into account both production and distribution. Since it is known how much each individual person needs on average, it is very simple to calculate how much a certain number of people will need. And since production will no longer be in separate, private hands, but will be in the hands of the community and its management, it will not be difficult to regulate production according to needs.

We see that in a communist society the main vices of the society in which we live die out, but such a device is not limited to this.

In a communist society, management will be infinitely simplified because in this society, management will have to be aware not only of certain aspects of social life, but of the entire social life.

We are eliminating the antagonism between the individual and everyone else, we are opposing social peace to social warfare, we are cutting the very root of the crime, and this makes much more of the current activities of administrative and judicial institutions superfluous. In modern society, the number of crimes against the individual decreases, and the number of crimes against property increases. Crimes against property by themselves will disappear where everyone receives everything necessary to satisfy their physical and spiritual needs, where social barriers and differences disappear. Criminal justice will disappear by itself, civil justice, which examines property relations almost exclusively, will also disappear; litigation, which is now a natural result of general hostility,

Therefore, we have the right, from this side, to count on a significant influx of workers at the expense of those who, due to the current social order, are being deprived of society for the tasks of bureaucratic management.

In a communist society, a standing army is not required. Yes, and why? For the inner peace of the country? But we have already seen that it would never occur to anyone to upset this inner calm. For an aggressive war? But how can a communist society go so far as to embark on an invasive war, a society that knows very well that in a war it will only lose people and capital, while it will conquer at most a few discontented provinces, which, therefore, will bring with them violation of social order! For a defensive war? For this, it does not need a standing army, since it will be easy to teach every member of the society suitable for war, along with his other activities, to own weapons as much as is necessary to protect the country, and not for parades. And bear in mind that a member of such a society in the event of war , which, of course, can only be waged against anti-communist nations, must defend the real fatherland, the real hearth, that, therefore, it will fight with enthusiasm, with perseverance, with courage, before which it must scatter like straw, mechanical training of the modern army. (Remember what miracles the enthusiasm of the revolutionary armies from 1917 to 1921 performed - armies that often fought for illusion, for an imaginary fatherland, and you will understand what should be the strength of an army fighting not for illusion, but for something real and tangible) .So, this countless number of working hands, which are now taken away from the civilized peoples for the armies, would be returned to work under communist organization. They would not only produce as much as they consume, but could produce even more products than is necessary for their maintenance, to replenish public stocks.

In a communist society, all unemployed will be employed. With such an organization, the usual now working time of each will be reduced by half, due to the use of those hands that are now completely unused or inappropriately used, with the preservation of income, even with its increase.

Opposing social systems

One may ask how to put this theory into practice, what measures can we offer to prepare its implementation?

Universal free tuition

The first event is universal education at the state expense of all children, without exception, the education is the same for all, up to the age when a person is able to act as an independent member of society. This event would only be an act of justice towards our poor brothers, since each person has an undeniable right to the full development of his abilities, and society doubly commits a crime against the individual when he makes ignorance an inevitable consequence of poverty. That educated than ignorant, uncultured members of this society do more good to society, this is self-evident. (This is also indisputable and obvious on a real example, when the Soviet government, making education free and accessible to everyone, was able to overcome a lot of enormous difficulties with the help of educated and cultural citizens, defeated German fascism).

Universal employment

The second measure consists in the complete reorganization of guardianship of the poor in such a way that all unemployed citizens are hired, where they would be engaged in agricultural and industrial labor and where their work would be organized in the interests of the whole society.

These two events require money. In order to receive them and at the same time to replace all taxes that have been levied on unfairly distributed taxes so far, the proposed reform plan proposes a universal progressive capital tax , the interest rate of which increases with the size of capital.

It is not a question of introducing a community of property immediately and against the will of the nation, but, first of all, of defining a goal, as well as means and ways in which we can move towards this goal. But that the communist principle is the principle of the future, the development of all civilized nations speaks for this, the rapidly progressive decomposition of all the social institutions that have existed so far speaks for it, human common sense and, above all, the human heart speaks for it.

Friedrich Engels, 1845 (article prepared by Nizhny Novgorod activist Andrei Levy)

Afterword by the editors: let the liberals now try to object. An attempt to argue with Engels himself would look ridiculous. And we advise young people and workers of Russia to adopt the Elberfeld speech, propagandize it among friends, and study it at Marxist circles. (Following the example of such a circle in Nizhny Novgorod ) . We wish you success in the struggle for the triumph of communist ideas!

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Mon Feb 10, 2020 1:47 pm

On attempts by a Russian court to liquidate ROT FRONT

No "If ..."

Clarifies the situation at the front of class battles First Secretary of the Central Committee of the ROT FRONT Viktor Tyulkin .

Corr .: Viktor Arkadevich, it became known that the authorities went on the attack, and the Ministry of Justice filed a lawsuit in the Supreme Court with a request to liquidate the political party Russian United Labor Front. If such a decision is made, then the Front will dissolve, and you will end your political activity?

Victor Tyulkin, head of ROT FRONT

VT: John Reid, a successful American journalist, author of The Ten Days That Shook the World, lost a kidney as a result of his illness. But being a man of courage and fun, and most importantly a communist, he wrote with humor:

“Mutilation frees me from being drafted into the army, but I am ready for active service in the class war. Losing a kidney can free me from serving a war between two peoples, but it does not free me from serving a war between classes. ”

Therefore, I will say unequivocally that there is no force that could liquidate or dissolve the Workers Front. The war between classes does not stop for a minute, and we will never lay down our arms. My political activity consists in serving the cause of the working class, in which post is the tenth case. Not necessarily a leader, most importantly - in the general system. As my grandfather said, we will die, but we’ll still kick our foot! So there is no reason for any gloom or pessimism.

Corr .: So if the Supreme Court decides - to liquidate! If you do not obey the law, what will happen?

VT: There is such a parable. King Philip, father of Alexander the Great, conquered almost all of Greece. The country was fragmented, only Lakonika, better known as Sparta, remained unquered, and the Spartans were famous as courageous warriors. Philip decided to try to intimidate or bribe the warriors. He sent them a parchment with the text: "If you submit to me, I will make you rulers of all the conquered lands, if not, I will destroy your beautiful city . " Soon the answer came. One word was written on parchment: "If . "

We also say: if. The court may decide to liquidate what? Right. Maximum registration as a legal entity. But for us, the party and the Front are not a certificate of registration with the seal of the Ministry of Justice, not a permission of the authorities to operate. For us, the Workers' Front is an alliance of like-minded people for waging a special kind of struggle - class war. And in this war we do not need any registrations or anyone’s permissions.


Corr .: And why and for what does ROT FRONT want to deprive registration, on what grounds, and will the Front resist this in court?

VT: For the fact that ROT FRONT is actually the only registered political party in the country standing in class positions. For the same reason that in 2007 the RKRP was deprived of registration, today it is the core of the ROT FRONT. Because the registration itself in 2012 took place after two years of litigation from the seventh time of filing documents . Because the very Ministry of Justice was still trying the Front emblem, the universally recognized symbol of the fight against fascism - the clenched fist of the right hand against the backdrop of a five-pointed star, to pass off as a call to extremism ! Because they were not allowed to remove the symbols of the victors of fascism from the Banner of Victory - the Sickle and the Hammer. That's why they want to clean up the legal political field, leaving only obedient performers of the role of the parliamentary opposition (Communist Party and Socialist Republic) andclowns such as Suraikin - chairman of the Kremlin project "KR".

Corr .: And the reason?

VT: A formal reason is the party’s failure to fulfill the criteria for participation in the elections. After we nominated a worker as a candidate in the presidential election in 2018- the crane operator of the open-hearth workshop of the Kirov plant of Leningrad, we were not allowed to register with unscrupulous methods, we still have one way to keep the registration - to close more than 50% of the regions of the Russian Federation by participation in local elections. For 2018-2019 the party carried out more than 60 nominations of candidates in the regions, but only about 20 made it up to registration. The sophistication of opposition from election commissions and courts can only be amazed. Lies, deceit, provocations, bureaucratic tricks, recognition of white as black, and your signature - not yours .... At the same time, they are trying to set off to us in the credit period the period when the party, by law, could not yet participate in the elections - did not have registration in the regions. In short, the arbitrariness and swagger of those in power. But this is not the first time for us. Let me remind you that the RKRP was the only party that, after dragging the constitution on the blood of October 1993. in the Supreme Court challenged its legality. She showed all the insignificance of this paper.

So the enemy is familiar to us, mean and insidious.

Corr .: That is, there is no surprise and will not be that there is surprise that they are pushing like this? And if not deprived?

VT: Now, if there was no pressure, then it would be worth wondering and thinking. And so the struggle will continue anyway. As Lenin liked to quote Nekrasov: “We hear the sounds of approval not in the sweet roar of praise, but in the wild cries of bitterness ...”

So no “if”, do not flinch on the chosen path!

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Dmitry Volgin ... -likvidir/

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Re: Russia today

Post by blindpig » Mon Feb 10, 2020 2:57 pm

Antifascists received sentences of up to 18 years in a colony in the Network case
"You went against the state, you just crumble into powder"

Volga District Military Court at the visiting session in Penza sentenced to prison terms of seven members of the banned terrorist organization in Russia "network" , said Stanislav Fomenko, a lawyer convicted Andrey Chernov, the agency "Interfax".

Defendants in the case of the "Network"

The longest term - 18 years of the colony - was given to Dmitry Pchelintsev, Ilya Shakursky - 16 years, Andrei Chernov - 14 years, Maxim Ivankin - 13 years, Mikhail Kulkov - 10 years, Vasily Kuksov - 9 years, Arman Sangynbaev - 6 years.

Five persons involved will serve their sentences in a maximum security penal colony, two - Kuksov and Sangynbaev - in a general penal colony. Each of the participants was credited with the period of stay in the pre-trial detention center.

Young people were charged with the following articles of the Criminal Code: participation in the terrorist community, illegal acquisition of ammunition, as well as explosives, attempted drug sales.

According to the resource "Mediazona", the judge decided to destroy the "means of committing a crime of no value . " The court included Karl Marx's “Capital” , a training manual on a small business, a GRU special forces textbook, and a number of anarchist publications.

The Network Case was instituted by the FSB in 2017. On it are 11 people from Penza, Moscow, St. Petersburg. Intelligence agencies put forward the version that community members sought to "destabilize the situation in the country" by planning terrorist attacks.

Earlier, one of the Network members was tried in St. Petersburg and sentenced to 3.5 years in prison.

The person involved in the case of the “Network” Victor Filinkov

On January 17, 2019, the Moscow District Military Court declared the Network community to be terrorist.

Defendants in the case more than once claimed torture in the period after detention. Liberal human rights activists , for example, Nikolai Svanidze and Lev Ponomaryov, tried to promote this topic .

“I am very hard on the sentence. We dealt with this issue, there were torture, and very serious. This sentence seems to me unlawful, because people were tortured. Not to mention the tight deadlines that people received, ”Svanidze told Interfax on Monday.

He added that he did not understand, "why such a terrible, huge time frame." He suggests investigating the actions of the people who conducted the investigation.

“The verdict applies to all young people who at least move a little, think. This is a warning to tens, hundreds of thousands of young people in Russia. The reaction of society is needed. The authorities demonstrated strength, arrogance. I wonder what the reaction of society will be. On the Moscow case, we managed to unite, speak out on Golunov, whether it will be possible now - I don’t know, and I don’t know what to do, ”said Ponomarev.

The human rights activist notes that the defendants in the case “did nothing, there was absolutely no participation in the terrorist acts, while they were tortured . ”

Human rights activist Lev Ponomaryov went on a picket in support of the defendants in the Network

An unprecedented situation, unprecedented in modern Russia, in relation to citizens of the country who did not or did not manage to do anything illegal. The prosecution, in order to prove the terrorist implication of the youth’s actions, allowed a number of completely outrageous situations.

Defendants in the case "Network" interested in military-sports game of airsoft and conducted training, which, according to one of the lawyers, were regarded by the prosecution as an "illegal acquisition of skills to survive in the forest and first aid" , - told "Medusa" in June 2018 .

“Well, Dmitry, you took a bite with the state, you went against the state, and we don’t like such a thing, and you will simply be pulverized. You definitely won’t win, the court won’t understand anything at all, the judges are sitting there, they don’t care about you at all, they will do it, as the FSB says, you’re zero here, nobody, ”the investigator told Dmitry Pchelintsev.

18 years in a maximum security colony for airsoft games and gunpowder storage. We don’t know whether these guys were just boys playing “war” in the forest on weekends with beer and barbecue, or did the anti-fascists really plan a series of actions against the state. One way or another, none of them deserved 18 years in prison.

They chose those whose fate they tried to scare future generations of left-wing fighters. Will it succeed - time will tell. ... 8-let-kol/

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